UNREST IN ETHIOPIA
"We Live in a Dictatorship"
Negasso Gidada, the 61-year-old former president of Ethiopia talks about the unrest in his country, the crackdown on dissidents and journalists and the threat of war in the Horn of Africa.
DER SPIEGEL
Opposition politician
Negasso Gidada: "We are threatened with civil war
SPIEGEL: Mr. Gidada, for weeks, there has been shooting on the streets of the capital, Addis Ababa. Why isn't there peace in the country where you served as minister for four years and president for six years?
Gidada: The situation is very serious. Every day, people are arrested in Addis and taken into camps. Young people are beaten and the police rob the homes of suspects. There are detention camps in malaria-infested areas. Most opposition politicians, writers, journalists and professors have been arrested. The official figure of those detained is 8,000 but you can be sure that this figure is much higher -- possibly up to 40,000.
SPIEGEL: How could it come to this?
Gidada: The government didn't really believe that it would do so badly in the parliamentary elections in May -- which should really have been the first democratic elections in the country's history. The opposition won in almost all the big cities, in Addis with almost 100 per cent. When this became clear, the government of the prime minister, Meles Zenawi, massively rigged the poll results and forced the opposition to acknowledge the official figures or stay away from those positions which would have been theirs despite the manipulation.
SPIEGEL: For example the mayor's office in the capital.
Gidada: Yes, but that was of course blackmail. Many of the opposition couldn't accept positions because their conscience didn't allow them to and so they preferred to keep away from the parliament. We are living in a dictatorship and we are aware of this now.
SPIEGEL: You won as independent candidate in your constituency and took up your parliamentary seats with a few from the opposition. Why?
Gidada: We must give justice a voice. But I understand those who say that they don't want to play this game. It's frightening to see how the government is demonizing several members of the major opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD).
SPIEGEL: The official press, meanwhile, even compares their activists with the Taliban.
Gidada: The CUD has called for strikes and demonstrations, and that is, according to the law, totally within their rights. Yet the government perceives their protests against the election results as a coup attempt. Those who continue to demonstrate are threatened with a possible high treason trial which could result in life imprisonment or even the death sentence. Those who don't go to work may also be charged.
SPIEGEL: Police have also been killed during the unrest -- the opposition also has no qualms about getting tough.
Gidada: I am against any form of violence. But do the police have the right to shoot into the masses or shoot down children in the head only because they have a stone in their hands? According to official figures, 61 people were killed in the most recent unrest and this figure is certainly much higher. Yet not much information gets out -- independent papers are banned or brought into line and their editors are put in prison or have gone underground.
SPIEGEL: Are the protests now affecting the whole country?
Gidada: I have also heard of riots in the regions of Oromia and Amhara. More and more farmers are joining separatist guerrillas and turning to weapons. The belief in a peaceful solution to the conflict is gradually disappearing to the same extent that the government is turning to violence. We are threatened with civil war and may again slip into chaos.
SPIEGEL: Is the situation intensified by the fact that Ethiopia is a multi-ethnic state?
Gidada: The Tigray people, for example, to which Prime Minister Zenawi belongs, only make up seven percent of the Ethiopian population -- which is a relatively minimal backing for him. We must be careful that we don't end up in an ethnic conflict. Independent of this, autonomous movements, for example the Oromo Liberation Front, are gaining in strength. It claims to represent the Oromo people which make up almost 40 percent of the country's population. Ethiopia is, with around 75 million inhabitants, Africa's most populous country after Nigeria. Eighty different languages are spoken here.
SPIEGEL: You were president until 2001 -- it was hardly any more peaceful in Ethiopia then.
Gidada: This was during the time when Eritrea attacked our country in 1998. There was a war about disputed areas with almost 100,000 killed. It ended with a compromise negotiated by the United Nations which was forced upon Ethiopia -- not lastly under the threat of cutting credit and development aid if it didn't accept. PM Zenawi got into this horse-trading and, in doing so, came under strong pressure internally.
SPIEGEL: In hindsight, do you see this as the turning point?
Gidada: It became clear to me that the country is not developing as democratically as we had hoped for after the years of tyranny of Emperor Haile Selassie and the Red Terror of the successor Mengistu Haile Mariam. Breaking the constitution and violating human rights were suddenly the order of the day, the critics were muzzled. That's why there was a break in the relationship between prime minister Zenawi and myself. He has now announced that he wants to stay in power until Ethiopia is on the development level of South Korea for which he has estimated will happen in about 20 years.
SPIEGEL: Over 20 percent of the Ethiopian budget is provided by the EU and the Americans. The relationship between Zenawi and the West could hardly be better. He sat on the Africa Commission of his friend, Tony Blair, and he recently also met the German federal president, Horst Köhler.
Gidada: At exactly the same time that our people were being shot on the streets. That made me very sad. The Africa Conference in Bonn damaged the democratization of our country. For days, the Ethiopian state press exploited the German visit of Zenawi for propaganda purposes. We feel we have been abandoned.
SPIEGEL: That's surprising as you seem to know all today's German politicians already from years ago. At the end of the '70s, you studied ethnology and social psychology in Frankfurt.
Gidada: I even joined many, at that time, left-wingers and Green Party members who later belonged to Chancellor Gerhard Schröder's government. We went on the streets to demonstrate against dictators in the third world -- the Mobutus and Bokassas of the time. Many of the current African rulers belonged to left-wing freedom movements and promised us heaven and earth -- especially co-determination and prosperity. Just think of Eritrea, Ethiopia, Uganda or Rwanda! Yet power corrupts and these people have now turned into dictators themselves. None of the countries affected has a working multiple-party system. Yet, grotesquely, it is precisely these countries which are the favorites of German foreign policy.
SPIEGEL: You complain that there are too few critics abroad. How much of that has to do with the fact that your country has become an important partner of America in the fight against terror in the Horn of Africa? Two neighbors of Ethiopia -- Somalia and Sudan -- are seen as breeding grounds for terrorism.
Gidada: This is reminiscent of the time of the Cold War: for reasons to do with power and politics, you turn a blind eye to the violation of human rights and violence. Meles Zenawi was, together with Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni, one of the few African supporters of the war against Iraq. But at home he terrorizes his own people.
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SPIEGEL: Now, once again, troops are being deployed along the disputed border area between Ethiopia and Eritrea. The "blue helmets" who are supposed to guard the buffer zone between both countries were restricted in their freedom of movement. Is another armed encounter looming?
Gidada: No one wants renewed bloodshed. I assume that the Eritrean government is using the current uncertainty in Ethiopia for its own purposes and wants to steer more international attention onto the unsettled border question. Neither party would dare risk a war, they have too much to lose.
Interview conducted by Thilo Thielke
Translated into the German by Andrea Edwards
http://service.spiegel.de/cache/international/spiegel/0,1518,387207,00.html
November 29, 2005
Good governance gone bad
Good governance gone bad
The New York TimesSUNDAY, NOVEMBER 27, 2005
Somebody needs to remind Meles Zenawi that he is supposed to be setting the example for how democracy should work in Africa. As things stand, the only example Meles, the Ethiopian prime minister, is setting is one of autocratic repression.
Meles has often been lauded as an exemplar of good government by the likes of the Prime Minister Tony Blair of Britain, who picked him to help draft his Commission for Africa report on how to reduce poverty and promote democracy on the continent. But it turns out that Meles is in favor of democracy only when people are voting for him.
During parliamentary elections in May, many voters in Ethiopia, particularly in Addis Ababa, cast ballots for lesser-known opposition party members instead of entrenched government officials. When the Meles government announced that it won 296 of Parliament's 547 seats, with the opposition taking 176, many critics charged voter fraud. To make matters worse, the ruling party then suddenly changed parliamentary rules so that only a party with 51 percent of the seats could raise an issue for discussion.
In June, rioters took to the streets of Addis Ababa. Government security forces responded by firing live rounds into crowds, killing 40 protesters. Earlier this month, another protest erupted. Government soldiers again fired live rounds on crowds of people. By the end of the clashes, some 46 more people were dead. Has Meles never heard of tear gas? Soldiers swept through the streets and arrested more than two dozen opposition party members and even a few journalists. The Committee to Protect Journalists, a New York group that promotes a free press, wrote Meles that it was "deeply troubled by your government's harassment and censorship of journalists."
Alemzurya Teshoe, 25, the daughter of one opposition leader, told The New York Times that police raided her home to take away her father and fatally shot her mother, who was screaming in protest. Teshoe said neighbors who went to recover her mother's body were told that they had to sign a document saying that the opposition party was responsible for the killing. "I was there when they killed my mother," she said of the request, which was later dropped. "I saw it with my own eyes."
Left with egg on its face, the British government is withholding some of Ethiopia's foreign aid money. But that would actually hurt the poorest of the poor, at no cost to Meles. Western donors should funnel money to ground-level aid projects, while shunning direct budgetary support of the government. Blair should publicly evict Meles from his Commission for Africa. The rest of the international development crowd should exile him.
That is the problem with good press: Eventually you have to live up to your image.
http://www.iht.com/articles/2005/11/27/opinion/edethiopia.php
The New York TimesSUNDAY, NOVEMBER 27, 2005
Somebody needs to remind Meles Zenawi that he is supposed to be setting the example for how democracy should work in Africa. As things stand, the only example Meles, the Ethiopian prime minister, is setting is one of autocratic repression.
Meles has often been lauded as an exemplar of good government by the likes of the Prime Minister Tony Blair of Britain, who picked him to help draft his Commission for Africa report on how to reduce poverty and promote democracy on the continent. But it turns out that Meles is in favor of democracy only when people are voting for him.
During parliamentary elections in May, many voters in Ethiopia, particularly in Addis Ababa, cast ballots for lesser-known opposition party members instead of entrenched government officials. When the Meles government announced that it won 296 of Parliament's 547 seats, with the opposition taking 176, many critics charged voter fraud. To make matters worse, the ruling party then suddenly changed parliamentary rules so that only a party with 51 percent of the seats could raise an issue for discussion.
In June, rioters took to the streets of Addis Ababa. Government security forces responded by firing live rounds into crowds, killing 40 protesters. Earlier this month, another protest erupted. Government soldiers again fired live rounds on crowds of people. By the end of the clashes, some 46 more people were dead. Has Meles never heard of tear gas? Soldiers swept through the streets and arrested more than two dozen opposition party members and even a few journalists. The Committee to Protect Journalists, a New York group that promotes a free press, wrote Meles that it was "deeply troubled by your government's harassment and censorship of journalists."
Alemzurya Teshoe, 25, the daughter of one opposition leader, told The New York Times that police raided her home to take away her father and fatally shot her mother, who was screaming in protest. Teshoe said neighbors who went to recover her mother's body were told that they had to sign a document saying that the opposition party was responsible for the killing. "I was there when they killed my mother," she said of the request, which was later dropped. "I saw it with my own eyes."
Left with egg on its face, the British government is withholding some of Ethiopia's foreign aid money. But that would actually hurt the poorest of the poor, at no cost to Meles. Western donors should funnel money to ground-level aid projects, while shunning direct budgetary support of the government. Blair should publicly evict Meles from his Commission for Africa. The rest of the international development crowd should exile him.
That is the problem with good press: Eventually you have to live up to your image.
http://www.iht.com/articles/2005/11/27/opinion/edethiopia.php
November 27, 2005
A Day of Rallying Around Crawford
A Day of Rallying Around Crawford
From Associated Press
CRAWFORD, Texas — Demonstrators on both sides of the war debate waved signs and argued their causes near President Bush's vacation home again Saturday, though their efforts drew smaller crowds than summer's dueling rallies.The largest demonstration in town Saturday concerned political unrest in Ethiopia.
About 200 war protesters joined Cindy Sheehan on a private lot outside Bush's ranch, laughing at a Bush impersonator and crying while listening to relatives of soldiers killed in Iraq. Sheehan, whose 26-day protest in August reinvigorated an antiwar movement, held up a picture of 20 flag-draped coffins on a plane bound for the U.S. "This is George Bush's exit strategy from Iraq," said Sheehan, whose son Casey died in Iraq last year.Several miles away downtown, a dozen Bush supporters gathered with their own signs, one reading: "Real America won't wimp out." Throughout the day, dozens of others stopped by the pro-Bush tent to express solidarity. About 500 demonstrators marched to bring attention to events in Ethiopia, which has experienced unrest and violence since the disputed election in May. Demonstrators called on Bush to pressure the Ethiopian government to release detained opposition party leaders, who accused authorities of rigging the polls that returned the ruling party to power.
From Associated Press
CRAWFORD, Texas — Demonstrators on both sides of the war debate waved signs and argued their causes near President Bush's vacation home again Saturday, though their efforts drew smaller crowds than summer's dueling rallies.The largest demonstration in town Saturday concerned political unrest in Ethiopia.
About 200 war protesters joined Cindy Sheehan on a private lot outside Bush's ranch, laughing at a Bush impersonator and crying while listening to relatives of soldiers killed in Iraq. Sheehan, whose 26-day protest in August reinvigorated an antiwar movement, held up a picture of 20 flag-draped coffins on a plane bound for the U.S. "This is George Bush's exit strategy from Iraq," said Sheehan, whose son Casey died in Iraq last year.Several miles away downtown, a dozen Bush supporters gathered with their own signs, one reading: "Real America won't wimp out." Throughout the day, dozens of others stopped by the pro-Bush tent to express solidarity. About 500 demonstrators marched to bring attention to events in Ethiopia, which has experienced unrest and violence since the disputed election in May. Demonstrators called on Bush to pressure the Ethiopian government to release detained opposition party leaders, who accused authorities of rigging the polls that returned the ruling party to power.
Oops, we did it again(?) + Texas Protestors focus on war, Ethiopia
Forum: Oops, we did it again(?)
November 27, 2005
When Adolf Hitler raised his beleaguered country to a new level of economic stability, we praised him and ignored his ideologies. When Josef Stalin threw in his lot with the Allied Forces, we called him Uncle Joe and handed many countries and millions of lives over to him. When we were distraught by another country holding our citizens hostage, we welcomed Saddam Hussein, who fought our oppressor, Iran. When we sought to protect Afghanistan from being taken over by a totalitarian regime, we were encouraged that Osama bin Laden was willing to fight beside us, and we offered training and weapons to him and his troops. Times change. We see our mistakes. Can we avoid making the same ones in the future? Meles Zenawi, the leader of Ethiopia, has received $21 billion from the United States since taking power in 1991 under the guise of leading his country toward democracy. Ethiopia had its first democratic election ever last May. When it became clear the presiding government had suffered an overwhelming loss to its opposition, the CUD (Coalition for Unity and Democracy), ballot counting stopped, the government proclaimed itself the winner, opposition was quelled with death or imprisonment. At present, thousands have been imprisoned for the unforgivable crime of wanting democracy. Can we learn from our past mistakes so Ethiopia doesn't become another "Oops, we did it again"? Could it be our fear of the enemy clouds our judgment? Could it be we invest more in war than in the long-range quest for peace? Are we creating new enemies unintentionally, by supporting anyone, no matter how unscrupulous, willing to fight on or side or promise not to aid our enemy, when they are laughing at us and doing exactly as they please, investing billions in Swiss banks while their people starve? If we truly believe in democracy and freedom for the world, why do we not support efforts to educate and uplift all others to achieve the same blessings that we have, including freedom from fear and freedom of speech, religion and assembly. Why don't we invest in peace as aggressively as we are in war through education and true diplomacy, not only promoting what benefits us now and our financial future? America was founded on the idea individuals were capable of self-rule. It has not been a smooth road, as we strove to ensure self-evident rights to all citizens. Can we believe the people of Ethiopia can build and maintain a democratic government? This is a country whose rich culture goes back to the time of ancient Egypt, which embraced Judaism from King David and Christianity from Jesus' disciple, Phillip; which protected Mohammed from his enemies and is therefore protected in the Koran. Ethiopia also is the one country in all Africa never colonized by a foreign power. Can we try to remember what it was like for our ancestors who were willing to give up everything for a dream? I still believe in that dream: a government of the people, by the people, for the people. I cast in my lot with the people of Ethiopia.
RHONDA WILLIAMS
Not a doctor, not a lawyer; just someone's mom
***************************************************************************
Nation Digest
Crawford, Texas protesters focus on war, Ethiopia
Dueling rallies against the war and in support of President Bush outside his ranch were overshadowed by about 500 Americans from Ethiopia, which has experienced political unrest and violence since the disputed May election.
Demonstrators called on Bush to pressure the Ethiopian government to release detained opposition party leaders, who accused authorities of rigging the polls that returned the ruling party to power.
About a dozen Bush supporters stood downtown with signs, one reading: "Real America won't wimp out." Closer to the Bush ranch, about 200 people rallied around Cindy Sheehan in a continuation of the California woman's summer protest against the war that claimed her son.
In his weekly radio address Saturday, Bush mourned the growing number of fallen troops in the war with Iraq but vowed to keep fighting.
http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/nationworld/2002649099_ndig27.html
November 27, 2005
When Adolf Hitler raised his beleaguered country to a new level of economic stability, we praised him and ignored his ideologies. When Josef Stalin threw in his lot with the Allied Forces, we called him Uncle Joe and handed many countries and millions of lives over to him. When we were distraught by another country holding our citizens hostage, we welcomed Saddam Hussein, who fought our oppressor, Iran. When we sought to protect Afghanistan from being taken over by a totalitarian regime, we were encouraged that Osama bin Laden was willing to fight beside us, and we offered training and weapons to him and his troops. Times change. We see our mistakes. Can we avoid making the same ones in the future? Meles Zenawi, the leader of Ethiopia, has received $21 billion from the United States since taking power in 1991 under the guise of leading his country toward democracy. Ethiopia had its first democratic election ever last May. When it became clear the presiding government had suffered an overwhelming loss to its opposition, the CUD (Coalition for Unity and Democracy), ballot counting stopped, the government proclaimed itself the winner, opposition was quelled with death or imprisonment. At present, thousands have been imprisoned for the unforgivable crime of wanting democracy. Can we learn from our past mistakes so Ethiopia doesn't become another "Oops, we did it again"? Could it be our fear of the enemy clouds our judgment? Could it be we invest more in war than in the long-range quest for peace? Are we creating new enemies unintentionally, by supporting anyone, no matter how unscrupulous, willing to fight on or side or promise not to aid our enemy, when they are laughing at us and doing exactly as they please, investing billions in Swiss banks while their people starve? If we truly believe in democracy and freedom for the world, why do we not support efforts to educate and uplift all others to achieve the same blessings that we have, including freedom from fear and freedom of speech, religion and assembly. Why don't we invest in peace as aggressively as we are in war through education and true diplomacy, not only promoting what benefits us now and our financial future? America was founded on the idea individuals were capable of self-rule. It has not been a smooth road, as we strove to ensure self-evident rights to all citizens. Can we believe the people of Ethiopia can build and maintain a democratic government? This is a country whose rich culture goes back to the time of ancient Egypt, which embraced Judaism from King David and Christianity from Jesus' disciple, Phillip; which protected Mohammed from his enemies and is therefore protected in the Koran. Ethiopia also is the one country in all Africa never colonized by a foreign power. Can we try to remember what it was like for our ancestors who were willing to give up everything for a dream? I still believe in that dream: a government of the people, by the people, for the people. I cast in my lot with the people of Ethiopia.
