The gallant Oromo Liberation Army in Action.
November 12, 2005
Seeking of constitutional right and expressing objection: Letter of Jimmaa Univ. Oromo students
November 11, 2005
No: ju-o5/98&o6/98 Date: 11/11/05
Federal Democratic republic of Ethiopia
Prime Minister Office
Finfine
Issue: Seeking of Constitutional right and expressing Objection
It has been more than a century that the Oromo people are colonized by domestic colonizers, due to some peoples act of treason and power balance. History shows that between 1870 – 1900 the number of the nation decreased form 10 mil to 5 mil. The colonizers have tried all their best to eradicate and suppress the language culture and humanity of the nation even if things ware not here as expected due to the sacrificial struggle for self-defense of the people.
Even in to days so called “Democratic Ethiopia” the answer for people who raised genuine questions of liberation was bullet; thousands have died, disabled and more than 18,000 are still in prison under the guise of OLF supporters. What is more human right watch report released recently before the election can be a good assessment of the regime with regard to the Oromos. The countless effort of the government to disregard the question of the Oromo people is unsuccessful and Ethiopia has no peace, stability and prosperity. After demonstration and discussion on those realities, we Jimma University Oromo students have proposed the following short term and long-term solution on behalf of the Oromo people who is around 40 million.
We hereby ask all responsible bodies to answer our questions and failure to act accordingly may entail risk and the government is responsible for it.
Short-term solution
1. Oromia should be administered by indigenous Oromos. Depose Minase W/Georgies (Aba Dula) and his colleague form power.
2. Finfine and Dire dawa should be accountable for the Oromia regional government as a zone.
3. Free all Mecha and Tulema civic organization leaders and open the office.
4. Free all political prisoners and compensate all kind of victims.
5. Stop firing bullet as a solution to legal real and constitutional questions.
6. As far as Oromos (amounting to half of the Ethiopian populations) are not represented by free Oromo organizations (OLF) the recent election cannot represent us.
7. The agenda of Oromo liberation front is the agenda of Oromos, so don’t try to separate the two.
8. The prime minister should keep his integrity in opening talk with the OLF.
9. Stop fighting on Oromo land
Long term solution
¨ Make effective Art 39 of the FDRE constitution “The right to self determination up to session”
· Conduct referendum
v Answering the question of Oromo is setting the corner stone for the peace and stability of the horn of Africa.
C.C
¨ The house of peoples representative
¨ The house of federation
¨ Council of Oromia regional state
¨ Council of Minster’s
¨ Minster of federal affairs
¨ European union parliament
¨ The united nation
¨ The USA embassy
¨ The Norway embassy
¨ The Germany embassy
¨ All concerned body
With regards,
Jimma University Oromo Students
Copyright ©2005 ABO/OLF All Rights Reserved Email Webmaster olfinfodesk@earthlink.net
No: ju-o5/98&o6/98 Date: 11/11/05
Federal Democratic republic of Ethiopia
Prime Minister Office
Finfine
Issue: Seeking of Constitutional right and expressing Objection
It has been more than a century that the Oromo people are colonized by domestic colonizers, due to some peoples act of treason and power balance. History shows that between 1870 – 1900 the number of the nation decreased form 10 mil to 5 mil. The colonizers have tried all their best to eradicate and suppress the language culture and humanity of the nation even if things ware not here as expected due to the sacrificial struggle for self-defense of the people.
Even in to days so called “Democratic Ethiopia” the answer for people who raised genuine questions of liberation was bullet; thousands have died, disabled and more than 18,000 are still in prison under the guise of OLF supporters. What is more human right watch report released recently before the election can be a good assessment of the regime with regard to the Oromos. The countless effort of the government to disregard the question of the Oromo people is unsuccessful and Ethiopia has no peace, stability and prosperity. After demonstration and discussion on those realities, we Jimma University Oromo students have proposed the following short term and long-term solution on behalf of the Oromo people who is around 40 million.
We hereby ask all responsible bodies to answer our questions and failure to act accordingly may entail risk and the government is responsible for it.
Short-term solution
1. Oromia should be administered by indigenous Oromos. Depose Minase W/Georgies (Aba Dula) and his colleague form power.
2. Finfine and Dire dawa should be accountable for the Oromia regional government as a zone.
3. Free all Mecha and Tulema civic organization leaders and open the office.
4. Free all political prisoners and compensate all kind of victims.
5. Stop firing bullet as a solution to legal real and constitutional questions.
6. As far as Oromos (amounting to half of the Ethiopian populations) are not represented by free Oromo organizations (OLF) the recent election cannot represent us.