RHONDA WILLIAMS
Not a doctor, not a lawyer; just someone's mom
***************************************************************************
Nation Digest
Crawford, Texas protesters focus on war, Ethiopia
Dueling rallies against the war and in support of President Bush outside his ranch were overshadowed by about 500 Americans from Ethiopia, which has experienced political unrest and violence since the disputed May election.
Demonstrators called on Bush to pressure the Ethiopian government to release detained opposition party leaders, who accused authorities of rigging the polls that returned the ruling party to power.
About a dozen Bush supporters stood downtown with signs, one reading: "Real America won't wimp out." Closer to the Bush ranch, about 200 people rallied around Cindy Sheehan in a continuation of the California woman's summer protest against the war that claimed her son.
In his weekly radio address Saturday, Bush mourned the growing number of fallen troops in the war with Iraq but vowed to keep fighting.
http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/nationworld/2002649099_ndig27.html
November 26, 2005
OROMIA- OUR MOTHERLAND
OROMIA
Location
Horn of Africa; in what is today Ethiopia. Oromia is approximately located between 3 degree and 15 degree N latitude and 33 degree and 40 degree longitude.
Size
375,000 Square Miles, or, 600,000 square kilometers; Larger than France, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium & the Netherlands combined.
Population
28 million; 3rd. largest nationality in Africa; single largest nationality in East Africa.
Religion
Waaqa, Islam, Christian.
Resources
Breadbasket of the Horn of Africa -cereals including wheat, barley, sorghum, maize, tafi; exports includes coffee, oil seeds, hides and skins; it has the largest livestock holding in Africa; forestry - houses all the forest and wildlife reserves of the Horn including unique species like Nyala-lbex, Colobus monkey and the red fox. minerals - two of three mineral belts of the region including gold, silver, platinum, uranium, marble, Nickel, and natural gas.
History
Locale of the 3.5 million year old Lucy, or Chaltu in Oromo, Croatia of the Upper Nile known and recorded in history by such names as Punt, Cush, and Ethiopia, has hosted numerous pioneering human achievements including the development of the earliest pebble tools (circa 70,000 BC), the domestication of animals (circa 5000 BC), and regional trade in antiquity in gold, ivory, myrrh and frankincense with Pharoahnic Egypt, Greece, Rome and Persia. Early in history, the Oromo developed an indigenous democratic system similar to the Grecian Polls called Gada in which elected officials including the Abba Gada(President), the Abba Dula (Commander of the Army), the Abba Hori (Chief of the Treasury), and nine Hayyuus (Judges) assumed public office for non-renewable 8 year terms. With universal male training in warfare including equestrian skills, archery and the martial arts, the Oromo remained independent until the last decade of the 19th century, when Abyssinians from the North aided by modern European arms, managed to conquer them. Since then, successions of autocrats from Menelik to Mengistu have systematically suppressed Oromo culture, looted Oromo resources, divided the people by region and religion in the idiom of Ethiopian unity, thusly fostering instability, war and famine.
Political Objective
The fundamental political objective of the Oromo people is to exercise their inalienable right to national self determination to liberate themselves from a century of oppression and exploitation, and to form, where possible, a political union with other nations on the basis of equality, respect for mutual interests and the principle of voluntary associations.
Oromia and the Oromo people
The following summary information was adopted from the book by Gadaa Melbaa, Khartoum, Sudan 1988.
People: OromoCountry: Oromia (also phonetically spelled as Oromiyaa)Area: 600,000 sq.km approx.Capital: Finfinnee (also called Addis Ababa)Population: 30 million (1995 estimate)Language: Oromo, also called Afan Oromo or OromiffaEconomy: Mainly agriculture (coffee, several crops, spices, vegetables) and Animal Husbandry; Mining industry; Tourism trade; Medium and small-scale industries (textiles, refineries, meat packaging, etc)Religion: Waaqqefata (the traditional belief in Waaqa or God), Islam, and Christian (Catholic, Orthodox and Protestant)
Overview
The Oromo make up a significant portion of the population occupying the Horn of Africa. In the Ethiopian Empire alone, Oromo constitute about 30 million of the 55 million inhabitants of the Ethiopian Empire. In fact, Oromo is one of the most numerous nations in Africa which enjoys a homogeneous culture and shares a common language, history and descent and once shared common political, religious and legal institutions. During their long history, the Oromo developed their own cultural, social and political system known as the Gadaa system. It is a uniquely democratic political and social institution that governed the life of every individual in the society from birth to death.
Ecologically and agriculturally Oromia (Oromo country) is the richest region in the Horn of Africa. Livestock products, coffee, oil seeds, spices, mineral resources and wild life are all diverse and abundant. In spite of all these advantages, a century of colonisation by Abyssinia (Ethiopia), a backward nation itself, has meant that the Oromo people have endured a stagnant existence where ignorance and famine have been coupled with ruthless oppression, subjugation, exploitation and above all, extermination. Thus for the last one hundred years under the Ethiopian rule, the Oromo have gained very little, if anything, in the way of political, social and economic progress.
The Oromo were colonised during the last quarter of the nineteenth century by a black African nation - Abyssinia - with the help of the European colonial powers of the day. During the same period, of course, the Somalis, Kenyans, Sudanese and others were colonised by European powers. The fact that the Oromo were colonised by black African nation makes their case quite special.
During the process of colonisation, between 1870 and 1900, the Oromo population was reduced from ten to five millions. This period coincides with the occupation of Oromo land by the Abyssinian emperors Yohannes and Menilek. After colonisation, these emperors and their successors continued to treat Oromo with utmost cruelty. Many were killed by the colonial army and settlers, others died of famine and epidemics of various diseases or were sold off as slaves. Those who remained on the land were reduced to the status of gabbar (a peasant from whom labour and produce is exacted and is a crude form of serfdom).
Haile Selassie consolidated Yohannes and Meniiek's gains and with the use of violence, obstructed the process of natural and historical development of the Oromo society - political, economic and social. In all spheres of life, discrimination, subjugation, repression and exploitation of all forms were applied. Everything possible was done to destroy Oromo identity - culture, language, custom, tradition, name and origin. In short Haile Selassie maintained the general policy of genocide against the Oromo.
The 1974 revolution was brought about by the relentless struggle over several years by, among others, the Oromo peasants. The military junta, headed by Mengistu Haile-Mariam, usurped power and took over the revolution. This regime has continued on the path of emperors Yohannes, Menilek and Haile Selassie in the oppression, subjugation and exploitation of Oromo, the settlement of Abyssinians on Oromo land and the policy of genocide.
Forced to fight against Eritreans, the Somalis and others, many Oromo have fallen in battle. Many others have died on the streets of cities and towns during the so-called "Red Terror" period and in a similar programme that has been expanded in the countryside since then. Massacres in towns and villages coupled with bombing and search and destroy programmes have caused the destruction of human lives, crops, animals and property, have driven Oromo from their land and forced them to seek refuge in neighbouring countries. Not surprisingly, this ruthless oppression and persecution of peoples has resulted in the largest flight of refugees in Africa. A very large proportion of the refugees in the Horn of Africa are Oromo.
In its attempt to oppress and eliminate the essential elements of Oromo culture, the present regime has used cover-up words such as 'development, relief, settlement, villagization and literacy campaign' to mislead the world. In fact most of these programmes and projects have been aimed at displacing Oromo people and denying them freedom, justice, human dignity and peace, thereby hastening the process of Amharization or de-Oromization.
The struggle of the Oromo people, then, is nothing more than an attempt to affirm their own place in history. It seeks equality, human dignity, democracy, freedom and peace. It is not directed against the masses of a particular nation or nationality, nor against individuals, but rather against Ethiopian colonialism led by the Amhara ruling class and the naftanyas (Amhara colonial settlers) and against feudalism and imperialism. Thus it is the Ethiopian colonial system and not the Amhara masses or individuals which is under critical consideration.
Today when nearly all of the African peoples have won independence, the Oromo continue to suffer under the most backward and savage Ethiopian settler colonialism. All genuinely democratic and progressive individuals and groups, including members of the oppressor nation, Amhara, who believe in peace, human dignity and liberty should support the Oromo struggle for liberation.
Although the Oromo nation is one of the largest in Africa, it is forgotten by or still unknown to the majority of the world today. Unfortunately even the name Oromo is unknown to many, and this should not be allowed to continue.
The main purpose of this summary is to introduce readers briefly to the Oromo people, their land, and culture.For detailed treatment of the experiences of Oromo under Ethiopian colonial rule as well as their struggle for freedom, democracy and economic and social justice, please refer to the book from which this summary is extracted. Please do note the author's introductory message in this book: "... it is not the intention of this book to write a definitive Oromo history. This task is left to the historians, a work they have unjustly treated or unjustifiably ignored in the past. In fact the little that has been written about Oromo has almost always been from Abyssinians and Europeans point of view".
In spite of the fact that there are several indications and evidences that Oromo are indigenous to this part of Africa, Abyssinian rulers, court historians and monks contend that Oromo were new corners to the region and did not belong here. For instance the Abyssinian court historian, Alaqa Taye (1955), alleged that in the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries the Oromo migrated from Asia and Madagascar, entered Africa via Mombasa and spread north and eastwards. Others have advocated that during the same period the Oromo crossed the Red Sea via Bab el Mandab and spread westwards. Abyssinian clergies even contended that Oromo emerged from water. On this issue, based on the points made in The Oromo's Voice Against Tyranny, Baxter (1985) remarked, "... the contention that the first Oromo had actually emerged from water and therefore, had not evolved to the same level of humanity as the Amhara (i.e. treating a myth of origin as a historical fact); or, more seriously, that Oromo were late corners to Ethiopia and hence, by implication, intruders and not so entitled to be there as the Amhara."
The history of the arrival of the Oromo people in the sixteenth century in East Africa from outside is a fabrication and denial of historical facts. It is a myth created by Abyssinian court historians and monks, sustained by their European supporters and which the Ethiopian rulers used to lay claim on Oromo territory and justify their colonization of the Oromo people. Several authorities have indicated that the Oromo were in fact in the North-eastern part of the continent even before the arrival of the Habasha. According to Perham (1948): "the emigrant Semites landed in a continent of which the North-East appears to have been inhabited by the eastern groups of Hamites, often called Kushites, who also include the Gallas." Paulitschke (1889) indicated that Oromo were in East Africa during the Aksumite period. As recorded by Greenfield (1965), Oromo reject the view that they were late arrivals, "... old men amongst the Azebu and Rayya Galia dismiss talk of their being comparative newcomers....... Their own (Abyssinians) oral history and legends attest to the fact that Oromo have been living in Rayya for a long time. Beke (cited by Pankurst, 1985-86) quoted the following Lasta legend: "Meniiek, the son of Solomon, ... entered Abyssinia from the East, beyond the country of the Rayya or Azebo Gallas There are also evidence (Greenfield et al, 1980) that at least by the ninth and tenth centuries that there were Oromo communities around Shawa and by about the fourteenth century settlements were reported around Lake Tana. The recent discovery, (Lynch and Robbins, 1978), in northern Kenya of the pillars that Oromo used in the invention of their calendar system, dated around 300 B.C., is another indication that Oromo have a long history of presence as a community of people, in this part of Africa.
The so called "Galla invasion of Ethiopia" is also a tale. It was first written around 1590 by a monk called Bahrey and henceforth European historians and others almost invariably accepted this story as a fact. From his writing, it is evident that he was biased against Oromo. The following quotation from Bahrey, (in Beckingham et al, 1954), vividly illustrates typical Abyssinian cultural, religious and racial biases against Oromo. He began his book "The History of the Galla": "I have begun to write the history of the Galla in order to make known the number of their tribes, their readiness to kill people, and the brutality of their manners. If anyone should say of my subject, 'Why has he written a history of a bad people, just as one would write a history of good people', I would answer by saying 'Search in the books, and you will find that the history of Mohamed and the Moslem kings has been written, and they are our enemies in religion In fact it appears that the main purpose of his writing was to encourage Abyssinians against Oromo. Bahrey, Atseme, Harris, Haberiand and others description of what they called the 'Galla invasion of Ethiopia' as an avalanche, a sudden overwhelming human wave which could be likened to a flood or swarms of migratory locust is unrealistic and difficult to imagine to say the least.
The Oromo's Voice Against Tyranny argued that: "... the so-called Galla invasion of the sixteenth century was neither an invasion nor a migration. It was rather a national movement of the Oromo people ... with the specific goal of liberating themselves and their territories from colonial occupation. It was nothing more or less than a war of national liberation." In fact the last 2000 years were occupied with a gradual expansion of Abyssinians from north to south. This expansion had been checked throughout by Oromo. It was only with the arrival of Europeans and their firearms that Abyssinians succeeded in their southward expansion mainly in the middle of last century.
Abyssinian and European historians alleged that there was a sudden population explosion in the Oromo community in the sixteenth century that enabled it to invade Ethiopia. The claim lacks a scientific base. During that time no significant, if at all any, technological development such as discoveries or introductions of medicines, new and improved tools for food production, etc. took place in the Oromo community that could have been the cause for the sudden population explosion. The Oromo community had no advantages of these sort over neighbouring communities.
Different areas have been indicated as place where the Oromo developed or differentiated into its own unique community of people or ethnic group (Braukamper, 1980). According to some ethnologists and historians, the Oromo country of origin was the south-eastern part of Oromia, in the fertile valley of Madda Walaabu in the present Baale region. This conclusion was reached mainly on the basis of Oromo oral tradition. Based on scanty anthropological evidence, others have also pointed to the coastal area of the Horn of Africa, particularly the eastern part of the Somali peninsula, as the most probable place of Oromo origin. Bruce, an English traveller, indicated that Sennar in Sudan was the Oromo country of origin and that they expanded from there. It should be noted here that many European travellers have suggested the origin of peoples, including Oromo, to be where they met some for the first time, which in most cases happened to be peripheral areas.
There are several groups of people in East Africa very closely related to the Oromo. For instance, the Somalis are very similar in appearance and culture. The fact that the Somali and Oromo languages share between 30 percent and 40 percent of their vocabulary could be an indication that these two groups of people became differentiated very recently. Other Cushitic-speaking groups living in the same neighbourhood who are closely related to the Oromo are Konso, Afar, Sidama, Kambata, Darassa, Agaw, Saho, Baja and other groups.
The Oromo are also known by another name, Galla. The people neither call themselves or like to be called by this name. They always called themselves Oromoo or Oromoota (plural). It is not known for certain when the name Galla was given to them. It has been said that it was given to them by neighbouring peoples, particularly Amhara, and various origins of the word have been suggested. Some say it originated from the Oromo word 'gaiaana' meaning river in Oromiffa. Others indicate that it came from an Arabic word 'qaala laa'. There are other similar suggestions as to the origin of the word. The Abyssinians attach a derogatory connotation to the Galla, namely 'pagan, savage, uncivilized, uncultured, enemy, slave or inherently inferior". The term seems to be aimed at generating an inferiority complex in the Oromo.
Oromo have several clans (gosa, qomoo). The Oromo are said to be of two major groups or moieties descended from the two 'houses' (wives) of the person Oromo represented by Borana and Barentu (Barenttuma). Borana was senior (angafa) and Barentu junior (qutisu). Such a dichotomy is quite common in Oromo society and serves some aspects of their po!itical and social life. The descendants of Borana and Barentu form the major Oromo clans and sub-clans. They include Borana, Macha, Tuuiiama, Wallo, Garrii, Gurraa, Arsi, Karrayyu, ltu, Ala, Qaiioo, Anniyya, Tummugga or Marawa, Orma, Akkichuu, Liban, Jile, Gofa, Sidamo, Sooddo, Galaan, Gujii and many others. However, in reality there is extensive overlap in the area they occupy and their community groups. And since marriage among Oromo occurs only between different clans there was high degree of homogeneity.
The Oromo make up over 30 million out of the present 55 million population of the Ethiopian Empire. They are found in all the regions of the Ethiopian Empire except for Gondar. They make up a large proportion of the population of llubbabor, Arsi, Baale, Shawa, Hararge, Wallo, Wallagga, Sidamo and Kafa. They are also found in neighbouring countries such as Kenya and Somalia. Out of the 50 nations of Africa only four have larger population than Oromia.
Language.
The Oromo nation has a single common mother tongue and basic common culture. The Oromo language, afaan Oromoo or Oromiffa, belongs to the eastern Kushitic group of languages and is the most extensive of the forty or so Kushitic languages. The Oromo language is very closely related to Konso, with more than fifty percent of the words in common, closely related to Somali and distantly related to Afar and Saho.
Oromiffa is considered one of the five most widely spoken languages from among the approximately 1000 languages of Africa, (Gragg, 1982). Taking into consideration the number of speakers and the geographic area it covers, Oromiffa, most probably rates second among the African indigenous languages. It is the third most widely spoken language in Africa, after Arabic and Hausa. It is the mother tongue of about 30 million Oromo people living in the Ethiopian Empire and neighbouring countries. Perhaps not less than two million non-Oromo speak Oromiffa as a secondianguage.
In fact Oromiffa is a lingua franca in the whole of Ethiopian Empire except for the northern part. It is a language spoken in common by several members of many of the nationalities like Harari, Anuak, Barta, Sidama, Gurage, etc., who are neighbours to Oromo.
Before colonization, the Oromo people had their own social, political and legal system. Trade and various kinds of skills such as wood and metal works, weaving, pottery and tannery flourished. Pastoralism and agriculture were well developed. Oromo have an extraordinarily rich heritage of proverbs, stories, songs and riddles. They have very comprehensive plant and animal names. The various customs pertaining to marriage, paternity, dress, etc. have elaborate descriptions. All these activities and experiences have enriched Oromiffa.
Much has been written about Oromiffa by foreigners who visited or lived in Oromia, particularly European missionaries. Several works have been written in Oromiffa using Roman, Sabean and Arabic scripts. Printed material in Oromiffa include the Bible, religious and non-religious songs, dictionaries, short stories, proverbs, poems, school books, grammar, etc. The Bible itself was translated into Oromiffa in Sabean script about a century ago by an Oromo slave called Onesimos Nasib, alias Hiikaa, (Gustave, 1978).
Roman, Arabic and Sabean scripts are all foreign to Oromiffa. None of them fit well the peculiar features of the sounds (phonology), in Oromiffa. The main deficiency of the Arabic script is the problem of vowel differentiation. The Sabean script does not differentiate gemination of consonants and glottal stops. Moreover, it has seven vowels against ten for Oromiffa. Hence, the Roman script is relatively best suited for transcription of Ororniffa. An Italian scholar, Cerulli (1922), who attempted to write in Oromiffa using both Sabean and Roman, expressed the short comings of the Sabean script as follows: to express the sounds of Galla language with letters of the Ethiopic (Sabean) alphabet, which express very imperfectly even the sounds of the Ethiopian language, is very near impossible ... reading Galla language written in Ethiopic alphabet is very like deciphering a secret writing." As a result several Oromo political, cultural groups and linguists have strongly advocated the use of the Roman script with the necessary modifications. It has thus been adopted by the Oromo Liberation Front some years ago.
A number of Oromo scholars in the past attempted to discover scripts suited for writing Oromiffa. The work of Sheikh Bakri Saphalo is one such attempt. His scripts were different in form but followed the symbol-sounds forming patterns of the Sabean system. Ever. though his scripts had serious shortcomings and could not be considered for writing Oromiffa now, it had gained popularity in some parts of eastern Oromia in the 1950s, before it was discovered by the colonial authorities and suppressed.
Oromiffa has been not only completely neglected but ruthlessly suppressed by the Ethiopian authorities. a determined effort for almost a century to destroy and replace it with the Amharic language has been mostly ineffectual. Thus, the Amharization and the destruction of the Oromo national identity has partially failed.Culture
Oromo have a very rich culture, fostered by the size of the population and large land areas with diverse climatic conditions. One highly developed self-sufficient system which has influenced every aspect of Oromo life is the Gadaa system. It is a system that organizes the Oromo society into groups or sets (about 7-11 ) that assume different responsibilities in the society every eight years. It has guided the religious, social, political and economic life of Oromo for many years, and also their philosophy, art, history and method of time-keeping.
The activities and life of each and every member of the society are guided by Gadaa. It is the law of the society, a system by which Oromo administer, defend their territory and rights, maintain and guard their economy and through which all their aspirations are fulfilled.
The Gadaa system has served as the basis of democratic and egalitarian political system. Under it the power to administer the affairs of the nation and the power to make laws belong to the people. Every male member of the society who is of age and of Gadaa grade has full rights to elect and to be elected. All the people have the right to air their views in any public gathering without fear.
There follows a brief description of how the Gadaa system works: there are two well-defined ways of classifying male members of the society, that is the hiriyya (members of an age-set all born within the period of one Gadaa rule of eight years) and Gadaa grade. The Gadaa grades (stages of development through which a Gadaa class passes) differ in number (7-1 1) and name in different parts of Oromia although the functions are the same. The following are the Gadaa grades:-
1.Dabballee (0-8 years of age)2.Folle or Gamme Titiqaa (8-16 years of age)3.Qondaaia or Gamme Gurgudaa (1 6-24 years of age)4.Kuusa (24-32 years of age)5.Raaba Doorii (32-40 years of age)6.Gadaa (40-48 years of age)7.Yuba I (48-56 years of age)8.Yuba II (56-64 years of age)9.Yuba III (64-72 years of age)10.Gadamojjii (72-80 years of age)11.Jaarsa (80 and above years of age)
We will briefly describe the duties of a Gadaa class as it passes through the above grades.
The Dabballee are sons of the Gadaa class who are in power, the Luba. They are boys up to 8 years of age. Thus this is a stage of childhood. Upon reaching their eighth year, they enter the Folle grade. At this age they are allowed to go further away from their villages and to perform light work.
At 16 years old, they enter the Qondaala. They may now go long distances to hunt and perform heavy work. Three years before the Qondaaia ends, those of the Gadaa class come together and nominate the future group leaders (hayyu council) who eventually will constitute its presidium and thereby the executive, judicial and ritual authorities. The final election is preceded by an often lengthy campaign of negotiations. After nomination, the candidates tour the region accompanied by their supporters to win the backing of the people before election, The individuals will be elected on the basis of wisdom, bravery, health and physical fitness.
In the Kuusa grade, the previously elected leaders are formally installed in office, although they do not yet assume full authority except in their own group. This is one of the most important events in the life of the individual and the Gadaa system over all.
In the next grade, Raaba Doorii, members are allowed to marry. This and the Kuusa grade constitute a period of preparation for the assumption of full authority. At the end of this period the class members enter Luba or Gadaa, the most important class of the whole system, attain full status, and take up their position as the ruling Gadaa class. At this stage the system comes to a stop momentarily and all men move to the proceeding class vacating the last class which is the immediately occupied by a new class of youth who thus begin their ascent of the system's ladder.
The former ruling class, the Luba, now becomes Yuba. The Yubas, after passing through three separate eight-year periods, are transferred to the Gadamojjii class. Then they enter the final grade called Jaarsa and retire completely.
As described briefly above, when the Oromo man passes from one stage to the next, his duties and way of life in society change. For instance, during the grades of Qondaala, Kuusa and Raaba Doorii, the individuals learn war tactics , Oromo history, politics, ritual, law and administration over a period of 24 years. When they enter the Gadaa class or Luba at the age of about 40 years, they have already acquired all the necessary knowledge to handle the responsibility of administering the country and the celebration of rituals. It ends with partial retirement of the whole, group of elders to an advisory and judiciary capacity.
The following are the Gadaa officials and their duties according to the Tuuilama Gadaa practice:
1. Abbaa Bokku - President2. Abbaa Bokku - First Vice-President3. Abbaa Bokku - Second Vice-President4. Abbaa Chaffe - Chairman of the Assembly (Chaffe)5. Abbaa Dubbi - Speaker who presents the decision of the presidium to the Assembly6. Abbaa Seera - Memoriser of the laws and the results of the Assembly's deliberations.7. Abbaa Alanga - Judge who executes the decision8. Abbaa Duula - In charge of the army9. Abbaa Sa'a - In charge of the economy
Thus, the entire presidium consists of nine members, called "Saigan Yaa'ii Borana" (nine of the Borana assembly). The Abbaa Bokkus are the chief officials. (Bokku is a wooden or metal sceptre, a sign of authority kept by the Abbaa Bokku, the president). The Abbaa Bokkus have counsellors and assistants called Hayyus who are delegated from the lower assemblies.
There are three level of assembly - intercian, clan and local chaffes, chaffe being the Oromo version of parliament. The chaffe assembly was held in the open air in a meadow under the odaa (sycamore) tree. The chaffe made and declared common laws and was source of the accumulated legal knowledge and customs. In the hierarchy of Gadaa chaffes, the assembly of the entire presidium of the ruling- Gadaa Class is the highest body whose decision is final. It, is the assembly at which'reipresentatives of the entire population come together, at predetermined times, to evaluate among other things, the work of those in power. If those in power have failed to accomplish what is expected of them the assembly has the power to replace them by another group elected from among the same Gadaa class or Luba. And this was one of the methods of checking and balancing political power in the Oromo society. The second highest Gadaa assembly is the clan chaffe. It is from these assemblies that special delegates to the higher assembly are elected. The lowest Gadaa chaffe is the local chaffe. This is made up of local members of the Luba from among whom representatives to clan chaffes are elected.
The holders of these responsible posts can remain in office for eight years only, in normal times, and are then replaced by a new group of officers. The power is handed over at a special ceremony at a special place and time. The office-holders conduct government - political, economic, social, ritual and military - affairs of the entire nation for this period. During war time all capable men fight under the leadership of the group in office. During the eight year period the officials live together in a village (yaa'aa village) and when necessary travel together.
There are five Gadaas in a cycle of 40 years. If a man enters office (becomes Luba) now, his sons will become Luba 40 years from now. The five Gadaa (some times called Buttaa) in the cycle have names, which vary slightly from region to region. Among some Oromo communities the sets of five Gadaa names used by the sons are different from those of the fathers. Whereas among other communities the same set of Gadaa names are used for both fathers and sons. For instance the Gadaa practised in the Borana community uses the following different sets of names for the five Gadaa. (Could be likened to five parties who take power in turns).
Fathers Sons
1. Birmajii Aldada2. Melba Horota3. Muudana Bifoole4. Roobale Sabaqa5. Duuioo Kiloolee
In this manner a given name repeats itself every 80 years. This is in fact the complete Gadaa cycle divided into two semi-cycles of 40 years each. The first 40 years is the Gadaa of the fathers and the second is the Gadaa of the sons.
Although it is not known with any degree of certainty where and when the Gadaa system started, it is known and documented that the Oromo have been practising it for well over 500 years. However, according to oral Oromo historians, the Gadaa system has been in practice for several centuries. "Their (Borana Oromo) noted historian, Arero Rammata, was able to recount, in 1969, an oral history covering four thousand years", (Prouty et al, 1981). Today Gadaa experts easily recall fifty-seven Abbaa Gadaas with important events. Of course, this highly sophisticated system cannot have appeared without having been based on something earlier. Therefore further study and analysis is required to know more about its origin and development.
Social scientists of diverse backgrounds at different times have studied the Gadaa system. Many of them have testified that it is uniquely democratic. Among those authorities, Plowden (1868), stated, "among republican systems, Gadaa is superior". Asmarom Legesse (1973) described the Gadaa system: "one of the most astonishing and instructive turns the evolution of human society has taken". Indeed it is one of the most fascinating sociopolitical structure of Africa that even influenced the lives of other peoples. Several neighbouring peoples have practised a sort of the Gadaa. Among these are Sidama, Walayita, Konso, Darasa, Nyika, Nabdi, Maasai, etc., (Beckingham et al, 1954).
Like living organism, cultures undergo evolution in order to adapt to changing conditions. The Gadaa system has thus been undergoing evolutionary changes since its inception so as to serve better a continually developing society. However, the fundamental that occurred in the Gadaa system, starting around the end of the eighteenth century, were brought about mainly by events set in motion from outside the Oromo society. Therefore it was not fully a normal or natural development.
In most communities suddenly and in a few cases gradually, the usefulness of the Gadaa system declined. Among the factors that had contributed to this decline were firstly, the protracted wars that preceded the onset of colonization. The end of the eighteenth century was marked by constant wars and skirmishes, particularly in the north and north-eastern Oromia against the encroachment of the Abyssinians. Because of the insecurity imposed by such wars coupled with the distances involved to go to the Gadaa ceremonies to change the leadership, the Abbaa Duuias (fathers of war) stayed on their post for much longer period than required by the Gadaa rules. This gave these war leaders a mandatory power, because they were forced or encouraged by the society and existing circumstances, such as the continuous wars, to hang on to power. This weakened one of the outstanding features of the Gadaa system, the built in checks and balances mechanism of political power. This in turn weakened the ideology by which the Oromo nation was successfully led for several centuries.
In addition to the protracted wars, the passing of major trade routes through the area and the subsequent expansion of trade gained the war leaders more wealth. Thus the wealth, fame and power they gradually gained enabled them to command a larger number of followers in the area they were defending. Thus they usurped the political power that belonged to the Gadaa officials and the people and finally some of them declared themselves "mootii" (kings).
The second important factor that contributed to this decline was the coming of new beliefs and religions. The politico-religious aggression that took place in the expansion of 1siam and Christianity have affected the culture of the Oromo people very much. The invasion of Oromo land by Muslims in the east and south and by Christians in the north have left their mark on the Oromo culture.
Thirdly, the changes in the mode of living of several Oromo communities was probably one of the important factors that led to the decline of Gadaa. As the Oromo society developed there was a gradual change in the social, economic and political life of the people. For instance, in many parts of Oromia a settled agrarian mode of life developed fast and the people practised both mixed agriculture - raised crops and animals - and nomadic pastoralism. The latter was the dominant mode of life before this time, although Oromo have practised cultivation for a long time and have made significant contribution to agriculture by domesticating plants and rearing rare varieties of crop plants. The introduction and expansion of trade had significant contribution also. These and other related factors led to the emergence of a new social system, which created a significant pressure on the Gadaa system and brought about a modification or change in the Gadaa practices.
Finally, the onset of colonization had tremendously reduced the political and usefulness of Gadaa system as the administrative affairs and management of the national economy were taken over by the colonisers except in remote regions. Atseme noted, "Menilek outlawed the major chaffe meetings in the Oromo areas he conquered". Bartels (1983) also noted, "Gadaa ... was gradually deprived by Amharas of most of its political and judicial powers and reduced to merely ritual institution". Even the social aspects, that is the ritual and ceremonial aspects, have not been left to the people. The observance of Gadaa ceremonies has been prohibited by proclamation.
The Oromo people also have a rich folklore, oral tradition, music and art. For example it is believed that the Oromo are responsible for the invention and use of phallic stones (Wainwright, 1949 and Greenfield, 1965). Decorations of stone bowls from Zimbabwe include pictures of cattle with long "lyre-shaped" horns such as raised by Oromo. According to these scholars, this and the phallic stones found in Zimbabwe are traced directly to Oromo and linked to their early settlements there and to the Zimbabwe civilization. Wainwright (1949) argued that these were founded by the Oromo. He wrote: "Waqlimi and his people came from Galia land and its neighbourhood, and were already installed in southern Rhodesia before A.D. 900". (Waqiimi is an Oromo name). This date coincides with the date of the erection of some of the famous buildings there which Wainwright says were built by "Galia". This appears to be part of the spread of Kushitic civilization.
Although much of this culture and these traditions have survived harsh suppression, much has been forgotten and lost, artifacts have been destroyed and Oromo are discouraged from developing their culture and art.
Oromo Calendar
Time is a very important concept in Gadaa and therefore in Oromo life. Gadaa itself can be narrowly defined as a given set of time (period) which groups of individuals perform specific duties in a society. Gadaa could also mean age. The lives of individuals, rituals, ceremonies, political and economic activities are scheduled rather precisely. For this purpose, the Oromo have a calendar. The calendar is also used for weather forecasting and divination purposes.
The Oromo calendar is based on astronomical observations of the moon in conjunction with seven or eight particular stars or star groups (Legesse, 1973 and Bassi, 1988) called Urji Dhaha (guiding stars). According to this calendar system, there are approximately 30 days in a month and 12 months in a year. The first day of a month is the day the new moon appears. A day (24 hours) starts and ends at sunrise.
In the Oromo calendar each day of the month and each month of the year has a name. Instead of the expected 29 or 30 names for days of a month, there are only 27 names. These 27 days of the month are permutated through the twelve months, in such a way that the beginning of each month moves forward by 2 or 3 days. The loss per month is then the difference between the 27-day month and the 30-day month, (Legesse, 1973). One interesting observation is that, as illustrated in the computing of time like in the Oromo calendar, Oromos visualization of events is cyclical just as many events in nature are cyclical.
Since each day (called ayyaana) of a month has a name, the Oromo traditionally had no use for names of the days of a week. Perhaps it is because of this that today in different parts of Oromia different names are in use for the days of a week.
Each of the 27 days (ayyaana) of the month have special meaning and connotation to the Oromo time-keeping experts, called ayyaantu. Ayyaantu can tell the day, the month, the year and the Gadaa period by keeping track of time astronomically. They are experts, in astronomy and supplement their memory of things by examining the relative position of eight stars or star groups, (Bassi, 1988) and the moon to determine the day (ayyaana) and the month. On the basis of astronomical observations, they make an adjustment in the day name every two or three months.
The pillars found a few years ago in north-western Kenya by Lynch and Robbins (1978) has been suggested to represent a site used to develop the Oromo calendar system. According to these researchers, it is the first archaeo-astronomical evidence in subSaharan Africa. Doyle (1986) has suggested 300 B.C. as the approximate date of its invention.
According to Asmarom Legesse (1973), "The Oromo calendar is a great and unique invention and has been recorded only in a very few cultures in history of mankind." The only other known cultures with this type of time-keeping are the Chinese, Mayans and Hindus. Legesse states that the Oromo are unusual in that they seem to be the only people with a reasonably accurate calendar which ignore the sun.Religion
There are three main religions in Oromia: traditional Oromo religion, Islam and Christianity. Before the introduction of Christianity and Islam, the Oromo people practised their own religion. They believed in one Waaqayoo which approximates to the English word God. They never worshipped false gods or carved statues as substitutes. M. de Aimeida (1628-46) had the following to say: "the Gallas (Oromo) are neither Christians, moors nor heathens, for they have no idols to worship." The Oromo Waaqa is one and the same for all. He is the creator of everything, source of all life, omnipresent, infinite, incomprehensible, he can do and undo anything, he is pure, intolerant of injustice, crime, sin and all falsehood. Waaqayoo is often called Waaqa for short.
There are many saint-like divinities called ayyaana, each seen as manifestation of the one Waaqa or of the same divine reality. An effective relationship is often maintained between ayyaana and Oromo by Qaaifu (male) and/or Qaafitti (female). A Qaaiiu is like a Bishop in the Christian world and an lmam in the Muslim world. He is a religious and ritual expert who has a special relationship with one of the ayyaana, which possesses him at regular intervals.
Although the office of Qaaiiu is hereditary, in principle it is open to anyone who can provide sufficient proof of the special direct personal contact with an ayyaaria. In the Oromo society a Qaaiiu is regarded as the most senior person in his lineage and clan and the most respected in the society. He is considered pure and clean. He must respect traditional taboos (safuu) and ritual observances in all situations and in all his dealings and must follow the truth and avoid sin.
The Qaaliu institution is one of the most important in the Oromo culture and society and is believed to have existed since mythical times. It is a very important preserver and protector of Oromo culture, more or less in the same way the Abyssinian Orthodox Church is the preserver of Abyssinian culture.
The Qaaiiu institution has political importance, even though the Qaaiiu himself does not possess political power as such and religion is distinctly separated from politics. The Qaailu village is the spiritual centre, where political debates are organized for the candidates for the Gadaa offices. Thus he plays both a spiritual and political role in the Gadaa system. For instance, during the fifth year of the Gadaa period, the Gadaa class in power honours the Qaaliu by taking gifts and making their pledges of reverence. This is the Muuda or annointment ceremony. As the head of the council of electors, the Qaaliu organizes and oversees the election of Gadaa leaders.