7. The agenda of Oromo liberation front is the agenda of Oromos, so don’t try to separate the two.
8. The prime minister should keep his integrity in opening talk with the OLF.
9. Stop fighting on Oromo land
Long term solution
¨ Make effective Art 39 of the FDRE constitution “The right to self determination up to session”
· Conduct referendum
v Answering the question of Oromo is setting the corner stone for the peace and stability of the horn of Africa.
C.C
¨ The house of peoples representative
¨ The house of federation
¨ Council of Oromia regional state
¨ Council of Minster’s
¨ Minster of federal affairs
¨ European union parliament
¨ The united nation
¨ The USA embassy
¨ The Norway embassy
¨ The Germany embassy
¨ All concerned body
With regards,
Jimma University Oromo Students
Copyright ©2005 ABO/OLF All Rights Reserved Email Webmaster olfinfodesk@earthlink.net
Japan's UN representative raises concerns for Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict
Japan's U.N. rep, raises concerns for Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict
Nov 12, 2005, 9:32 GMT
New York - Kenzo Oshima, the Japanese ambassador to the United Nations, Friday warned the U.N. Security Council that the disintegration of the conflict in Ethiopia and Eritrea provoked serious concerns.
Oshima returned after the council sent him to visit the U.N. peacekeeping operations on the border between the two rival East African countries.
Oshima warned of the huge 'danger of a worsening' of the conflict, but stopped short of anticipating that all out war would break out, according to Andrej Denisov, the current Security Council president.
Oshima plans to submit a written report to the council.
Ethiopia has for three years refused to accept the decision of an independent border commission to settle the conflict, although it had made a commitment to acccept the outcome.
Eretria became independent from Ethiopia in the early 1990s after decades of rebellion, and there was peace between the two countries for a number of years after that.
But in 1998, a bloody war broke out over the border dispute that took 70,000 lives.
Oshima held talks with both Ethiopia and Eritrea aimed at defusing escalating tension. U.N. peacekeepers patrol a 1,000-kilometre Temporary Security Zone that was set up at the end of the two-and- half-year border war in 2000.
Eritrea has recently banned U.N. helicopters from flying over its territory and restricted night travel by UNMEE vehicles.
Oshima, the chairman of the U.N. Security Council's Working Group on Peacekeeping Operations, said that Eritrean restrictions had reduced UNMEE's operational capabilities by about 40 per cent.
Oshima said he had received assurances that Ethiopia would not be 'the first to fire' in the event of a border conflict with Eritrea.
U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan last week called for both Eritrea and Ethiopia 'to exercise maximum restraint in the prevailing tense situation in the border area', he also urged Eritrea to lift restrictions on UNMEE 'as a matter of urgency'.
© dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Nov 12, 2005, 9:32 GMT
New York - Kenzo Oshima, the Japanese ambassador to the United Nations, Friday warned the U.N. Security Council that the disintegration of the conflict in Ethiopia and Eritrea provoked serious concerns.
Oshima returned after the council sent him to visit the U.N. peacekeeping operations on the border between the two rival East African countries.
Oshima warned of the huge 'danger of a worsening' of the conflict, but stopped short of anticipating that all out war would break out, according to Andrej Denisov, the current Security Council president.
Oshima plans to submit a written report to the council.
Ethiopia has for three years refused to accept the decision of an independent border commission to settle the conflict, although it had made a commitment to acccept the outcome.
Eretria became independent from Ethiopia in the early 1990s after decades of rebellion, and there was peace between the two countries for a number of years after that.
But in 1998, a bloody war broke out over the border dispute that took 70,000 lives.
Oshima held talks with both Ethiopia and Eritrea aimed at defusing escalating tension. U.N. peacekeepers patrol a 1,000-kilometre Temporary Security Zone that was set up at the end of the two-and- half-year border war in 2000.
Eritrea has recently banned U.N. helicopters from flying over its territory and restricted night travel by UNMEE vehicles.
Oshima, the chairman of the U.N. Security Council's Working Group on Peacekeeping Operations, said that Eritrean restrictions had reduced UNMEE's operational capabilities by about 40 per cent.
Oshima said he had received assurances that Ethiopia would not be 'the first to fire' in the event of a border conflict with Eritrea.
U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan last week called for both Eritrea and Ethiopia 'to exercise maximum restraint in the prevailing tense situation in the border area', he also urged Eritrea to lift restrictions on UNMEE 'as a matter of urgency'.
© dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
A darling of the West turns nasty
Middle East & Africa
Ethiopia
A darling of the West turns nasty
Nov 10th 2005 ADDIS ABABAFrom The Economist print edition
As a favourite recipient of aid lashes out, the West faces a familiar dilemma
ReutersThe human cost of Mr Zenawi
CARNAGE returned last week to the streets of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia's capital. For the second time since a disputed general election in May, government forces opened fire on protesters, killing at least 46 and injuring hundreds more. In June, 36 were shot dead. This time round, a few of the protesters were violent, but the government response was fearsome. Many bodies laid out in the mortuary of the Menelik II hospital had been ripped apart by bullets. Doctors said that, after the first couple of days of skirmishes, almost all the gunshot wounds were in the stomach, chest and head.
Ethiopia's prime minister, Meles Zenawi, regretted the shootings, but said that the police were mostly acting in self-defence. He promised an independent inquiry but had thousands of protesters put in prison, where many had been for several weeks in the summer. Leaders of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), the opposition party behind the protests, as well as some journalists, are to be tried for treason.
This week, the CUD called a general strike to protest once more against the May elections, won by Mr Zenawi, which the European Union has described as “flawed”, and against the shootings. Addis Ababa grew eerily empty, but it was hard to say whether out of defiance or fear. The CUD certainly has pulling power, at least in urban areas, attracting as many as 1m supporters to its rallies. It swept the capital's parliamentary seats in May, despite all the government's efforts to stop it.
Ethiopians prize the ability to speak sweetly but with ambiguity. Mr Zenawi is a master at it. Alternately slick and brutish, diplomats cannot decide whether he is dragging Ethiopia forward or back. Is he the bon vivant who provided sterling service as a member of the Commission for Africa created by Britain's prime minister, Tony Blair? Or is he essentially a rebel leader, who will happily toy with democracy in order to stay in power? With a Marxist education and years of guerrilla warfare behind him, Mr Zenawi instinctively wants to control. He bullied taxi drivers and shopkeepers back to work this week, threatening to ruin the strikers.
Most worryingly, he responded to a measured statement by American and EU diplomats on the shootings by complaining about western meddling. Western countries do have some leverage over Mr Zenawi through the large amounts of aid they are giving to his country ($1.3 billion was due this year); Britain and several other donors have already suspended some of that money.
That sort of punishment may play well with taxpayers at home, but it is not a very effective stick for beating Ethiopia with, not least because it will undermine the very development the rest of the aid money is meant to underwrite. Moreover, Mr Zenawi's supporters argue that his authoritarian methods, however ruthlessly on display in the capital, have helped to complete roads, clinics and agricultural extension projects in the famished countryside, where most Ethiopians live. Blood-spattered as he now is, Mr Zenawi has earned plaudits for growing more food and overseeing one of Africa's more effective strategies for reducing poverty.
Nor is there a clear alternative to him. The opposition is fractious. A slide into totalitarianism might unite them, but probably only temporarily. The CUD has at least four factions, the smaller United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF) even more. CUD supporters tend to be Amharas from the superior-feeling north, bitterly resentful of the Tigrayans' lock on power; a quarter of Ethiopians are Amhara, while a bare 8%, including Mr Zenawi, are Tigrayan.
The opposition can also be inflammatory over relations with Eritrea, which won independence from Ethiopia in 1993. Some call for the return of what they call “Ethiopia's Red Sea territories”, meaning Eritrea, by any means. Mr Zenawi is, again, more ambiguous, talking peace while beefing up Ethiopia's army.
Many, perhaps most, Ethiopians and many foreign observers argue that, despite the government's recent bloody brutality, Mr Zenawi is still the best man to keep Ethiopia on a path to development. Perhaps. But the price Ethiopians are paying for that development is going up fast.
Ethiopia
A darling of the West turns nasty
Nov 10th 2005 ADDIS ABABAFrom The Economist print edition
As a favourite recipient of aid lashes out, the West faces a familiar dilemma
ReutersThe human cost of Mr Zenawi
CARNAGE returned last week to the streets of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia's capital. For the second time since a disputed general election in May, government forces opened fire on protesters, killing at least 46 and injuring hundreds more. In June, 36 were shot dead. This time round, a few of the protesters were violent, but the government response was fearsome. Many bodies laid out in the mortuary of the Menelik II hospital had been ripped apart by bullets. Doctors said that, after the first couple of days of skirmishes, almost all the gunshot wounds were in the stomach, chest and head.
Ethiopia's prime minister, Meles Zenawi, regretted the shootings, but said that the police were mostly acting in self-defence. He promised an independent inquiry but had thousands of protesters put in prison, where many had been for several weeks in the summer. Leaders of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), the opposition party behind the protests, as well as some journalists, are to be tried for treason.
This week, the CUD called a general strike to protest once more against the May elections, won by Mr Zenawi, which the European Union has described as “flawed”, and against the shootings. Addis Ababa grew eerily empty, but it was hard to say whether out of defiance or fear. The CUD certainly has pulling power, at least in urban areas, attracting as many as 1m supporters to its rallies. It swept the capital's parliamentary seats in May, despite all the government's efforts to stop it.