The Qaallu institution was once a repository of important ceremonial articles (collective symbols) in the Buttaa (Gadaa) ceremony, such as the bokku (sceptre), the national flag, etc. The national flag is made in the colours of the Qaallu turban (surri ruufa). The national flag had three colours - black at the top, red in the centre and white at the bottom. In the Gadaa, the three colours, black, red and white, represented those yet to enter active life, those in active life (Luba) and those who had passed through active live, respectively. The use of these symbols is prohibited by the colonial government.
The Oromo Qaallu must not be confused with the Amhara Qaailicha, who has a very different, much lower, social status. He is a vagabond who resorts to conjuring and black magic for his own benefit, (Knutsson, 1967). He is notorious for extracting remuneration by threats or other means. On the other hand, it is beneath the dignity of an Oromo Qaallu to ask his ritual clients for gifts or payment. The Abyssinian ruling class has confused the terms, thus disparaging the Qaallu socially and religiously by using the term depreciatingly.
The place of worship of Qaaliu ritual house is called the Galma. Each ayyaana has its own Galma and its own special ceremonies. The Galma is usually located on a hill top, hill side or in a grove of large trees. Many of these sites are now taken up by Abyssinian Orthodox Church buildings or Mosques. Places of worship also include under trees, beside large bodies of water, by the side of big mountains, hills, stones, etc. This has been misrepresented by outsiders claiming that the Oromo worship trees, rivers, etc.
The believers visit the Galma for worship once or twice a week, usually on Thursday and Saturday nights. At this time the followers dance, sing and beat drums to perform a ritual called dalaga in order to achieve a state of ecstasy, which often culminates in possession. It is at the height of this that the possessing ayyaana speaks through the Qaallu's mouth and can answer prayers and predict the future.
Religious Oromo often made Muuda-piigrimages to some of the great Qaaiius and religious centres such as Arsi's Abbaa Muuda (father of anointment). Among the Borana Oromo Muuda pilgrimages are still common. Muuda pilgrimage is very holy and the pilgrims walk to the place of Abbaa Muuda with a stick in one hand and carrying myrrh (qumbii). All Oromo through whose village the pilgrims pass are obliged to give them hospitality. As the Mecca pilgrims are called Haj among Muslims, these Muuda pilgrims are ca!ied Jiia.
The Qaaiiu institution was weakened with the advent of colonialism to Oromia, which reduced contacts between various Oromo groups. The pilgrimage was prohibited. It became the policy to discourage and destroy Oromo cultural institutions and values. The Qaaiiu institution has suffered more during the last 14 years than it suffered during the previous 100 years. At this stage it faces complete eradication and Orthodox Church buildings are fast replacing Gaimas.
Just before the beginning of the harvest season every year, the Oromo have a prayer ceremony (thanksgiving festival) called irreessa. It once took place in river meadows where now the Abyssinian Orthodox Church takes its holy Tabot (tablets) for special yearly festivals, the 'timqat'. The lrreessa has become illegal and anybody who attempts to practise it is now likely to be imprisoned.
The Oromo believe that after death individuals exist in the form of a spirit called the 'ekeraa'. They do not believe in suffering after death as in Christianity and Islam. If one commits sin he/she is punished while still alive. The ekeraa is believed to stay near the place where the person once lived. One is obliged to pray to and to give offering by slaughtering an animal every so often to ones parents' ekeraa. The offerings take place near the family or clan cemetery, which is usually in a village.
Oromo people have been in constant contact with other religions like Islam and Christianity for almost the last 1000 years. For instance, the Islamic religion was reported to have been in eastern Shawa about 900 A.D. and Christianity even before that. However, in favour and defence of their own traditional religion, the Oromo have resisted these religions for quite a long time.
However, today the majority of the Oromo people are followers of Islam and Christianity, while the remaining few are still followers of the original Oromo religion. It is said that the Islamic religion spread in Oromia as a reaction to the Ethiopian colonization. The Oromo accepted Islam and non-Orthodox Christianity en-masse because they identified Abyssinian Orthodox Christianity with the oppressor and also to assert their identity visaa-vis Abyssinians. The Amhara spy monk, Atseme wrote: "The Galia became Muslim for his hatred of Amhara priests." Bereket (1980) also noted, "... Oromos in Arsi province accepted Islam in large number as a demonstration of anti-Amhara sentiment and a rejection of all values associated with imperial conquerors." A somewhat similar situation in the west was the acceptance of Islam by many Afro-Americans in 1950s and 1960s, as a reaction to the racial discrimination and oppression they faced from the white community and in search of an identity different from that of the oppressor group.
There are many Oromo who are followers of Islam or Christianity and yet still practise the original Oromo religion. Bartels (1983) expressed this reality as follows: 'Whether they (Oromo) became Christians or Muslims, the Oromo's traditional modes of experiencing the divine have continued almost unaffected, in spite of the fact that several rituals and social institutions in which it was expressed, have been very diminished or apparently submerged in new ritual cloaks." Many used to visit, until very recently, the Galma and pay due respect to their clan Qaaiiu. This is more true in regions where Abyssinian Orthodox Christianity prevails.
The Land
The country of the Oromo is called Biyya-Oromo (Oromo country) or Oromia (Oromiya). Oromia is a name given by the Oromo Liberation Front to Oromoland, now part of the Ethiopian Empire. Krapf (1860) proposed the term Ormania to designate the nationality or the country of the Oromo people. This, most probably, originated from his reference to the people as Orma or Oroma. Oromia was one of the free nations in the Horn of Africa until its colonization and occupation by Abyssinia at the end of the nineteenth century. It is approximately located between 2 degree and 12 degree N and between 34 degree and 44 degree E. It is bordered in the East by Somali and Afar lands and Djibouti, in the West by the Sudan, in the South by Somalia, Kenya and others and in the North by Amhara and Tigre land or Abyssinia proper. The land area is about 600 000 square kilometres. Out of the 50 or so African countries it is exceeded in size by only 17 countries. It is larger than France, and if Cuba, Bulgaria and Britain were put together, they would be approximately equal to Oromia in size.The physical geography of Oromia is quite varied. It varies from rugged mountain ranges in the centre and north to flat grassland in most of the lowlands of the west, east and south. Among the many mountain ranges are the Karra in Arsi (4340 m), Baatu in Baaie (4307 m), Enkelo in Arsi (4300 m), Mui'ataa in Hararge (3392m) and Baddaa Roggee in Shawa (3350 m).
Similarly, there are many rivers and lakes in Oromia. Many of the rivers flow westwards into either the Blue Nile or the White Nile, and others flow eastwards to Somalia and Afar land. Among the large rivers are the Abbaya (the Nile), Hawas (Awash), Gannaaiee, Waabee, Dhidheessa, Gibe and Baaroo.
For the peoples of Egypt, the Sudan and Somalia, life would be impossible without these rivers. They carry millions of tons of rich soil to Egypt, the Sudan and Somalia every year. Somalia depends heavily on the Gannaaiee (Juba) and Waabee (Shaballe) rivers which come from Oromia. In fact Oromia supplies almost 100 per cent of the fresh water for Somalia, Djibouti and Afars. At present the Ethiopian government depends heavily on Hawas (Awash) water as a source of electric power for its industries and irrigation water to grow sugar cane, cotton and fruits. The Wanji and Matahara sugar estates are good examples. There is a great potential in all these rivers for the production of electric power and for irrigation. Qoqaa, Fincha, Malkaa Waakkenne, Gibee Tiqqaa dams are examples of where hydro-electric power is already being produced or in the process of being harnessed.
Among the Oromo lakes are Abbaya, Hora, Bishofitu, Qoqaa, Langanno and Shaalaa. Many of these lakes possess a great variety of fish and birds on their islands and shores.
The climate is as varied as the physical geography, although close to the equator (to the north of it), because of the mountain ranges, high altitudes and vegetation, the climate is very mild and favourable for habitation. Snow can be found on the mountains such as Baatu and Karra. In the medium altitudes (1800-2500 m) the climate is very mild throughout the year and one of the best. Up to 80 per cent of the population lives at this altitude and agriculture flourishes.
The low altitude areas (below 1500 m) in west, south and central part are relatively warm and humid with lush tropical vegetation, and although few live there permanently most graze their cattle and tend their beehives there. Although there is little agriculture at this altitude at present, it has great potential for the future. As the highland areas are already eroded and over populated, people are gradually moving to the lowlands. The low altitude areas in the east and south-east are mostly semi-arid and used by pastoralists seasonally.
The vegetation of Oromia ranges from savanna grassland and tropical forest to alpine vegetation on the mountaintops. The forests contain a variety of excellent and valuable timbers. Oromia is known for its unique native vegetation as well as for being, the centre of diversity for many different species. For instance, crops like coffee, anchote (root crop), okra, etc. are indigenous to this area.The Economy
Potentially, Oromia is one of the richest countries in Africa. Agriculture is the backbone of its economy. Still employing archaic methods, subsistence agriculture is the means of livelihood for more than 90 per cent of the population. There are a variety of farm animals and crop plants. Farm animals include cattle, sheep, goats, donkeys, mules, horses, camels and chicken. The Cushitic speaking communities of this region perhaps Nubians, are credited with the domestication of donkey and were the first to breed mules, (a result of a cross between a donkey and a mare). The Oromo are expert in animal husbandry through their long tradition as herdsmen. For some, cattle-rearing (pastoralism) is still the main occupation.
Because of Oromia's favourable climate and rich soil, many types of crops are cultivated and normally there is little need for irrigation. Normally one and sometimes two crops can be harvested annually from the same field. Among the major food crops are cereals (wheat, barley, tef, sorghum, corn, millet, etc.), fibre crops (cotton), root crops (potato, sweet potato, yam, inset, anchote, etc.), pulses (peas, beans, chick-peas, lentils, etc.), oil crops (nugi, flax, etc.), fruit trees (orange, mango, avocado, banana, lemon, pineapple, peach, etc.), spices (onion, garlic, coriander, ginger, etc. - coriander and ginger also grow wild) and a variety of vegetables like okra which is indigenous to Oromia.
Many varieties of these important crops occur naturally in Oromia. These diverse crop plants are very valuable natural resources. Oromo farmers have contributed to world agriculture by cultivating and developing some of the worid's crop plants and in this way have discovered new domesticated varieties. The main cash crops are coffee and chat (a stimulant shrub). Coffee, a major cash earner for many countries, has its origin in the forests of Oromia and neighbouring areas. Specifically, Kafa and Limmu are considered centres of origin for coffee. It is from here that coffee spread to other parts of the globe. Coffee was one of the export items of the Gibe states. Wallagga and llubbabor regions of Oromia exported coffee to the Sudan through the inland port of Gambelia on the Baro river and border towns of Kurmuk, Gissan, etc. Hararge, because of its favourable location for communication with the outside markets through the Red Sea, has been producing one of the finest coffees for export. Coffee has remained the chief export item, representing more than 60 per cent of the foreign earnings of successive Ethiopian colonial regimes.
The country is also rich in wild animals and plants. Many different species are found in the waters and forests of Oromia: different kinds of fish, hippopotami, and crocodiles. Land animals include lion, leopard, rhinoceros, buffalo, giraffe, wild ass, zebra, columbus monkey and elephant. There are a number of wild animals that are found solely in Oromia, such as nyaaia, bush-buck (special type), fox (from Baale), etc.
Various types of birds, many of them unique, are found around lakes and elsewhere. These creatures are a source of attraction for tourists and natural scientists alike.
The forests of Oromia are a source of excellent timber. Although the major portion of the forests has been destroyed since its occupation, some still remain in the south and west. However, this is threatened by mismanagement, particularly through the fast the expanding state farms and resettlement programmes. At the time of colonisation a large part of Oromia was covered with forest. This has been reduced to the present 5-7 per cent. In addition to timber trees, medicinal plants and trees producing different kinds of gums, grow in abundance. Myrrh, frankincense and gum Arabic are gathered from the wild trees. Forests, besides being a source of timber, medicine and gum, are useful in the conservation of water and soil, and as shelter for wildlife. They also have an important aesthetic value.
Oromia has important mineral deposits. The gold mines at Adola and Laga Dambi in the Sidamo and around Nejjo, Asosa and Birbir river valley in Wallagga regions which were the major sources of revenue for Meniiek and Haile Selassie are being exploited using modern machinery. Other important minerals found in Oromia are platinum, sulphur, iron-ore, silver and salt.
As early as 1900 Meniiek granted concessions to a Swiss company to mine gold, silver and other minerals in Nejjo, Wallagga region. Later the Germans took over. English, Russian and Italian companies extracted gold and platinum at Yubdo and neighbouring areas in the same region. After some 60 years, the Soviet Union is continuing this business today in the same areas. It is known that large deposits of natural gas and oil exist in Baafe and Hararge regions. The Ethiopian government announced as 1986 the discovery of a new deposit of natural gas in Baale.
The hundreds of hot springs scattered over Oromia are also of economic importance. Thousands of people, including foreigners, visit these springs for their medicinal and recreational value. They are a great potential source of thermal energy. Rivers, streams and springs are plentiful. The rivers have many fails that could be used to generate electric power with little effort. The extent of this electric power could easily satisfy the power needs of Oromia and several neighbouring countries.
References
Alaqa Taye, 1948 (Ethiopian Calendar). Ye itiyophiya Hizb Tarik, Addis Ababa.Aimeida, M. de. 1628-46. The History of High Ethiopia or Abassia, In Some Records of Ethiopia 1593-1646. Ed. and Trans. C. F. Beckingham and G. W. B. Huntingford, 1954, London: Hakluyt Society.Bassi, Marco 1988. On the Borana Calendarical System: A Preliminary Field Report, Current Anthropology, 29(4): pp. 619-624.Bartels, L. 1983. Oromo Religion: Myths and Rites of the Western Oromo of Ethiopia. An Attempt to Understand. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Veriag.Bates, B. 1979. The Abyssinian Difficulty. Oxford University Press. Baxter, P. 1978. Ethiopia's Unacknowledged Problem: The Oromo. African Affairs, Vol. 77 No. 308, pp. 283-296.Baxter, P. 1985. Oromo Perceptions of and Response to the Revolution. Coiioque Inter. La Revolution Ethiopienne Some Phenomene de Societe. Tameignages et Documents. (Memograph).Beckingham, C.F. and G.W.B. Huntingford. 1954. (Ed, and Trans.). Some Records of Ethiopia 1593-1646. London: Hakitiyt Soc.Braukamper, U. 1980. Oromo Country of Origin: A Reconstruction of Hypothesis. 6th Inter. Conf. of Ethiopian Studies. Tel-Aviv. April 1980.Ceruili, E. 1922. Folk Literature of the Galla of Southern Abyssinia. Harvard African Studies. Cambridge, Mass.Doyle, L.R. 1986. The Borana Calendar Reinterpreted. Current Anthropology. 27(3): pp. 286-287.Gragg, G.B. and T. Kumsa. 1982. Oromo Dictionary. Publ:shed by the African Studies Center, Michigan State University.Greenfield, R. 1965. Ethiopia: A New Political History. London: Pall Mail Press.Greenfield, R. and Mohammed Hassen, 1980. Interpretation of Oromo Nationalism. In Horn of Africa, Vol. 3, No.3.Gustave, Gren, 1978. Evangelical Pioneers in Ethiopia. Origin of the Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus. Offsetcenter Ab. Uppsala.Knutsson, K.E. 1967. Authority and Change. The Study of the Kaliu Institution Among the Macha Galia of Ethiopia. Gothenborg, Etnografiska Museet.Krapf, J.L. 1860. Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labours During Eighteen Year's Residence in Eastern Africa. London: Frank Cass. 1968.Legesse, A. 1973. Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society. New York: The Free Press.Lynch, B.M. and L.H. Robbins. 1978. Namoratunga: The First Archaeo-Astronomical Evidence in Sub-Saharan Africa. Science, 200: 766-768.Paulitschke, P.V. 1889. Die Wanderungen der Oromo Oder Galia OstAfrikas. Wien.Perham, M. 1948. The Government of Ethiopia. London: Longmans. Plowden, W. 1868. Travels in Abyssinia and the Galla Country. London: Longmans.Plowden, W. 1868. Travels in Abyssinia and the Galla Country. London: Longmans.Prouty, C. and E. Rosenfeld. 1981. Historical Dictionary of Ethiopia. London : The Scarecrow Press.Wainwright, G.A. 1949. The Founder of the Zimbabwe Civilization. Man 80.
Location
Horn of Africa; in what is today Ethiopia. Oromia is approximately located between 3 degree and 15 degree N latitude and 33 degree and 40 degree longitude.
Size
375,000 Square Miles, or, 600,000 square kilometers; Larger than France, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium & the Netherlands combined.
Population
28 million; 3rd. largest nationality in Africa; single largest nationality in East Africa.
Religion
Waaqa, Islam, Christian.
Resources
Breadbasket of the Horn of Africa -cereals including wheat, barley, sorghum, maize, tafi; exports includes coffee, oil seeds, hides and skins; it has the largest livestock holding in Africa; forestry - houses all the forest and wildlife reserves of the Horn including unique species like Nyala-lbex, Colobus monkey and the red fox. minerals - two of three mineral belts of the region including gold, silver, platinum, uranium, marble, Nickel, and natural gas.
History
Locale of the 3.5 million year old Lucy, or Chaltu in Oromo, Croatia of the Upper Nile known and recorded in history by such names as Punt, Cush, and Ethiopia, has hosted numerous pioneering human achievements including the development of the earliest pebble tools (circa 70,000 BC), the domestication of animals (circa 5000 BC), and regional trade in antiquity in gold, ivory, myrrh and frankincense with Pharoahnic Egypt, Greece, Rome and Persia. Early in history, the Oromo developed an indigenous democratic system similar to the Grecian Polls called Gada in which elected officials including the Abba Gada(President), the Abba Dula (Commander of the Army), the Abba Hori (Chief of the Treasury), and nine Hayyuus (Judges) assumed public office for non-renewable 8 year terms. With universal male training in warfare including equestrian skills, archery and the martial arts, the Oromo remained independent until the last decade of the 19th century, when Abyssinians from the North aided by modern European arms, managed to conquer them. Since then, successions of autocrats from Menelik to Mengistu have systematically suppressed Oromo culture, looted Oromo resources, divided the people by region and religion in the idiom of Ethiopian unity, thusly fostering instability, war and famine.