Ethiopians prize the ability to speak sweetly but with ambiguity. Mr Zenawi is a master at it. Alternately slick and brutish, diplomats cannot decide whether he is dragging Ethiopia forward or back. Is he the bon vivant who provided sterling service as a member of the Commission for Africa created by Britain's prime minister, Tony Blair? Or is he essentially a rebel leader, who will happily toy with democracy in order to stay in power? With a Marxist education and years of guerrilla warfare behind him, Mr Zenawi instinctively wants to control. He bullied taxi drivers and shopkeepers back to work this week, threatening to ruin the strikers.
Most worryingly, he responded to a measured statement by American and EU diplomats on the shootings by complaining about western meddling. Western countries do have some leverage over Mr Zenawi through the large amounts of aid they are giving to his country ($1.3 billion was due this year); Britain and several other donors have already suspended some of that money.
That sort of punishment may play well with taxpayers at home, but it is not a very effective stick for beating Ethiopia with, not least because it will undermine the very development the rest of the aid money is meant to underwrite. Moreover, Mr Zenawi's supporters argue that his authoritarian methods, however ruthlessly on display in the capital, have helped to complete roads, clinics and agricultural extension projects in the famished countryside, where most Ethiopians live. Blood-spattered as he now is, Mr Zenawi has earned plaudits for growing more food and overseeing one of Africa's more effective strategies for reducing poverty.
Nor is there a clear alternative to him. The opposition is fractious. A slide into totalitarianism might unite them, but probably only temporarily. The CUD has at least four factions, the smaller United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF) even more. CUD supporters tend to be Amharas from the superior-feeling north, bitterly resentful of the Tigrayans' lock on power; a quarter of Ethiopians are Amhara, while a bare 8%, including Mr Zenawi, are Tigrayan.
The opposition can also be inflammatory over relations with Eritrea, which won independence from Ethiopia in 1993. Some call for the return of what they call “Ethiopia's Red Sea territories”, meaning Eritrea, by any means. Mr Zenawi is, again, more ambiguous, talking peace while beefing up Ethiopia's army.
Many, perhaps most, Ethiopians and many foreign observers argue that, despite the government's recent bloody brutality, Mr Zenawi is still the best man to keep Ethiopia on a path to development. Perhaps. But the price Ethiopians are paying for that development is going up fast.
Breaking News on Oromo Nation's Response to The Call Made by OLF
BREAKING NEWS
November 11, 2005
The Oromo People acted in response to the Call Made by its Vanguard the OLF
It is to be recalled that over the last weeks the OLF, through its radio organ, “Voice of Liberation of Oromia (VLO) and other means called for Oromia-wide protest against the repressive regime of Mr. Meles’ Zenawi in Ethiopia. Reports coming from Oromia over the last few days indicate that Oromos in different parts of Oromia have overwhelmingly responded to this call.
Oromos in towns such as Ciro, Galamso, Baddeessaa, Awwadaay, Haramaayaa, Dirree dhawaa, Jimmaa, Gimbii, Bakkoo, Warraa Jarsoo and Inaangoo have taken their protests to the streets. The demonstrations were mostly initiated by Oromo students, and then joined by citizens from all walks of life. The Ethiopian regime responded with the usual brutality against these peaceful demonstrators. For example TPL/EPRDF police rounded up about 100 students in Ciro. Many of the detainees were tortured and taken to unknown destinations. Reports reaching us from home also confirm that the government is transporting large number of Special Forces from central Oromia to the east - Haramaayaa area in a desperate move to control the mass uprising in that part of Oromia. So far the TPLF/EPRDF police forces have killed five Oromo students and wounded 17 more in Ambo, about 120 km west of the capital. Three of the victims have been identified:
1. Jaagamaa Badhaanee (from Ambo 06, grade 11 student)
2. Kabbadaa Badhaasaa (from Xuqur Incinnii, grade 11 student)
3. A female student (identity awaiting confirmation)
In Moojoo, about 60 km south of the capital, large number of Oromos demonstrated, shouting and chanting slogans that included “free all political prisoners”, “long live OLF”, and ”stop killing and imprisonment of Oromos”. Here also many demonstrators were rounded up and detained.
Oromo Liberation Front
Foreign Affairs Division of Information
http://www.oromoliberationfront.org/News/OLF_Call_11_1105.htm
November 11, 2005
The Oromo People acted in response to the Call Made by its Vanguard the OLF
It is to be recalled that over the last weeks the OLF, through its radio organ, “Voice of Liberation of Oromia (VLO) and other means called for Oromia-wide protest against the repressive regime of Mr. Meles’ Zenawi in Ethiopia. Reports coming from Oromia over the last few days indicate that Oromos in different parts of Oromia have overwhelmingly responded to this call.