Political Objective
The fundamental political objective of the Oromo people is to exercise their inalienable right to national self determination to liberate themselves from a century of oppression and exploitation, and to form, where possible, a political union with other nations on the basis of equality, respect for mutual interests and the principle of voluntary associations.
Oromia and the Oromo people
The following summary information was adopted from the book by Gadaa Melbaa, Khartoum, Sudan 1988.
People: OromoCountry: Oromia (also phonetically spelled as Oromiyaa)Area: 600,000 sq.km approx.Capital: Finfinnee (also called Addis Ababa)Population: 30 million (1995 estimate)Language: Oromo, also called Afan Oromo or OromiffaEconomy: Mainly agriculture (coffee, several crops, spices, vegetables) and Animal Husbandry; Mining industry; Tourism trade; Medium and small-scale industries (textiles, refineries, meat packaging, etc)Religion: Waaqqefata (the traditional belief in Waaqa or God), Islam, and Christian (Catholic, Orthodox and Protestant)
Overview
The Oromo make up a significant portion of the population occupying the Horn of Africa. In the Ethiopian Empire alone, Oromo constitute about 30 million of the 55 million inhabitants of the Ethiopian Empire. In fact, Oromo is one of the most numerous nations in Africa which enjoys a homogeneous culture and shares a common language, history and descent and once shared common political, religious and legal institutions. During their long history, the Oromo developed their own cultural, social and political system known as the Gadaa system. It is a uniquely democratic political and social institution that governed the life of every individual in the society from birth to death.
Ecologically and agriculturally Oromia (Oromo country) is the richest region in the Horn of Africa. Livestock products, coffee, oil seeds, spices, mineral resources and wild life are all diverse and abundant. In spite of all these advantages, a century of colonisation by Abyssinia (Ethiopia), a backward nation itself, has meant that the Oromo people have endured a stagnant existence where ignorance and famine have been coupled with ruthless oppression, subjugation, exploitation and above all, extermination. Thus for the last one hundred years under the Ethiopian rule, the Oromo have gained very little, if anything, in the way of political, social and economic progress.
The Oromo were colonised during the last quarter of the nineteenth century by a black African nation - Abyssinia - with the help of the European colonial powers of the day. During the same period, of course, the Somalis, Kenyans, Sudanese and others were colonised by European powers. The fact that the Oromo were colonised by black African nation makes their case quite special.
During the process of colonisation, between 1870 and 1900, the Oromo population was reduced from ten to five millions. This period coincides with the occupation of Oromo land by the Abyssinian emperors Yohannes and Menilek. After colonisation, these emperors and their successors continued to treat Oromo with utmost cruelty. Many were killed by the colonial army and settlers, others died of famine and epidemics of various diseases or were sold off as slaves. Those who remained on the land were reduced to the status of gabbar (a peasant from whom labour and produce is exacted and is a crude form of serfdom).
Haile Selassie consolidated Yohannes and Meniiek's gains and with the use of violence, obstructed the process of natural and historical development of the Oromo society - political, economic and social. In all spheres of life, discrimination, subjugation, repression and exploitation of all forms were applied. Everything possible was done to destroy Oromo identity - culture, language, custom, tradition, name and origin. In short Haile Selassie maintained the general policy of genocide against the Oromo.
The 1974 revolution was brought about by the relentless struggle over several years by, among others, the Oromo peasants. The military junta, headed by Mengistu Haile-Mariam, usurped power and took over the revolution. This regime has continued on the path of emperors Yohannes, Menilek and Haile Selassie in the oppression, subjugation and exploitation of Oromo, the settlement of Abyssinians on Oromo land and the policy of genocide.
Forced to fight against Eritreans, the Somalis and others, many Oromo have fallen in battle. Many others have died on the streets of cities and towns during the so-called "Red Terror" period and in a similar programme that has been expanded in the countryside since then. Massacres in towns and villages coupled with bombing and search and destroy programmes have caused the destruction of human lives, crops, animals and property, have driven Oromo from their land and forced them to seek refuge in neighbouring countries. Not surprisingly, this ruthless oppression and persecution of peoples has resulted in the largest flight of refugees in Africa. A very large proportion of the refugees in the Horn of Africa are Oromo.
In its attempt to oppress and eliminate the essential elements of Oromo culture, the present regime has used cover-up words such as 'development, relief, settlement, villagization and literacy campaign' to mislead the world. In fact most of these programmes and projects have been aimed at displacing Oromo people and denying them freedom, justice, human dignity and peace, thereby hastening the process of Amharization or de-Oromization.
The struggle of the Oromo people, then, is nothing more than an attempt to affirm their own place in history. It seeks equality, human dignity, democracy, freedom and peace. It is not directed against the masses of a particular nation or nationality, nor against individuals, but rather against Ethiopian colonialism led by the Amhara ruling class and the naftanyas (Amhara colonial settlers) and against feudalism and imperialism. Thus it is the Ethiopian colonial system and not the Amhara masses or individuals which is under critical consideration.
Today when nearly all of the African peoples have won independence, the Oromo continue to suffer under the most backward and savage Ethiopian settler colonialism. All genuinely democratic and progressive individuals and groups, including members of the oppressor nation, Amhara, who believe in peace, human dignity and liberty should support the Oromo struggle for liberation.
Although the Oromo nation is one of the largest in Africa, it is forgotten by or still unknown to the majority of the world today. Unfortunately even the name Oromo is unknown to many, and this should not be allowed to continue.
The main purpose of this summary is to introduce readers briefly to the Oromo people, their land, and culture.For detailed treatment of the experiences of Oromo under Ethiopian colonial rule as well as their struggle for freedom, democracy and economic and social justice, please refer to the book from which this summary is extracted. Please do note the author's introductory message in this book: "... it is not the intention of this book to write a definitive Oromo history. This task is left to the historians, a work they have unjustly treated or unjustifiably ignored in the past. In fact the little that has been written about Oromo has almost always been from Abyssinians and Europeans point of view".
In spite of the fact that there are several indications and evidences that Oromo are indigenous to this part of Africa, Abyssinian rulers, court historians and monks contend that Oromo were new corners to the region and did not belong here. For instance the Abyssinian court historian, Alaqa Taye (1955), alleged that in the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries the Oromo migrated from Asia and Madagascar, entered Africa via Mombasa and spread north and eastwards. Others have advocated that during the same period the Oromo crossed the Red Sea via Bab el Mandab and spread westwards. Abyssinian clergies even contended that Oromo emerged from water. On this issue, based on the points made in The Oromo's Voice Against Tyranny, Baxter (1985) remarked, "... the contention that the first Oromo had actually emerged from water and therefore, had not evolved to the same level of humanity as the Amhara (i.e. treating a myth of origin as a historical fact); or, more seriously, that Oromo were late corners to Ethiopia and hence, by implication, intruders and not so entitled to be there as the Amhara."
The history of the arrival of the Oromo people in the sixteenth century in East Africa from outside is a fabrication and denial of historical facts. It is a myth created by Abyssinian court historians and monks, sustained by their European supporters and which the Ethiopian rulers used to lay claim on Oromo territory and justify their colonization of the Oromo people. Several authorities have indicated that the Oromo were in fact in the North-eastern part of the continent even before the arrival of the Habasha. According to Perham (1948): "the emigrant Semites landed in a continent of which the North-East appears to have been inhabited by the eastern groups of Hamites, often called Kushites, who also include the Gallas." Paulitschke (1889) indicated that Oromo were in East Africa during the Aksumite period. As recorded by Greenfield (1965), Oromo reject the view that they were late arrivals, "... old men amongst the Azebu and Rayya Galia dismiss talk of their being comparative newcomers....... Their own (Abyssinians) oral history and legends attest to the fact that Oromo have been living in Rayya for a long time. Beke (cited by Pankurst, 1985-86) quoted the following Lasta legend: "Meniiek, the son of Solomon, ... entered Abyssinia from the East, beyond the country of the Rayya or Azebo Gallas There are also evidence (Greenfield et al, 1980) that at least by the ninth and tenth centuries that there were Oromo communities around Shawa and by about the fourteenth century settlements were reported around Lake Tana. The recent discovery, (Lynch and Robbins, 1978), in northern Kenya of the pillars that Oromo used in the invention of their calendar system, dated around 300 B.C., is another indication that Oromo have a long history of presence as a community of people, in this part of Africa.
The so called "Galla invasion of Ethiopia" is also a tale. It was first written around 1590 by a monk called Bahrey and henceforth European historians and others almost invariably accepted this story as a fact. From his writing, it is evident that he was biased against Oromo. The following quotation from Bahrey, (in Beckingham et al, 1954), vividly illustrates typical Abyssinian cultural, religious and racial biases against Oromo. He began his book "The History of the Galla": "I have begun to write the history of the Galla in order to make known the number of their tribes, their readiness to kill people, and the brutality of their manners. If anyone should say of my subject, 'Why has he written a history of a bad people, just as one would write a history of good people', I would answer by saying 'Search in the books, and you will find that the history of Mohamed and the Moslem kings has been written, and they are our enemies in religion In fact it appears that the main purpose of his writing was to encourage Abyssinians against Oromo. Bahrey, Atseme, Harris, Haberiand and others description of what they called the 'Galla invasion of Ethiopia' as an avalanche, a sudden overwhelming human wave which could be likened to a flood or swarms of migratory locust is unrealistic and difficult to imagine to say the least.
The Oromo's Voice Against Tyranny argued that: "... the so-called Galla invasion of the sixteenth century was neither an invasion nor a migration. It was rather a national movement of the Oromo people ... with the specific goal of liberating themselves and their territories from colonial occupation. It was nothing more or less than a war of national liberation." In fact the last 2000 years were occupied with a gradual expansion of Abyssinians from north to south. This expansion had been checked throughout by Oromo. It was only with the arrival of Europeans and their firearms that Abyssinians succeeded in their southward expansion mainly in the middle of last century.
Abyssinian and European historians alleged that there was a sudden population explosion in the Oromo community in the sixteenth century that enabled it to invade Ethiopia. The claim lacks a scientific base. During that time no significant, if at all any, technological development such as discoveries or introductions of medicines, new and improved tools for food production, etc. took place in the Oromo community that could have been the cause for the sudden population explosion. The Oromo community had no advantages of these sort over neighbouring communities.
Different areas have been indicated as place where the Oromo developed or differentiated into its own unique community of people or ethnic group (Braukamper, 1980). According to some ethnologists and historians, the Oromo country of origin was the south-eastern part of Oromia, in the fertile valley of Madda Walaabu in the present Baale region. This conclusion was reached mainly on the basis of Oromo oral tradition. Based on scanty anthropological evidence, others have also pointed to the coastal area of the Horn of Africa, particularly the eastern part of the Somali peninsula, as the most probable place of Oromo origin. Bruce, an English traveller, indicated that Sennar in Sudan was the Oromo country of origin and that they expanded from there. It should be noted here that many European travellers have suggested the origin of peoples, including Oromo, to be where they met some for the first time, which in most cases happened to be peripheral areas.
There are several groups of people in East Africa very closely related to the Oromo. For instance, the Somalis are very similar in appearance and culture. The fact that the Somali and Oromo languages share between 30 percent and 40 percent of their vocabulary could be an indication that these two groups of people became differentiated very recently. Other Cushitic-speaking groups living in the same neighbourhood who are closely related to the Oromo are Konso, Afar, Sidama, Kambata, Darassa, Agaw, Saho, Baja and other groups.
The Oromo are also known by another name, Galla. The people neither call themselves or like to be called by this name. They always called themselves Oromoo or Oromoota (plural). It is not known for certain when the name Galla was given to them. It has been said that it was given to them by neighbouring peoples, particularly Amhara, and various origins of the word have been suggested. Some say it originated from the Oromo word 'gaiaana' meaning river in Oromiffa. Others indicate that it came from an Arabic word 'qaala laa'. There are other similar suggestions as to the origin of the word. The Abyssinians attach a derogatory connotation to the Galla, namely 'pagan, savage, uncivilized, uncultured, enemy, slave or inherently inferior". The term seems to be aimed at generating an inferiority complex in the Oromo.
Oromo have several clans (gosa, qomoo). The Oromo are said to be of two major groups or moieties descended from the two 'houses' (wives) of the person Oromo represented by Borana and Barentu (Barenttuma). Borana was senior (angafa) and Barentu junior (qutisu). Such a dichotomy is quite common in Oromo society and serves some aspects of their po!itical and social life. The descendants of Borana and Barentu form the major Oromo clans and sub-clans. They include Borana, Macha, Tuuiiama, Wallo, Garrii, Gurraa, Arsi, Karrayyu, ltu, Ala, Qaiioo, Anniyya, Tummugga or Marawa, Orma, Akkichuu, Liban, Jile, Gofa, Sidamo, Sooddo, Galaan, Gujii and many others. However, in reality there is extensive overlap in the area they occupy and their community groups. And since marriage among Oromo occurs only between different clans there was high degree of homogeneity.
The Oromo make up over 30 million out of the present 55 million population of the Ethiopian Empire. They are found in all the regions of the Ethiopian Empire except for Gondar. They make up a large proportion of the population of llubbabor, Arsi, Baale, Shawa, Hararge, Wallo, Wallagga, Sidamo and Kafa. They are also found in neighbouring countries such as Kenya and Somalia. Out of the 50 nations of Africa only four have larger population than Oromia.
Language.
The Oromo nation has a single common mother tongue and basic common culture. The Oromo language, afaan Oromoo or Oromiffa, belongs to the eastern Kushitic group of languages and is the most extensive of the forty or so Kushitic languages. The Oromo language is very closely related to Konso, with more than fifty percent of the words in common, closely related to Somali and distantly related to Afar and Saho.
Oromiffa is considered one of the five most widely spoken languages from among the approximately 1000 languages of Africa, (Gragg, 1982). Taking into consideration the number of speakers and the geographic area it covers, Oromiffa, most probably rates second among the African indigenous languages. It is the third most widely spoken language in Africa, after Arabic and Hausa. It is the mother tongue of about 30 million Oromo people living in the Ethiopian Empire and neighbouring countries. Perhaps not less than two million non-Oromo speak Oromiffa as a secondianguage.
In fact Oromiffa is a lingua franca in the whole of Ethiopian Empire except for the northern part. It is a language spoken in common by several members of many of the nationalities like Harari, Anuak, Barta, Sidama, Gurage, etc., who are neighbours to Oromo.
Before colonization, the Oromo people had their own social, political and legal system. Trade and various kinds of skills such as wood and metal works, weaving, pottery and tannery flourished. Pastoralism and agriculture were well developed. Oromo have an extraordinarily rich heritage of proverbs, stories, songs and riddles. They have very comprehensive plant and animal names. The various customs pertaining to marriage, paternity, dress, etc. have elaborate descriptions. All these activities and experiences have enriched Oromiffa.
Much has been written about Oromiffa by foreigners who visited or lived in Oromia, particularly European missionaries. Several works have been written in Oromiffa using Roman, Sabean and Arabic scripts. Printed material in Oromiffa include the Bible, religious and non-religious songs, dictionaries, short stories, proverbs, poems, school books, grammar, etc. The Bible itself was translated into Oromiffa in Sabean script about a century ago by an Oromo slave called Onesimos Nasib, alias Hiikaa, (Gustave, 1978).
Roman, Arabic and Sabean scripts are all foreign to Oromiffa. None of them fit well the peculiar features of the sounds (phonology), in Oromiffa. The main deficiency of the Arabic script is the problem of vowel differentiation. The Sabean script does not differentiate gemination of consonants and glottal stops. Moreover, it has seven vowels against ten for Oromiffa. Hence, the Roman script is relatively best suited for transcription of Ororniffa. An Italian scholar, Cerulli (1922), who attempted to write in Oromiffa using both Sabean and Roman, expressed the short comings of the Sabean script as follows: to express the sounds of Galla language with letters of the Ethiopic (Sabean) alphabet, which express very imperfectly even the sounds of the Ethiopian language, is very near impossible ... reading Galla language written in Ethiopic alphabet is very like deciphering a secret writing." As a result several Oromo political, cultural groups and linguists have strongly advocated the use of the Roman script with the necessary modifications. It has thus been adopted by the Oromo Liberation Front some years ago.
A number of Oromo scholars in the past attempted to discover scripts suited for writing Oromiffa. The work of Sheikh Bakri Saphalo is one such attempt. His scripts were different in form but followed the symbol-sounds forming patterns of the Sabean system. Ever. though his scripts had serious shortcomings and could not be considered for writing Oromiffa now, it had gained popularity in some parts of eastern Oromia in the 1950s, before it was discovered by the colonial authorities and suppressed.
Oromiffa has been not only completely neglected but ruthlessly suppressed by the Ethiopian authorities. a determined effort for almost a century to destroy and replace it with the Amharic language has been mostly ineffectual. Thus, the Amharization and the destruction of the Oromo national identity has partially failed.Culture
Oromo have a very rich culture, fostered by the size of the population and large land areas with diverse climatic conditions. One highly developed self-sufficient system which has influenced every aspect of Oromo life is the Gadaa system. It is a system that organizes the Oromo society into groups or sets (about 7-11 ) that assume different responsibilities in the society every eight years. It has guided the religious, social, political and economic life of Oromo for many years, and also their philosophy, art, history and method of time-keeping.
The activities and life of each and every member of the society are guided by Gadaa. It is the law of the society, a system by which Oromo administer, defend their territory and rights, maintain and guard their economy and through which all their aspirations are fulfilled.
The Gadaa system has served as the basis of democratic and egalitarian political system. Under it the power to administer the affairs of the nation and the power to make laws belong to the people. Every male member of the society who is of age and of Gadaa grade has full rights to elect and to be elected. All the people have the right to air their views in any public gathering without fear.
There follows a brief description of how the Gadaa system works: there are two well-defined ways of classifying male members of the society, that is the hiriyya (members of an age-set all born within the period of one Gadaa rule of eight years) and Gadaa grade. The Gadaa grades (stages of development through which a Gadaa class passes) differ in number (7-1 1) and name in different parts of Oromia although the functions are the same. The following are the Gadaa grades:-
1.Dabballee (0-8 years of age)2.Folle or Gamme Titiqaa (8-16 years of age)3.Qondaaia or Gamme Gurgudaa (1 6-24 years of age)4.Kuusa (24-32 years of age)5.Raaba Doorii (32-40 years of age)6.Gadaa (40-48 years of age)7.Yuba I (48-56 years of age)8.Yuba II (56-64 years of age)9.Yuba III (64-72 years of age)10.Gadamojjii (72-80 years of age)11.Jaarsa (80 and above years of age)
We will briefly describe the duties of a Gadaa class as it passes through the above grades.
The Dabballee are sons of the Gadaa class who are in power, the Luba. They are boys up to 8 years of age. Thus this is a stage of childhood. Upon reaching their eighth year, they enter the Folle grade. At this age they are allowed to go further away from their villages and to perform light work.
At 16 years old, they enter the Qondaala. They may now go long distances to hunt and perform heavy work. Three years before the Qondaaia ends, those of the Gadaa class come together and nominate the future group leaders (hayyu council) who eventually will constitute its presidium and thereby the executive, judicial and ritual authorities. The final election is preceded by an often lengthy campaign of negotiations. After nomination, the candidates tour the region accompanied by their supporters to win the backing of the people before election, The individuals will be elected on the basis of wisdom, bravery, health and physical fitness.
In the Kuusa grade, the previously elected leaders are formally installed in office, although they do not yet assume full authority except in their own group. This is one of the most important events in the life of the individual and the Gadaa system over all.
In the next grade, Raaba Doorii, members are allowed to marry. This and the Kuusa grade constitute a period of preparation for the assumption of full authority. At the end of this period the class members enter Luba or Gadaa, the most important class of the whole system, attain full status, and take up their position as the ruling Gadaa class. At this stage the system comes to a stop momentarily and all men move to the proceeding class vacating the last class which is the immediately occupied by a new class of youth who thus begin their ascent of the system's ladder.
The former ruling class, the Luba, now becomes Yuba. The Yubas, after passing through three separate eight-year periods, are transferred to the Gadamojjii class. Then they enter the final grade called Jaarsa and retire completely.
As described briefly above, when the Oromo man passes from one stage to the next, his duties and way of life in society change. For instance, during the grades of Qondaala, Kuusa and Raaba Doorii, the individuals learn war tactics , Oromo history, politics, ritual, law and administration over a period of 24 years. When they enter the Gadaa class or Luba at the age of about 40 years, they have already acquired all the necessary knowledge to handle the responsibility of administering the country and the celebration of rituals. It ends with partial retirement of the whole, group of elders to an advisory and judiciary capacity.
The following are the Gadaa officials and their duties according to the Tuuilama Gadaa practice:
1. Abbaa Bokku - President2. Abbaa Bokku - First Vice-President3. Abbaa Bokku - Second Vice-President4. Abbaa Chaffe - Chairman of the Assembly (Chaffe)5. Abbaa Dubbi - Speaker who presents the decision of the presidium to the Assembly6. Abbaa Seera - Memoriser of the laws and the results of the Assembly's deliberations.7. Abbaa Alanga - Judge who executes the decision8. Abbaa Duula - In charge of the army9. Abbaa Sa'a - In charge of the economy
Thus, the entire presidium consists of nine members, called "Saigan Yaa'ii Borana" (nine of the Borana assembly). The Abbaa Bokkus are the chief officials. (Bokku is a wooden or metal sceptre, a sign of authority kept by the Abbaa Bokku, the president). The Abbaa Bokkus have counsellors and assistants called Hayyus who are delegated from the lower assemblies.
There are three level of assembly - intercian, clan and local chaffes, chaffe being the Oromo version of parliament. The chaffe assembly was held in the open air in a meadow under the odaa (sycamore) tree. The chaffe made and declared common laws and was source of the accumulated legal knowledge and customs. In the hierarchy of Gadaa chaffes, the assembly of the entire presidium of the ruling- Gadaa Class is the highest body whose decision is final. It, is the assembly at which'reipresentatives of the entire population come together, at predetermined times, to evaluate among other things, the work of those in power. If those in power have failed to accomplish what is expected of them the assembly has the power to replace them by another group elected from among the same Gadaa class or Luba. And this was one of the methods of checking and balancing political power in the Oromo society. The second highest Gadaa assembly is the clan chaffe. It is from these assemblies that special delegates to the higher assembly are elected. The lowest Gadaa chaffe is the local chaffe. This is made up of local members of the Luba from among whom representatives to clan chaffes are elected.
The holders of these responsible posts can remain in office for eight years only, in normal times, and are then replaced by a new group of officers. The power is handed over at a special ceremony at a special place and time. The office-holders conduct government - political, economic, social, ritual and military - affairs of the entire nation for this period. During war time all capable men fight under the leadership of the group in office. During the eight year period the officials live together in a village (yaa'aa village) and when necessary travel together.
There are five Gadaas in a cycle of 40 years. If a man enters office (becomes Luba) now, his sons will become Luba 40 years from now. The five Gadaa (some times called Buttaa) in the cycle have names, which vary slightly from region to region. Among some Oromo communities the sets of five Gadaa names used by the sons are different from those of the fathers. Whereas among other communities the same set of Gadaa names are used for both fathers and sons. For instance the Gadaa practised in the Borana community uses the following different sets of names for the five Gadaa. (Could be likened to five parties who take power in turns).
Fathers Sons
1. Birmajii Aldada2. Melba Horota3. Muudana Bifoole4. Roobale Sabaqa5. Duuioo Kiloolee
In this manner a given name repeats itself every 80 years. This is in fact the complete Gadaa cycle divided into two semi-cycles of 40 years each. The first 40 years is the Gadaa of the fathers and the second is the Gadaa of the sons.
Although it is not known with any degree of certainty where and when the Gadaa system started, it is known and documented that the Oromo have been practising it for well over 500 years. However, according to oral Oromo historians, the Gadaa system has been in practice for several centuries. "Their (Borana Oromo) noted historian, Arero Rammata, was able to recount, in 1969, an oral history covering four thousand years", (Prouty et al, 1981). Today Gadaa experts easily recall fifty-seven Abbaa Gadaas with important events. Of course, this highly sophisticated system cannot have appeared without having been based on something earlier. Therefore further study and analysis is required to know more about its origin and development.
Social scientists of diverse backgrounds at different times have studied the Gadaa system. Many of them have testified that it is uniquely democratic. Among those authorities, Plowden (1868), stated, "among republican systems, Gadaa is superior". Asmarom Legesse (1973) described the Gadaa system: "one of the most astonishing and instructive turns the evolution of human society has taken". Indeed it is one of the most fascinating sociopolitical structure of Africa that even influenced the lives of other peoples. Several neighbouring peoples have practised a sort of the Gadaa. Among these are Sidama, Walayita, Konso, Darasa, Nyika, Nabdi, Maasai, etc., (Beckingham et al, 1954).
Like living organism, cultures undergo evolution in order to adapt to changing conditions. The Gadaa system has thus been undergoing evolutionary changes since its inception so as to serve better a continually developing society. However, the fundamental that occurred in the Gadaa system, starting around the end of the eighteenth century, were brought about mainly by events set in motion from outside the Oromo society. Therefore it was not fully a normal or natural development.
In most communities suddenly and in a few cases gradually, the usefulness of the Gadaa system declined. Among the factors that had contributed to this decline were firstly, the protracted wars that preceded the onset of colonization. The end of the eighteenth century was marked by constant wars and skirmishes, particularly in the north and north-eastern Oromia against the encroachment of the Abyssinians. Because of the insecurity imposed by such wars coupled with the distances involved to go to the Gadaa ceremonies to change the leadership, the Abbaa Duuias (fathers of war) stayed on their post for much longer period than required by the Gadaa rules. This gave these war leaders a mandatory power, because they were forced or encouraged by the society and existing circumstances, such as the continuous wars, to hang on to power. This weakened one of the outstanding features of the Gadaa system, the built in checks and balances mechanism of political power. This in turn weakened the ideology by which the Oromo nation was successfully led for several centuries.
In addition to the protracted wars, the passing of major trade routes through the area and the subsequent expansion of trade gained the war leaders more wealth. Thus the wealth, fame and power they gradually gained enabled them to command a larger number of followers in the area they were defending. Thus they usurped the political power that belonged to the Gadaa officials and the people and finally some of them declared themselves "mootii" (kings).
The second important factor that contributed to this decline was the coming of new beliefs and religions. The politico-religious aggression that took place in the expansion of 1siam and Christianity have affected the culture of the Oromo people very much. The invasion of Oromo land by Muslims in the east and south and by Christians in the north have left their mark on the Oromo culture.
Thirdly, the changes in the mode of living of several Oromo communities was probably one of the important factors that led to the decline of Gadaa. As the Oromo society developed there was a gradual change in the social, economic and political life of the people. For instance, in many parts of Oromia a settled agrarian mode of life developed fast and the people practised both mixed agriculture - raised crops and animals - and nomadic pastoralism. The latter was the dominant mode of life before this time, although Oromo have practised cultivation for a long time and have made significant contribution to agriculture by domesticating plants and rearing rare varieties of crop plants. The introduction and expansion of trade had significant contribution also. These and other related factors led to the emergence of a new social system, which created a significant pressure on the Gadaa system and brought about a modification or change in the Gadaa practices.
Finally, the onset of colonization had tremendously reduced the political and usefulness of Gadaa system as the administrative affairs and management of the national economy were taken over by the colonisers except in remote regions. Atseme noted, "Menilek outlawed the major chaffe meetings in the Oromo areas he conquered". Bartels (1983) also noted, "Gadaa ... was gradually deprived by Amharas of most of its political and judicial powers and reduced to merely ritual institution". Even the social aspects, that is the ritual and ceremonial aspects, have not been left to the people. The observance of Gadaa ceremonies has been prohibited by proclamation.
The Oromo people also have a rich folklore, oral tradition, music and art. For example it is believed that the Oromo are responsible for the invention and use of phallic stones (Wainwright, 1949 and Greenfield, 1965). Decorations of stone bowls from Zimbabwe include pictures of cattle with long "lyre-shaped" horns such as raised by Oromo. According to these scholars, this and the phallic stones found in Zimbabwe are traced directly to Oromo and linked to their early settlements there and to the Zimbabwe civilization. Wainwright (1949) argued that these were founded by the Oromo. He wrote: "Waqlimi and his people came from Galia land and its neighbourhood, and were already installed in southern Rhodesia before A.D. 900". (Waqiimi is an Oromo name). This date coincides with the date of the erection of some of the famous buildings there which Wainwright says were built by "Galia". This appears to be part of the spread of Kushitic civilization.
Although much of this culture and these traditions have survived harsh suppression, much has been forgotten and lost, artifacts have been destroyed and Oromo are discouraged from developing their culture and art.
Oromo Calendar
Time is a very important concept in Gadaa and therefore in Oromo life. Gadaa itself can be narrowly defined as a given set of time (period) which groups of individuals perform specific duties in a society. Gadaa could also mean age. The lives of individuals, rituals, ceremonies, political and economic activities are scheduled rather precisely. For this purpose, the Oromo have a calendar. The calendar is also used for weather forecasting and divination purposes.
The Oromo calendar is based on astronomical observations of the moon in conjunction with seven or eight particular stars or star groups (Legesse, 1973 and Bassi, 1988) called Urji Dhaha (guiding stars). According to this calendar system, there are approximately 30 days in a month and 12 months in a year. The first day of a month is the day the new moon appears. A day (24 hours) starts and ends at sunrise.
In the Oromo calendar each day of the month and each month of the year has a name. Instead of the expected 29 or 30 names for days of a month, there are only 27 names. These 27 days of the month are permutated through the twelve months, in such a way that the beginning of each month moves forward by 2 or 3 days. The loss per month is then the difference between the 27-day month and the 30-day month, (Legesse, 1973). One interesting observation is that, as illustrated in the computing of time like in the Oromo calendar, Oromos visualization of events is cyclical just as many events in nature are cyclical.
Since each day (called ayyaana) of a month has a name, the Oromo traditionally had no use for names of the days of a week. Perhaps it is because of this that today in different parts of Oromia different names are in use for the days of a week.
Each of the 27 days (ayyaana) of the month have special meaning and connotation to the Oromo time-keeping experts, called ayyaantu. Ayyaantu can tell the day, the month, the year and the Gadaa period by keeping track of time astronomically. They are experts, in astronomy and supplement their memory of things by examining the relative position of eight stars or star groups, (Bassi, 1988) and the moon to determine the day (ayyaana) and the month. On the basis of astronomical observations, they make an adjustment in the day name every two or three months.
The pillars found a few years ago in north-western Kenya by Lynch and Robbins (1978) has been suggested to represent a site used to develop the Oromo calendar system. According to these researchers, it is the first archaeo-astronomical evidence in subSaharan Africa. Doyle (1986) has suggested 300 B.C. as the approximate date of its invention.
According to Asmarom Legesse (1973), "The Oromo calendar is a great and unique invention and has been recorded only in a very few cultures in history of mankind." The only other known cultures with this type of time-keeping are the Chinese, Mayans and Hindus. Legesse states that the Oromo are unusual in that they seem to be the only people with a reasonably accurate calendar which ignore the sun.Religion
There are three main religions in Oromia: traditional Oromo religion, Islam and Christianity. Before the introduction of Christianity and Islam, the Oromo people practised their own religion. They believed in one Waaqayoo which approximates to the English word God. They never worshipped false gods or carved statues as substitutes. M. de Aimeida (1628-46) had the following to say: "the Gallas (Oromo) are neither Christians, moors nor heathens, for they have no idols to worship." The Oromo Waaqa is one and the same for all. He is the creator of everything, source of all life, omnipresent, infinite, incomprehensible, he can do and undo anything, he is pure, intolerant of injustice, crime, sin and all falsehood. Waaqayoo is often called Waaqa for short.
There are many saint-like divinities called ayyaana, each seen as manifestation of the one Waaqa or of the same divine reality. An effective relationship is often maintained between ayyaana and Oromo by Qaaifu (male) and/or Qaafitti (female). A Qaaiiu is like a Bishop in the Christian world and an lmam in the Muslim world. He is a religious and ritual expert who has a special relationship with one of the ayyaana, which possesses him at regular intervals.
Although the office of Qaaiiu is hereditary, in principle it is open to anyone who can provide sufficient proof of the special direct personal contact with an ayyaaria. In the Oromo society a Qaaiiu is regarded as the most senior person in his lineage and clan and the most respected in the society. He is considered pure and clean. He must respect traditional taboos (safuu) and ritual observances in all situations and in all his dealings and must follow the truth and avoid sin.
The Qaaliu institution is one of the most important in the Oromo culture and society and is believed to have existed since mythical times. It is a very important preserver and protector of Oromo culture, more or less in the same way the Abyssinian Orthodox Church is the preserver of Abyssinian culture.
The Qaaiiu institution has political importance, even though the Qaaiiu himself does not possess political power as such and religion is distinctly separated from politics. The Qaailu village is the spiritual centre, where political debates are organized for the candidates for the Gadaa offices. Thus he plays both a spiritual and political role in the Gadaa system. For instance, during the fifth year of the Gadaa period, the Gadaa class in power honours the Qaaliu by taking gifts and making their pledges of reverence. This is the Muuda or annointment ceremony. As the head of the council of electors, the Qaaliu organizes and oversees the election of Gadaa leaders.
The Qaallu institution was once a repository of important ceremonial articles (collective symbols) in the Buttaa (Gadaa) ceremony, such as the bokku (sceptre), the national flag, etc. The national flag is made in the colours of the Qaallu turban (surri ruufa). The national flag had three colours - black at the top, red in the centre and white at the bottom. In the Gadaa, the three colours, black, red and white, represented those yet to enter active life, those in active life (Luba) and those who had passed through active live, respectively. The use of these symbols is prohibited by the colonial government.
The Oromo Qaallu must not be confused with the Amhara Qaailicha, who has a very different, much lower, social status. He is a vagabond who resorts to conjuring and black magic for his own benefit, (Knutsson, 1967). He is notorious for extracting remuneration by threats or other means. On the other hand, it is beneath the dignity of an Oromo Qaallu to ask his ritual clients for gifts or payment. The Abyssinian ruling class has confused the terms, thus disparaging the Qaallu socially and religiously by using the term depreciatingly.
The place of worship of Qaaliu ritual house is called the Galma. Each ayyaana has its own Galma and its own special ceremonies. The Galma is usually located on a hill top, hill side or in a grove of large trees. Many of these sites are now taken up by Abyssinian Orthodox Church buildings or Mosques. Places of worship also include under trees, beside large bodies of water, by the side of big mountains, hills, stones, etc. This has been misrepresented by outsiders claiming that the Oromo worship trees, rivers, etc.
The believers visit the Galma for worship once or twice a week, usually on Thursday and Saturday nights. At this time the followers dance, sing and beat drums to perform a ritual called dalaga in order to achieve a state of ecstasy, which often culminates in possession. It is at the height of this that the possessing ayyaana speaks through the Qaallu's mouth and can answer prayers and predict the future.
Religious Oromo often made Muuda-piigrimages to some of the great Qaaiius and religious centres such as Arsi's Abbaa Muuda (father of anointment). Among the Borana Oromo Muuda pilgrimages are still common. Muuda pilgrimage is very holy and the pilgrims walk to the place of Abbaa Muuda with a stick in one hand and carrying myrrh (qumbii). All Oromo through whose village the pilgrims pass are obliged to give them hospitality. As the Mecca pilgrims are called Haj among Muslims, these Muuda pilgrims are ca!ied Jiia.
The Qaaiiu institution was weakened with the advent of colonialism to Oromia, which reduced contacts between various Oromo groups. The pilgrimage was prohibited. It became the policy to discourage and destroy Oromo cultural institutions and values. The Qaaiiu institution has suffered more during the last 14 years than it suffered during the previous 100 years. At this stage it faces complete eradication and Orthodox Church buildings are fast replacing Gaimas.
Just before the beginning of the harvest season every year, the Oromo have a prayer ceremony (thanksgiving festival) called irreessa. It once took place in river meadows where now the Abyssinian Orthodox Church takes its holy Tabot (tablets) for special yearly festivals, the 'timqat'. The lrreessa has become illegal and anybody who attempts to practise it is now likely to be imprisoned.
The Oromo believe that after death individuals exist in the form of a spirit called the 'ekeraa'. They do not believe in suffering after death as in Christianity and Islam. If one commits sin he/she is punished while still alive. The ekeraa is believed to stay near the place where the person once lived. One is obliged to pray to and to give offering by slaughtering an animal every so often to ones parents' ekeraa. The offerings take place near the family or clan cemetery, which is usually in a village.
Oromo people have been in constant contact with other religions like Islam and Christianity for almost the last 1000 years. For instance, the Islamic religion was reported to have been in eastern Shawa about 900 A.D. and Christianity even before that. However, in favour and defence of their own traditional religion, the Oromo have resisted these religions for quite a long time.