Oromos in towns such as Ciro, Galamso, Baddeessaa, Awwadaay, Haramaayaa, Dirree dhawaa, Jimmaa, Gimbii, Bakkoo, Warraa Jarsoo and Inaangoo have taken their protests to the streets. The demonstrations were mostly initiated by Oromo students, and then joined by citizens from all walks of life. The Ethiopian regime responded with the usual brutality against these peaceful demonstrators. For example TPL/EPRDF police rounded up about 100 students in Ciro. Many of the detainees were tortured and taken to unknown destinations. Reports reaching us from home also confirm that the government is transporting large number of Special Forces from central Oromia to the east - Haramaayaa area in a desperate move to control the mass uprising in that part of Oromia. So far the TPLF/EPRDF police forces have killed five Oromo students and wounded 17 more in Ambo, about 120 km west of the capital. Three of the victims have been identified:
1. Jaagamaa Badhaanee (from Ambo 06, grade 11 student)
2. Kabbadaa Badhaasaa (from Xuqur Incinnii, grade 11 student)
3. A female student (identity awaiting confirmation)
In Moojoo, about 60 km south of the capital, large number of Oromos demonstrated, shouting and chanting slogans that included “free all political prisoners”, “long live OLF”, and ”stop killing and imprisonment of Oromos”. Here also many demonstrators were rounded up and detained.
Oromo Liberation Front
Foreign Affairs Division of Information
http://www.oromoliberationfront.org/News/OLF_Call_11_1105.htm
Killing Streets: Opposition Violence Rocks Ethiopia
Killing streets
Opposition violence rocks Ethiopia threatening to thwart the country's nascent democratic process, writes Gamal Nkrumah
Ethiopia this week suffered one of its worst civil disturbances and violent protests since the students-led protests at Addis Ababa University that heralded the fall of the Marxist junta -- or dreaded Derg -- in 1991. Africa's oldest independent nation, and the continent's third most populous country with 75 million people, is prone to periodic social unrest. It is, after all, one of Africa's and the world's poorest and least developed countries. The disturbances demonstrate a rising disenchantment with the post-Derg Ethiopian political process. So far it has been an exclusively urban phenomenon. The rural backwaters of this vast and ancient land are in the political doldrums.
The Ethiopian opposition eschews the deep-seated adherence to a top-down style of policy-making and government at the expense of more decentralisation and regional autonomy. The urban-based opposition seeks more participatory and accountable forms of governance.
The Ethiopian capital is the undisputed stronghold of the opposition. The violence has brought Addis Ababa, a city of five million people, to a virtual standstill. The city is the headquarters of the African Union (AU) and several African-oriented United Nations-affiliated bodies and international humanitarian relief agencies. The disturbances also coincided with the AU Fifth Extraordinary Summit and the Muslim Eid Al-Fitr celebrations. Muslims constitute slightly more than half of Ethiopia's population. The area around the Grand Anwar Mosque near the Merkato -- Africa's largest open-air market and the business hub of Addis Ababa -- was scene of much of the violence.
The ruling Ethiopia People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) bitterly contested the May 2005 elections which exposed Ethiopia's schisms as never before. A powerful ethnic Amhara-based opposition challenges the ruling EPRDF. The Ethiopian opposition seems yet to have a way of steering between an overzealous application of multi-party democracy and toying with the idea of overthrowing the government through people power. What is new, however, is a real political debate at national level about political participation. The consequences of this week's violence, nonetheless, have left an indelible mark on Ethiopia's political landscape. The country is at the crossroads.
"The government is genuinely committed to multi-party democracy," Ethiopia's Ambassador to Egypt Amare Girma told Al-Ahram Weekly. "The election procedure was flawless and there were big public rallies both in the capital and in provincial cities. People turned out in unprecedented numbers to vote," Ambassador Girma insisted. "The opposition did recourse with the election board and courts to contest the result in a number of constituencies. And, in some instances the court reversed the election board's decision in favour of the opposition."
The better life that Ethiopians want now is not only restricted to the economic sphere. They aspire to participatory decision-making, democracy and civil rights. Yet again, the tension at the heart of politics is about the rights that ordinary people have vis-à-vis those in power. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, a former self-proclaimed Marxist- Leninist who now espouses parliamentary democracy and is a staunch champion of free market forces, espouses a curious mix of cracking down on democracy activists and of fostering a more compliant opposition that is willing and able to play a more meaningful and constructive political role. Surely his political detractors hold much the same neo-liberal views as he when it comes to matters of economy and ideology.