However, today the majority of the Oromo people are followers of Islam and Christianity, while the remaining few are still followers of the original Oromo religion. It is said that the Islamic religion spread in Oromia as a reaction to the Ethiopian colonization. The Oromo accepted Islam and non-Orthodox Christianity en-masse because they identified Abyssinian Orthodox Christianity with the oppressor and also to assert their identity visaa-vis Abyssinians. The Amhara spy monk, Atseme wrote: "The Galia became Muslim for his hatred of Amhara priests." Bereket (1980) also noted, "... Oromos in Arsi province accepted Islam in large number as a demonstration of anti-Amhara sentiment and a rejection of all values associated with imperial conquerors." A somewhat similar situation in the west was the acceptance of Islam by many Afro-Americans in 1950s and 1960s, as a reaction to the racial discrimination and oppression they faced from the white community and in search of an identity different from that of the oppressor group.
There are many Oromo who are followers of Islam or Christianity and yet still practise the original Oromo religion. Bartels (1983) expressed this reality as follows: 'Whether they (Oromo) became Christians or Muslims, the Oromo's traditional modes of experiencing the divine have continued almost unaffected, in spite of the fact that several rituals and social institutions in which it was expressed, have been very diminished or apparently submerged in new ritual cloaks." Many used to visit, until very recently, the Galma and pay due respect to their clan Qaaiiu. This is more true in regions where Abyssinian Orthodox Christianity prevails.
The Land
The country of the Oromo is called Biyya-Oromo (Oromo country) or Oromia (Oromiya). Oromia is a name given by the Oromo Liberation Front to Oromoland, now part of the Ethiopian Empire. Krapf (1860) proposed the term Ormania to designate the nationality or the country of the Oromo people. This, most probably, originated from his reference to the people as Orma or Oroma. Oromia was one of the free nations in the Horn of Africa until its colonization and occupation by Abyssinia at the end of the nineteenth century. It is approximately located between 2 degree and 12 degree N and between 34 degree and 44 degree E. It is bordered in the East by Somali and Afar lands and Djibouti, in the West by the Sudan, in the South by Somalia, Kenya and others and in the North by Amhara and Tigre land or Abyssinia proper. The land area is about 600 000 square kilometres. Out of the 50 or so African countries it is exceeded in size by only 17 countries. It is larger than France, and if Cuba, Bulgaria and Britain were put together, they would be approximately equal to Oromia in size.The physical geography of Oromia is quite varied. It varies from rugged mountain ranges in the centre and north to flat grassland in most of the lowlands of the west, east and south. Among the many mountain ranges are the Karra in Arsi (4340 m), Baatu in Baaie (4307 m), Enkelo in Arsi (4300 m), Mui'ataa in Hararge (3392m) and Baddaa Roggee in Shawa (3350 m).
Similarly, there are many rivers and lakes in Oromia. Many of the rivers flow westwards into either the Blue Nile or the White Nile, and others flow eastwards to Somalia and Afar land. Among the large rivers are the Abbaya (the Nile), Hawas (Awash), Gannaaiee, Waabee, Dhidheessa, Gibe and Baaroo.
For the peoples of Egypt, the Sudan and Somalia, life would be impossible without these rivers. They carry millions of tons of rich soil to Egypt, the Sudan and Somalia every year. Somalia depends heavily on the Gannaaiee (Juba) and Waabee (Shaballe) rivers which come from Oromia. In fact Oromia supplies almost 100 per cent of the fresh water for Somalia, Djibouti and Afars. At present the Ethiopian government depends heavily on Hawas (Awash) water as a source of electric power for its industries and irrigation water to grow sugar cane, cotton and fruits. The Wanji and Matahara sugar estates are good examples. There is a great potential in all these rivers for the production of electric power and for irrigation. Qoqaa, Fincha, Malkaa Waakkenne, Gibee Tiqqaa dams are examples of where hydro-electric power is already being produced or in the process of being harnessed.
Among the Oromo lakes are Abbaya, Hora, Bishofitu, Qoqaa, Langanno and Shaalaa. Many of these lakes possess a great variety of fish and birds on their islands and shores.
The climate is as varied as the physical geography, although close to the equator (to the north of it), because of the mountain ranges, high altitudes and vegetation, the climate is very mild and favourable for habitation. Snow can be found on the mountains such as Baatu and Karra. In the medium altitudes (1800-2500 m) the climate is very mild throughout the year and one of the best. Up to 80 per cent of the population lives at this altitude and agriculture flourishes.
The low altitude areas (below 1500 m) in west, south and central part are relatively warm and humid with lush tropical vegetation, and although few live there permanently most graze their cattle and tend their beehives there. Although there is little agriculture at this altitude at present, it has great potential for the future. As the highland areas are already eroded and over populated, people are gradually moving to the lowlands. The low altitude areas in the east and south-east are mostly semi-arid and used by pastoralists seasonally.
The vegetation of Oromia ranges from savanna grassland and tropical forest to alpine vegetation on the mountaintops. The forests contain a variety of excellent and valuable timbers. Oromia is known for its unique native vegetation as well as for being, the centre of diversity for many different species. For instance, crops like coffee, anchote (root crop), okra, etc. are indigenous to this area.The Economy
Potentially, Oromia is one of the richest countries in Africa. Agriculture is the backbone of its economy. Still employing archaic methods, subsistence agriculture is the means of livelihood for more than 90 per cent of the population. There are a variety of farm animals and crop plants. Farm animals include cattle, sheep, goats, donkeys, mules, horses, camels and chicken. The Cushitic speaking communities of this region perhaps Nubians, are credited with the domestication of donkey and were the first to breed mules, (a result of a cross between a donkey and a mare). The Oromo are expert in animal husbandry through their long tradition as herdsmen. For some, cattle-rearing (pastoralism) is still the main occupation.
Because of Oromia's favourable climate and rich soil, many types of crops are cultivated and normally there is little need for irrigation. Normally one and sometimes two crops can be harvested annually from the same field. Among the major food crops are cereals (wheat, barley, tef, sorghum, corn, millet, etc.), fibre crops (cotton), root crops (potato, sweet potato, yam, inset, anchote, etc.), pulses (peas, beans, chick-peas, lentils, etc.), oil crops (nugi, flax, etc.), fruit trees (orange, mango, avocado, banana, lemon, pineapple, peach, etc.), spices (onion, garlic, coriander, ginger, etc. - coriander and ginger also grow wild) and a variety of vegetables like okra which is indigenous to Oromia.
Many varieties of these important crops occur naturally in Oromia. These diverse crop plants are very valuable natural resources. Oromo farmers have contributed to world agriculture by cultivating and developing some of the worid's crop plants and in this way have discovered new domesticated varieties. The main cash crops are coffee and chat (a stimulant shrub). Coffee, a major cash earner for many countries, has its origin in the forests of Oromia and neighbouring areas. Specifically, Kafa and Limmu are considered centres of origin for coffee. It is from here that coffee spread to other parts of the globe. Coffee was one of the export items of the Gibe states. Wallagga and llubbabor regions of Oromia exported coffee to the Sudan through the inland port of Gambelia on the Baro river and border towns of Kurmuk, Gissan, etc. Hararge, because of its favourable location for communication with the outside markets through the Red Sea, has been producing one of the finest coffees for export. Coffee has remained the chief export item, representing more than 60 per cent of the foreign earnings of successive Ethiopian colonial regimes.
The country is also rich in wild animals and plants. Many different species are found in the waters and forests of Oromia: different kinds of fish, hippopotami, and crocodiles. Land animals include lion, leopard, rhinoceros, buffalo, giraffe, wild ass, zebra, columbus monkey and elephant. There are a number of wild animals that are found solely in Oromia, such as nyaaia, bush-buck (special type), fox (from Baale), etc.
Various types of birds, many of them unique, are found around lakes and elsewhere. These creatures are a source of attraction for tourists and natural scientists alike.
The forests of Oromia are a source of excellent timber. Although the major portion of the forests has been destroyed since its occupation, some still remain in the south and west. However, this is threatened by mismanagement, particularly through the fast the expanding state farms and resettlement programmes. At the time of colonisation a large part of Oromia was covered with forest. This has been reduced to the present 5-7 per cent. In addition to timber trees, medicinal plants and trees producing different kinds of gums, grow in abundance. Myrrh, frankincense and gum Arabic are gathered from the wild trees. Forests, besides being a source of timber, medicine and gum, are useful in the conservation of water and soil, and as shelter for wildlife. They also have an important aesthetic value.
Oromia has important mineral deposits. The gold mines at Adola and Laga Dambi in the Sidamo and around Nejjo, Asosa and Birbir river valley in Wallagga regions which were the major sources of revenue for Meniiek and Haile Selassie are being exploited using modern machinery. Other important minerals found in Oromia are platinum, sulphur, iron-ore, silver and salt.
As early as 1900 Meniiek granted concessions to a Swiss company to mine gold, silver and other minerals in Nejjo, Wallagga region. Later the Germans took over. English, Russian and Italian companies extracted gold and platinum at Yubdo and neighbouring areas in the same region. After some 60 years, the Soviet Union is continuing this business today in the same areas. It is known that large deposits of natural gas and oil exist in Baafe and Hararge regions. The Ethiopian government announced as 1986 the discovery of a new deposit of natural gas in Baale.
The hundreds of hot springs scattered over Oromia are also of economic importance. Thousands of people, including foreigners, visit these springs for their medicinal and recreational value. They are a great potential source of thermal energy. Rivers, streams and springs are plentiful. The rivers have many fails that could be used to generate electric power with little effort. The extent of this electric power could easily satisfy the power needs of Oromia and several neighbouring countries.
References
Alaqa Taye, 1948 (Ethiopian Calendar). Ye itiyophiya Hizb Tarik, Addis Ababa.Aimeida, M. de. 1628-46. The History of High Ethiopia or Abassia, In Some Records of Ethiopia 1593-1646. Ed. and Trans. C. F. Beckingham and G. W. B. Huntingford, 1954, London: Hakluyt Society.Bassi, Marco 1988. On the Borana Calendarical System: A Preliminary Field Report, Current Anthropology, 29(4): pp. 619-624.Bartels, L. 1983. Oromo Religion: Myths and Rites of the Western Oromo of Ethiopia. An Attempt to Understand. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Veriag.Bates, B. 1979. The Abyssinian Difficulty. Oxford University Press. Baxter, P. 1978. Ethiopia's Unacknowledged Problem: The Oromo. African Affairs, Vol. 77 No. 308, pp. 283-296.Baxter, P. 1985. Oromo Perceptions of and Response to the Revolution. Coiioque Inter. La Revolution Ethiopienne Some Phenomene de Societe. Tameignages et Documents. (Memograph).Beckingham, C.F. and G.W.B. Huntingford. 1954. (Ed, and Trans.). Some Records of Ethiopia 1593-1646. London: Hakitiyt Soc.Braukamper, U. 1980. Oromo Country of Origin: A Reconstruction of Hypothesis. 6th Inter. Conf. of Ethiopian Studies. Tel-Aviv. April 1980.Ceruili, E. 1922. Folk Literature of the Galla of Southern Abyssinia. Harvard African Studies. Cambridge, Mass.Doyle, L.R. 1986. The Borana Calendar Reinterpreted. Current Anthropology. 27(3): pp. 286-287.Gragg, G.B. and T. Kumsa. 1982. Oromo Dictionary. Publ:shed by the African Studies Center, Michigan State University.Greenfield, R. 1965. Ethiopia: A New Political History. London: Pall Mail Press.Greenfield, R. and Mohammed Hassen, 1980. Interpretation of Oromo Nationalism. In Horn of Africa, Vol. 3, No.3.Gustave, Gren, 1978. Evangelical Pioneers in Ethiopia. Origin of the Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus. Offsetcenter Ab. Uppsala.Knutsson, K.E. 1967. Authority and Change. The Study of the Kaliu Institution Among the Macha Galia of Ethiopia. Gothenborg, Etnografiska Museet.Krapf, J.L. 1860. Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labours During Eighteen Year's Residence in Eastern Africa. London: Frank Cass. 1968.Legesse, A. 1973. Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society. New York: The Free Press.Lynch, B.M. and L.H. Robbins. 1978. Namoratunga: The First Archaeo-Astronomical Evidence in Sub-Saharan Africa. Science, 200: 766-768.Paulitschke, P.V. 1889. Die Wanderungen der Oromo Oder Galia OstAfrikas. Wien.Perham, M. 1948. The Government of Ethiopia. London: Longmans. Plowden, W. 1868. Travels in Abyssinia and the Galla Country. London: Longmans.Plowden, W. 1868. Travels in Abyssinia and the Galla Country. London: Longmans.Prouty, C. and E. Rosenfeld. 1981. Historical Dictionary of Ethiopia. London : The Scarecrow Press.Wainwright, G.A. 1949. The Founder of the Zimbabwe Civilization. Man 80.
What Kiir has to do for South Sudan unity
What Kiir has to do for South Sudan unity
Saturday 26 November 2005 00:52.
Nov 22, 2005 — I am personally greateful to H.E. Salva Kiir for keeping his words. He promised me over phone when I talked to him in Washington that he would seek to resume dialogue with South Sudan Defense Force (SSDF) as soon as he returned to Khartoum. It’s now obvious that he will stick to his promise when he contacted SSDF leadership in Khartoum on Nov, 22, 2005. However, I am writing this piece of article to inform him publicly about the things he has to do to achieve South Sudan unity. If I want to advise him privately, I would just call him via his cellular phone. But I want the South Sudan public to know the issues I want to convey to him. Before doing so, I want to clear the air poisoned by Garang’s loyalists, who attack respected elder Bona Malwal of wrong doing. First of all, Bona Malwal is not to blame for the formation of South Sudan government which resulted in the exclusion of the Nuer. Some folks want us to believe that Bona has something to do with it. Bona Malwal is not a member of the SPLM. He is the member of South Sudan Democratic Forum. He is an advisor to President Bashir in his capacity as a member of the Democratic Forum. If he has any relationship with Salva Kiir, it is on personal basis, not political.
The formation of the government of the South, if one may talk to Riek Machar, has nothing to do with Bona Malwal. The government was designed by what is now knowned as "the Gogrial kitchen cabinet". Bona Malwal is not a member of that shadow government. That kitchen cabinet is composed of self-appointed advisors of Salva Kiir, who happened to be the architech of the formation of the government.Those individuals are the remnants of Abel Alier’s government of Anya-Nya one. Some people may call them tribalists. Others may regard them as "old school thinkers" to borrow the words of late Dr. Garang, who categorically considered the Abel Alier’s government politicians as "the Southern Bourgeosie clique".
The question one may ask is: Why did the self-appointed advisors form the government of the South with the approval of Salva Kiir? The answer is what constitutes the reason for writing this article. First of all, factional politics within SPLM party needs to be explored before we talk about South Sudan politics in general. Before the death of Garang, SPLM was divided into those who supported Salva Kiir to get rid of Garang and those who supported the latter. The so-called SPLA young officers, who were former Garang’s personall bodyguards, plus some financially desperate individuals, supported Garang. Kiir’s group, composed of mostly polticians from Bhar El Ghazal, who were marginalized by Garang, called for removal of Garang to restructure the South Sudan politics. People need to refer to what is known as "The Rumbek Emergency Meeting" of 2004 to refresh their memory about the cleavages within SPLM.
The death of Garang without bloodshed in the South is a gift from God not only to Kiir’s group but also to South Sudan Democratic Forum, SSDF and other political groups who saw Garang as an obstacle to South-South dialogue. As the International Crisis Group expert says, "the death of Garang will make a lot of things easier because he was an arrogant dictator who cannot differentiate fact from fiction". Indeed, the demise of Garang from South Sudan political scene must be regarded as one of the turning points in history that will bring about fraternity, unity and forgiveness among South Sudanese. If John Garang did not die on July 30, there would have been civil war in the South on August 1st. The SSDF military leadership ordered all its officers to go to their units on July 28 and be prepared for war. As somebody who has high level contact with SSDF, I know nothing would have prevented Southerners from war. But because God of South Sudan does not want people to die after the conclusion of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, he decided to take Garang alone.
The formation of the government of national unity revealed divisions within SPLM. Garang’s loyalists who were supposed to occupy important positions in the North were purged. Nhial Deng Nhial was replaced with Dr. Lam Akol. As some analysts correctly said, "Dr. Garang is not happy in the grave for the appointment of Lam Akol as the Foreign Minister". Of course, only God knows what position Lam Akol would get if Garang were alive. But Lam became Foreign Minister because of his loyalty to Salva Kiir against Garang in 2004.
The formation of South Sudan government that led to marginalization of SSDF and certain ethnic groups within the SPLM was a compromise between Garang’s loyalists and Salva Kiir’s. Elders like Abel Alier approached "the Gogrial kitchen cabinet" and convinced them to prioritise the unity of SPLM. Prioritization of the unity of the SPLM means rejection of the demands of the SSDF and other political groups. Before the formation of the GOSS, Salva Kiir himself promised SSDF to have two ministers in the government. All his promises were rejected by the shadow cabinet. The only party that got one full ministerial post is Democratic Forum. The "Gogrial kitchen cabinet" formed the government without regard to the CPA, which clearly states that SPLM would get 70%, NCP 15% and other South Sudan parties 15%. From South Sudan parties, only the Democratic Forum has a position within the cabinet. Parties like USAP, SANU and Labour have been marginalized. It is ironic because USAP and SANU have two ministerial positions in the government of national unity, but not in the South. That is a clear violation of the CPA. When I asked Salva Kiir to explain the contradiction, he was unable to convince me at all. However, the bottom line is that Salva was defeated by his self-appointed advisors who were backed up by Abel Alier and Bor group. One may infer from logic of the game that the GOSS formed is a compromise between Dinka Bor and Dinka Bhar El Ghazal.
The next phase of Salva Kiir political problems is how to strike a compromise with SSDF in order to create a unified South Sudan. I will not focus much on the details of the need for a compromise with SSDF for security reasons; however, I will only deal with theories that should bring about that compromise. First of all, Salva Kiir must neutralize tribalists within the SPLM who do not want the resumption of the dialogue with SSDF. As the President of the South, his first loyalty must be towards the South, not tribe. The old school of thought in the South states that a leader must be loyalt to his tribe. But tribal loyalty is seen as a source of the failure of many states in Africa. A leader needs to develop a political culture in which he should fight his kin and kith who are enemies of the unity of the people in the state. A state is always built on principles which requires statemanship to keep it together. Abraham Lincoln gave his life to free African Americans from slavery. John F. Kenedy did the same thing by turning against white racists who wanted to maintain Jim Crow in the Southern States of America. In South Sudan context, Kiir must first go to war with Dinka tribalists before even dreaming of uniting the South. He has to purge all the Dinka tribalists in his government who are disloyalt to South-South dialogue with SSDF. He has to demonstrate in action that he is a leader of all South Sudan tribes.
The failure of Salva Kiir’s government will come from his stance to deal with tribalists within his party who are not interested in the correct way of managing ethnic pluralism, which is a central fact of political life in the South. There is school of thought which argues that the protest against marginalization of certain ethnic groups within GOSS is motivated by tribal reasons rather than the mismanagement of ethnic pluralism by "the Gogrial kitchen cabinet". But the thinkers of such a school of thought are intellectually incapacitated by their own ignorance of political reality in Africa. The discourse on conflict in Africa tends to be dominated by group grievances beneath which inter-group hatreds lurk, often traced back through history. When leaders of ethnically heterogenous state fail to manage pluralism, the result is always instability because the excluded groups resort to the use of force to express their grievances. By playing upon a sense of grievance, the excluded groups may therefore be able to get additional recruits more cheaply. In grievance theory, if one is consumed with grievance against the government, one may well prefer to rebel than to continue to suffer its continuation. There was no Union of Nuer Community in North America (UNCONA) before the formation of the government of national unity. The UNCONA was established by the Nuer in North America to bring about Nuer unity against marginalization in Sudan. Whether we like it or not, the UNCONA is a force that needs attention from South Sudan politicians. If the Nuer civil society are united against Salva Kiir’s government, Nuer politicians like Dr. Wal Duany, Riek Machar, Gatluak Deang, John Luk, David Koak and etc will follow the will of UNCONA leading to politicization of ethnicity in the South.
It was once thought that ethnic heterogeneity facilitates state failure in Africa, while homogeneity corrolates strongly with success. The case against this argument has become considerably stronger in recent years. The ethnic mix of a country does not by itself lead to cataclysmic outcomes, but its management. Somalia and Rwanda are two of the most ethnically homogenous states in Africa. Yet they are the source of human suffering in the 1990s. By contrast, one of the most stable countries in Africa, Cameroon, is also its most ethnically and linguistically diverse. Cameroon is believed to have over 150 ethnic groups. Ethnicity has proven to be a destablising factor only when used by frustrated and insecure elites for their own end. Even though ethnicity has been a continual source of political tension in Ghana, it has not persistently polarized the polity as it has in Nigeria or Sudan.
South Africa did not have an ethnic problem until chief Buthelezi decided to fan the flames of Zulu nationalism in order to assure for himself a role in post-apartheid government. Likewise, the former Yugoslavia was one of the most multi-ethnic, stable and relatively successful states in Europe until Slobodan Milosevic sought to maintain his power base by resurrecting latent Serbian nationalism using local Bosnian Serb leaders as surrogates. The slaughter of Tutsis in Rwanda was orchestrated by insecure Hutu extremists who feard that former President Juvenal Habyarimana was giving away too much to the minority Tutsis. Salva Kiir needs to know these facts because if he fails to disarm SPLM tribalists early, they will instead disarm him in the long run. It’s advisable for him to get rid of them now for the sake of peace in the South rather than allowing them to impede dialogue with SSDF. Purging extremists within the SPLM is much better than risking a civil war with SSDF.
In conclusion, the appropriate step HE Salva Kiir must take is to confront the SPLM tribalists early so that he nurtures political culture of compromise. South Sudan needs leadership which transcends tribal loyalties to bring about peace. What SSDF is asking for is its share of power like any group in Sudan. Kiir must demonstrate spirite of statemanship within the first three years of the CPA.
*The author is the Chairman of South Sudan Democratic Forum-Canada. He is also special advisor to Maj. Gen. Paulino Matip. He can be reached at gordonbuay@hotmail.com.
Saturday 26 November 2005 00:52.
Nov 22, 2005 — I am personally greateful to H.E. Salva Kiir for keeping his words. He promised me over phone when I talked to him in Washington that he would seek to resume dialogue with South Sudan Defense Force (SSDF) as soon as he returned to Khartoum. It’s now obvious that he will stick to his promise when he contacted SSDF leadership in Khartoum on Nov, 22, 2005. However, I am writing this piece of article to inform him publicly about the things he has to do to achieve South Sudan unity. If I want to advise him privately, I would just call him via his cellular phone. But I want the South Sudan public to know the issues I want to convey to him. Before doing so, I want to clear the air poisoned by Garang’s loyalists, who attack respected elder Bona Malwal of wrong doing. First of all, Bona Malwal is not to blame for the formation of South Sudan government which resulted in the exclusion of the Nuer. Some folks want us to believe that Bona has something to do with it. Bona Malwal is not a member of the SPLM. He is the member of South Sudan Democratic Forum. He is an advisor to President Bashir in his capacity as a member of the Democratic Forum. If he has any relationship with Salva Kiir, it is on personal basis, not political.
The formation of the government of the South, if one may talk to Riek Machar, has nothing to do with Bona Malwal. The government was designed by what is now knowned as "the Gogrial kitchen cabinet". Bona Malwal is not a member of that shadow government. That kitchen cabinet is composed of self-appointed advisors of Salva Kiir, who happened to be the architech of the formation of the government.Those individuals are the remnants of Abel Alier’s government of Anya-Nya one. Some people may call them tribalists. Others may regard them as "old school thinkers" to borrow the words of late Dr. Garang, who categorically considered the Abel Alier’s government politicians as "the Southern Bourgeosie clique".
The question one may ask is: Why did the self-appointed advisors form the government of the South with the approval of Salva Kiir? The answer is what constitutes the reason for writing this article. First of all, factional politics within SPLM party needs to be explored before we talk about South Sudan politics in general. Before the death of Garang, SPLM was divided into those who supported Salva Kiir to get rid of Garang and those who supported the latter. The so-called SPLA young officers, who were former Garang’s personall bodyguards, plus some financially desperate individuals, supported Garang. Kiir’s group, composed of mostly polticians from Bhar El Ghazal, who were marginalized by Garang, called for removal of Garang to restructure the South Sudan politics. People need to refer to what is known as "The Rumbek Emergency Meeting" of 2004 to refresh their memory about the cleavages within SPLM.
The death of Garang without bloodshed in the South is a gift from God not only to Kiir’s group but also to South Sudan Democratic Forum, SSDF and other political groups who saw Garang as an obstacle to South-South dialogue. As the International Crisis Group expert says, "the death of Garang will make a lot of things easier because he was an arrogant dictator who cannot differentiate fact from fiction". Indeed, the demise of Garang from South Sudan political scene must be regarded as one of the turning points in history that will bring about fraternity, unity and forgiveness among South Sudanese. If John Garang did not die on July 30, there would have been civil war in the South on August 1st. The SSDF military leadership ordered all its officers to go to their units on July 28 and be prepared for war. As somebody who has high level contact with SSDF, I know nothing would have prevented Southerners from war. But because God of South Sudan does not want people to die after the conclusion of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, he decided to take Garang alone.
The formation of the government of national unity revealed divisions within SPLM. Garang’s loyalists who were supposed to occupy important positions in the North were purged. Nhial Deng Nhial was replaced with Dr. Lam Akol. As some analysts correctly said, "Dr. Garang is not happy in the grave for the appointment of Lam Akol as the Foreign Minister". Of course, only God knows what position Lam Akol would get if Garang were alive. But Lam became Foreign Minister because of his loyalty to Salva Kiir against Garang in 2004.
The formation of South Sudan government that led to marginalization of SSDF and certain ethnic groups within the SPLM was a compromise between Garang’s loyalists and Salva Kiir’s. Elders like Abel Alier approached "the Gogrial kitchen cabinet" and convinced them to prioritise the unity of SPLM. Prioritization of the unity of the SPLM means rejection of the demands of the SSDF and other political groups. Before the formation of the GOSS, Salva Kiir himself promised SSDF to have two ministers in the government. All his promises were rejected by the shadow cabinet. The only party that got one full ministerial post is Democratic Forum. The "Gogrial kitchen cabinet" formed the government without regard to the CPA, which clearly states that SPLM would get 70%, NCP 15% and other South Sudan parties 15%. From South Sudan parties, only the Democratic Forum has a position within the cabinet. Parties like USAP, SANU and Labour have been marginalized. It is ironic because USAP and SANU have two ministerial positions in the government of national unity, but not in the South. That is a clear violation of the CPA. When I asked Salva Kiir to explain the contradiction, he was unable to convince me at all. However, the bottom line is that Salva was defeated by his self-appointed advisors who were backed up by Abel Alier and Bor group. One may infer from logic of the game that the GOSS formed is a compromise between Dinka Bor and Dinka Bhar El Ghazal.
The next phase of Salva Kiir political problems is how to strike a compromise with SSDF in order to create a unified South Sudan. I will not focus much on the details of the need for a compromise with SSDF for security reasons; however, I will only deal with theories that should bring about that compromise. First of all, Salva Kiir must neutralize tribalists within the SPLM who do not want the resumption of the dialogue with SSDF. As the President of the South, his first loyalty must be towards the South, not tribe. The old school of thought in the South states that a leader must be loyalt to his tribe. But tribal loyalty is seen as a source of the failure of many states in Africa. A leader needs to develop a political culture in which he should fight his kin and kith who are enemies of the unity of the people in the state. A state is always built on principles which requires statemanship to keep it together. Abraham Lincoln gave his life to free African Americans from slavery. John F. Kenedy did the same thing by turning against white racists who wanted to maintain Jim Crow in the Southern States of America. In South Sudan context, Kiir must first go to war with Dinka tribalists before even dreaming of uniting the South. He has to purge all the Dinka tribalists in his government who are disloyalt to South-South dialogue with SSDF. He has to demonstrate in action that he is a leader of all South Sudan tribes.
The failure of Salva Kiir’s government will come from his stance to deal with tribalists within his party who are not interested in the correct way of managing ethnic pluralism, which is a central fact of political life in the South. There is school of thought which argues that the protest against marginalization of certain ethnic groups within GOSS is motivated by tribal reasons rather than the mismanagement of ethnic pluralism by "the Gogrial kitchen cabinet". But the thinkers of such a school of thought are intellectually incapacitated by their own ignorance of political reality in Africa. The discourse on conflict in Africa tends to be dominated by group grievances beneath which inter-group hatreds lurk, often traced back through history. When leaders of ethnically heterogenous state fail to manage pluralism, the result is always instability because the excluded groups resort to the use of force to express their grievances. By playing upon a sense of grievance, the excluded groups may therefore be able to get additional recruits more cheaply. In grievance theory, if one is consumed with grievance against the government, one may well prefer to rebel than to continue to suffer its continuation. There was no Union of Nuer Community in North America (UNCONA) before the formation of the government of national unity. The UNCONA was established by the Nuer in North America to bring about Nuer unity against marginalization in Sudan. Whether we like it or not, the UNCONA is a force that needs attention from South Sudan politicians. If the Nuer civil society are united against Salva Kiir’s government, Nuer politicians like Dr. Wal Duany, Riek Machar, Gatluak Deang, John Luk, David Koak and etc will follow the will of UNCONA leading to politicization of ethnicity in the South.
It was once thought that ethnic heterogeneity facilitates state failure in Africa, while homogeneity corrolates strongly with success. The case against this argument has become considerably stronger in recent years. The ethnic mix of a country does not by itself lead to cataclysmic outcomes, but its management. Somalia and Rwanda are two of the most ethnically homogenous states in Africa. Yet they are the source of human suffering in the 1990s. By contrast, one of the most stable countries in Africa, Cameroon, is also its most ethnically and linguistically diverse. Cameroon is believed to have over 150 ethnic groups. Ethnicity has proven to be a destablising factor only when used by frustrated and insecure elites for their own end. Even though ethnicity has been a continual source of political tension in Ghana, it has not persistently polarized the polity as it has in Nigeria or Sudan.
South Africa did not have an ethnic problem until chief Buthelezi decided to fan the flames of Zulu nationalism in order to assure for himself a role in post-apartheid government. Likewise, the former Yugoslavia was one of the most multi-ethnic, stable and relatively successful states in Europe until Slobodan Milosevic sought to maintain his power base by resurrecting latent Serbian nationalism using local Bosnian Serb leaders as surrogates. The slaughter of Tutsis in Rwanda was orchestrated by insecure Hutu extremists who feard that former President Juvenal Habyarimana was giving away too much to the minority Tutsis. Salva Kiir needs to know these facts because if he fails to disarm SPLM tribalists early, they will instead disarm him in the long run. It’s advisable for him to get rid of them now for the sake of peace in the South rather than allowing them to impede dialogue with SSDF. Purging extremists within the SPLM is much better than risking a civil war with SSDF.
In conclusion, the appropriate step HE Salva Kiir must take is to confront the SPLM tribalists early so that he nurtures political culture of compromise. South Sudan needs leadership which transcends tribal loyalties to bring about peace. What SSDF is asking for is its share of power like any group in Sudan. Kiir must demonstrate spirite of statemanship within the first three years of the CPA.
*The author is the Chairman of South Sudan Democratic Forum-Canada. He is also special advisor to Maj. Gen. Paulino Matip. He can be reached at gordonbuay@hotmail.com.
November 25, 2005
Sudan’s Kiir denies rumours on his death
Sudan’s Kiir denies rumours on his death
Friday 25 November 2005 12:51.
Sudan’s People Liberation Army leader John Garang (R), flanked by his deputy Commander Salva Kiir Majardit, answers a question during an SPLA press conference in Kenya’s capital Nairobi, January 8, 2005. (Reuters).Nov 25, 2005 (KHARTOUM) — The first vice president and president of the government of the south, Lt Gen Salva Kiir Mayardit, has strongly denied rumours circulated in some Sudanese towns that he was involved in a car crash in Khartoum after attending the inaugural session of the second general annual meeting of the ruling National Congress Party.
In a press statement made upon his arrival at Juba International Airport, he said other rumours of him being poisoned had also been circulated. He said these stories were biased and aimed at spreading chaos amongst citizens.
He further called on all Sudanese not to listen to the enemies of peace who do not care about anything and seize any opportunity to derail peace in the country.
(ST/BBC-MS)
Friday 25 November 2005 12:51.
Sudan’s People Liberation Army leader John Garang (R), flanked by his deputy Commander Salva Kiir Majardit, answers a question during an SPLA press conference in Kenya’s capital Nairobi, January 8, 2005. (Reuters).Nov 25, 2005 (KHARTOUM) — The first vice president and president of the government of the south, Lt Gen Salva Kiir Mayardit, has strongly denied rumours circulated in some Sudanese towns that he was involved in a car crash in Khartoum after attending the inaugural session of the second general annual meeting of the ruling National Congress Party.
In a press statement made upon his arrival at Juba International Airport, he said other rumours of him being poisoned had also been circulated. He said these stories were biased and aimed at spreading chaos amongst citizens.
He further called on all Sudanese not to listen to the enemies of peace who do not care about anything and seize any opportunity to derail peace in the country.
(ST/BBC-MS)
US warns about piracy off Somalia, Yemen
U.S. warns about piracy off Somalia, Yemen
By Observer Staff Nov 26, 2005 - Vol.VIII Issue 46
NAIROBI - Boats and ships near Somalia and Yemen should travel in convoy and maintain good radio communications at all times because of the threat of pirate attacks, a U.S. travel advisory notice has warned. Sailors should avoid the Somali port of Mogadishu and remain at least 370 kilometers off the Horn of Africa nation to avoid pirate attacks, armed robberies and kidnappings for ransom, according to a travel advisory released by the U.S. Embassy in Kenya. Pirates have attacked recently several vessels sailing near Yemen and Somalia’s 3,000-kilometre coastline, the longest in Africa. The two countries lie close to important shipping routes connecting the Red Sea with the Indian Ocean, where valuable cargo and carriers must pass. The problem shot to international attention when two boatloads of pirates attacked a luxury cruise liner carrying mostly American passengers on November 5. The Seabourn Spirit sped away and no passengers were injured, but one of the 161-person crew was wounded by shrapnel in the raid, which occurred about 160 kilometers off Somalia. “Americans considering seaborne travel near the Horn of Africa or in the southern Red Sea should exercise extreme caution,” the travel notice warned. “At least three flagged vessels were hijacked in October 2005 off the coast of Somalia.” Somalia has had no effective government since opposition leaders ousted a dictatorship in 1991 and then turned on each other, carving the nation of 8.2 million into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms. The end of both colonial controls and the Cold War has reduced the naval presence and capability in regions where piracy historically has flourished, leading to escalating incidents of violent high-sea banditry.
Copyright (c) 2004 - 2005Yemen Observer Newspaper
http://www.yobserver.com/news_8689.php
By Observer Staff Nov 26, 2005 - Vol.VIII Issue 46
NAIROBI - Boats and ships near Somalia and Yemen should travel in convoy and maintain good radio communications at all times because of the threat of pirate attacks, a U.S. travel advisory notice has warned. Sailors should avoid the Somali port of Mogadishu and remain at least 370 kilometers off the Horn of Africa nation to avoid pirate attacks, armed robberies and kidnappings for ransom, according to a travel advisory released by the U.S. Embassy in Kenya. Pirates have attacked recently several vessels sailing near Yemen and Somalia’s 3,000-kilometre coastline, the longest in Africa. The two countries lie close to important shipping routes connecting the Red Sea with the Indian Ocean, where valuable cargo and carriers must pass. The problem shot to international attention when two boatloads of pirates attacked a luxury cruise liner carrying mostly American passengers on November 5. The Seabourn Spirit sped away and no passengers were injured, but one of the 161-person crew was wounded by shrapnel in the raid, which occurred about 160 kilometers off Somalia. “Americans considering seaborne travel near the Horn of Africa or in the southern Red Sea should exercise extreme caution,” the travel notice warned. “At least three flagged vessels were hijacked in October 2005 off the coast of Somalia.” Somalia has had no effective government since opposition leaders ousted a dictatorship in 1991 and then turned on each other, carving the nation of 8.2 million into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms. The end of both colonial controls and the Cold War has reduced the naval presence and capability in regions where piracy historically has flourished, leading to escalating incidents of violent high-sea banditry.
Copyright (c) 2004 - 2005Yemen Observer Newspaper
http://www.yobserver.com/news_8689.php
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