Despite his tough language about opposition violent protests, the prime minister is acutely aware of the interest shown by Western powers in the propagation of Ethiopian democracy. The current civil disturbances will have shattered the illusion that Ethiopia is any nearer to the democratic ideal. The state clampdown only further infringes on Western notions of democracy, American and European diplomats in Addis Ababa warned. Ethiopia, meanwhile, is not too keen on Western intervention in its domestic affairs, but if its Western benefactors help redress a bad situation, their support is certainly worth contemplating.
Violent protests in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa have subsided somewhat but the streets of the capital are heavily patrolled by troops in armoured vehicles. And the violence has spread to the regions. Among the worst impacted areas are Dessie, Dahr Dar, Gondar, Debre Markos and other urban centres in the disaffected Amhara region of northwestern Ethiopia. The region is a hotbed of dissent and an opposition stronghold. Violence has also spread to the cities of Dire Dawa and Harar, eastern Ethiopia, and the southern city of Awassa.
The 1994 constitution turned Ethiopia into a federal republic with ethnically based regions and three autonomous city-states including the ethnically mixed Addis Ababa. But much of the disgruntled Amhara elite, who formerly dominated the Ethiopian political establishment, is yearning for the good old days when it held sway. Ethiopia has had a violent and bloodstained past. The current regime overthrew the military strongman Menguistu Haile Mariam who ruled the country with an iron fist after he overthrew Emperor Haile Selassie in a bloody coup in 1974. The Emperor was summoned to a kangaroo court and summarily executed the following year.
Ethiopia's first multi-party elections took place in October 2000. The opposition's poor showing in the 2000 general elections meant that it held no more than 12 seats in the 547-seat Ethiopian parliament. The Ethiopian opposition fared far better in the May 2005 elections, but it accused the government of massive vote rigging. Indeed, the opening of the Ethiopian parliament last month was boycotted by the main opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP), a grouping of four closely-aligned political parties -- the Ethiopian Democratic Unity Party-Medihin, the All-Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP), the Rainbow Ethiopia Movement for Democracy and Social Justice, and the Ethiopian Democratic League. The ethnic Amhara dominate the CUDP.
The other main opposition party is the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF), a coalition of 15 parties that have a strong following in the Oromiya and southern region of the country. Oromiya, by far the largest and most populous of the country's ethnic regions, has become another hotbed of social unrest. The Oromo people, by far Ethiopia's largest ethnic group are, however, divided politically and also along religious lines -- split equally, Christians and Muslims.
Meanwhile, Ethiopian President Girma Giorgis was warned of and identified the Diaspora as a source of destabilisation. Special retribution was reserved for the moneyed, two million-strong Ethiopian- American community, even though the country has benefited tremendously from the remittances of Ethiopian communities abroad.
Under the leadership of Meles Zenawi the Ethiopian economy has witnessed impressive growth rates -- an unprecedented 11 per cent in 2004. But the country has a long way to go. At this year's polls, the CUDP capitalised on strong anti-government sentiment in Addia Ababa and other urban centres, partly engendered by the ruthless demolition of slums which rendered tens of thousands of city-dwellers homeless.
Officially, the opposition now holds 174 seats in parliament, though they dispute the results of May's polls, the conduct of which European Union monitors described as falling far below international standards. The Ethiopian government promptly rejected such claims, stressing that the elections were free and fair. In spite of electoral irregularities, international observers applauded the estimated 90 per cent voter turnout. The CUDP claims that the ruling EPRDF has fraudulently sequestered 299 seats. However, it approves of the remaining 248 seats of which, according to the CUDP, 93 were won by the CUDP, 46 seats by the UEDF and 61 by the EPRDF. CUDP Chairman Hailu Shawel boasted his intention of removing the government by street protests and people power. "This is an act of treason", retorted the Ethiopian prime minister on state-run television. "We are fighting the ruling party with our bare hands and with no arms. I don't understand why the prime minister repeatedly accuses us of acts of treason," said Birtukan Mideksa, first vice-president of CUPD.
Ethiopian government officials say the CUDP is attempting to destroy constitutional order through street violence. The Ethiopian prime minister also accused the CUDP of trying to foment ethnic strife and to divide Ethiopians along ethnic lines and create social divisions. Meanwhile, trouble is also brewing within opposition ranks. Lidetu Ayelew was recently suspended as vice-chairman of the CUDP and there are tensions between ethnic Amhara, who are seen as dominating the CUDP but who, since the advent of multi-party democracy, witnessed a pronounced erosion of their political hegemony, and other ethnic groups. With some 80 different ethno-linguistic groups, Ethiopia is a mosaic of religious, ethnic and cultural diversity. The chief of the Amhara region Ayalew Gobeze warned that those promoting CUDP objectives through street violence would be brought to book.
The 1998-2000 war between Ethiopia and Eritrea ruined the once intimate political and personal relationship between the Ethiopian prime minister and his distant relative, the Eritrean leader Isaias Afeworki. The Ethiopian prime minister's mother is an Eritrean from Adi Quala and both Horn of Africa leaders are ethnic Tigray, a group that today dominates the political establishments of the two neighbouring countries. As quiet returns, a majority of the country's 26 million registered voters are expected to back the government's bid for a third term in office. Nonetheless, there is one clear lesson that Ethiopia could learn, this time from Sudan -- how to integrate the opposition into the political mainstream.
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2005/768/in3.htm
Opposition violence rocks Ethiopia threatening to thwart the country's nascent democratic process, writes Gamal Nkrumah
Ethiopia this week suffered one of its worst civil disturbances and violent protests since the students-led protests at Addis Ababa University that heralded the fall of the Marxist junta -- or dreaded Derg -- in 1991. Africa's oldest independent nation, and the continent's third most populous country with 75 million people, is prone to periodic social unrest. It is, after all, one of Africa's and the world's poorest and least developed countries. The disturbances demonstrate a rising disenchantment with the post-Derg Ethiopian political process. So far it has been an exclusively urban phenomenon. The rural backwaters of this vast and ancient land are in the political doldrums.
The Ethiopian opposition eschews the deep-seated adherence to a top-down style of policy-making and government at the expense of more decentralisation and regional autonomy. The urban-based opposition seeks more participatory and accountable forms of governance.
The Ethiopian capital is the undisputed stronghold of the opposition. The violence has brought Addis Ababa, a city of five million people, to a virtual standstill. The city is the headquarters of the African Union (AU) and several African-oriented United Nations-affiliated bodies and international humanitarian relief agencies. The disturbances also coincided with the AU Fifth Extraordinary Summit and the Muslim Eid Al-Fitr celebrations. Muslims constitute slightly more than half of Ethiopia's population. The area around the Grand Anwar Mosque near the Merkato -- Africa's largest open-air market and the business hub of Addis Ababa -- was scene of much of the violence.
The ruling Ethiopia People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) bitterly contested the May 2005 elections which exposed Ethiopia's schisms as never before. A powerful ethnic Amhara-based opposition challenges the ruling EPRDF. The Ethiopian opposition seems yet to have a way of steering between an overzealous application of multi-party democracy and toying with the idea of overthrowing the government through people power. What is new, however, is a real political debate at national level about political participation. The consequences of this week's violence, nonetheless, have left an indelible mark on Ethiopia's political landscape. The country is at the crossroads.
"The government is genuinely committed to multi-party democracy," Ethiopia's Ambassador to Egypt Amare Girma told Al-Ahram Weekly. "The election procedure was flawless and there were big public rallies both in the capital and in provincial cities. People turned out in unprecedented numbers to vote," Ambassador Girma insisted. "The opposition did recourse with the election board and courts to contest the result in a number of constituencies. And, in some instances the court reversed the election board's decision in favour of the opposition."
The better life that Ethiopians want now is not only restricted to the economic sphere. They aspire to participatory decision-making, democracy and civil rights. Yet again, the tension at the heart of politics is about the rights that ordinary people have vis-à-vis those in power. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, a former self-proclaimed Marxist- Leninist who now espouses parliamentary democracy and is a staunch champion of free market forces, espouses a curious mix of cracking down on democracy activists and of fostering a more compliant opposition that is willing and able to play a more meaningful and constructive political role. Surely his political detractors hold much the same neo-liberal views as he when it comes to matters of economy and ideology.
Despite his tough language about opposition violent protests, the prime minister is acutely aware of the interest shown by Western powers in the propagation of Ethiopian democracy. The current civil disturbances will have shattered the illusion that Ethiopia is any nearer to the democratic ideal. The state clampdown only further infringes on Western notions of democracy, American and European diplomats in Addis Ababa warned. Ethiopia, meanwhile, is not too keen on Western intervention in its domestic affairs, but if its Western benefactors help redress a bad situation, their support is certainly worth contemplating.
Violent protests in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa have subsided somewhat but the streets of the capital are heavily patrolled by troops in armoured vehicles. And the violence has spread to the regions. Among the worst impacted areas are Dessie, Dahr Dar, Gondar, Debre Markos and other urban centres in the disaffected Amhara region of northwestern Ethiopia. The region is a hotbed of dissent and an opposition stronghold. Violence has also spread to the cities of Dire Dawa and Harar, eastern Ethiopia, and the southern city of Awassa.
The 1994 constitution turned Ethiopia into a federal republic with ethnically based regions and three autonomous city-states including the ethnically mixed Addis Ababa. But much of the disgruntled Amhara elite, who formerly dominated the Ethiopian political establishment, is yearning for the good old days when it held sway. Ethiopia has had a violent and bloodstained past. The current regime overthrew the military strongman Menguistu Haile Mariam who ruled the country with an iron fist after he overthrew Emperor Haile Selassie in a bloody coup in 1974. The Emperor was summoned to a kangaroo court and summarily executed the following year.
Ethiopia's first multi-party elections took place in October 2000. The opposition's poor showing in the 2000 general elections meant that it held no more than 12 seats in the 547-seat Ethiopian parliament. The Ethiopian opposition fared far better in the May 2005 elections, but it accused the government of massive vote rigging. Indeed, the opening of the Ethiopian parliament last month was boycotted by the main opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP), a grouping of four closely-aligned political parties -- the Ethiopian Democratic Unity Party-Medihin, the All-Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP), the Rainbow Ethiopia Movement for Democracy and Social Justice, and the Ethiopian Democratic League. The ethnic Amhara dominate the CUDP.
The other main opposition party is the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF), a coalition of 15 parties that have a strong following in the Oromiya and southern region of the country. Oromiya, by far the largest and most populous of the country's ethnic regions, has become another hotbed of social unrest. The Oromo people, by far Ethiopia's largest ethnic group are, however, divided politically and also along religious lines -- split equally, Christians and Muslims.
Meanwhile, Ethiopian President Girma Giorgis was warned of and identified the Diaspora as a source of destabilisation. Special retribution was reserved for the moneyed, two million-strong Ethiopian- American community, even though the country has benefited tremendously from the remittances of Ethiopian communities abroad.
Under the leadership of Meles Zenawi the Ethiopian economy has witnessed impressive growth rates -- an unprecedented 11 per cent in 2004. But the country has a long way to go. At this year's polls, the CUDP capitalised on strong anti-government sentiment in Addia Ababa and other urban centres, partly engendered by the ruthless demolition of slums which rendered tens of thousands of city-dwellers homeless.
Officially, the opposition now holds 174 seats in parliament, though they dispute the results of May's polls, the conduct of which European Union monitors described as falling far below international standards. The Ethiopian government promptly rejected such claims, stressing that the elections were free and fair. In spite of electoral irregularities, international observers applauded the estimated 90 per cent voter turnout. The CUDP claims that the ruling EPRDF has fraudulently sequestered 299 seats. However, it approves of the remaining 248 seats of which, according to the CUDP, 93 were won by the CUDP, 46 seats by the UEDF and 61 by the EPRDF. CUDP Chairman Hailu Shawel boasted his intention of removing the government by street protests and people power. "This is an act of treason", retorted the Ethiopian prime minister on state-run television. "We are fighting the ruling party with our bare hands and with no arms. I don't understand why the prime minister repeatedly accuses us of acts of treason," said Birtukan Mideksa, first vice-president of CUPD.
Ethiopian government officials say the CUDP is attempting to destroy constitutional order through street violence. The Ethiopian prime minister also accused the CUDP of trying to foment ethnic strife and to divide Ethiopians along ethnic lines and create social divisions. Meanwhile, trouble is also brewing within opposition ranks. Lidetu Ayelew was recently suspended as vice-chairman of the CUDP and there are tensions between ethnic Amhara, who are seen as dominating the CUDP but who, since the advent of multi-party democracy, witnessed a pronounced erosion of their political hegemony, and other ethnic groups. With some 80 different ethno-linguistic groups, Ethiopia is a mosaic of religious, ethnic and cultural diversity. The chief of the Amhara region Ayalew Gobeze warned that those promoting CUDP objectives through street violence would be brought to book.
The 1998-2000 war between Ethiopia and Eritrea ruined the once intimate political and personal relationship between the Ethiopian prime minister and his distant relative, the Eritrean leader Isaias Afeworki. The Ethiopian prime minister's mother is an Eritrean from Adi Quala and both Horn of Africa leaders are ethnic Tigray, a group that today dominates the political establishments of the two neighbouring countries. As quiet returns, a majority of the country's 26 million registered voters are expected to back the government's bid for a third term in office. Nonetheless, there is one clear lesson that Ethiopia could learn, this time from Sudan -- how to integrate the opposition into the political mainstream.
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2005/768/in3.htm
THE TPLF REGIME DIABOLIC GROWTH IN THE REGION
The TPLF Regime Diabolic Growth in the Region
November 11, 2005 Posted to the web November 11, 2005
Asmara
It is indisputable that the TPLF regime is passing these days through critical times accompanied by state of turmoil and unrest shaking it to its very foundations. This ramshackle regime has been in the pampered by its masters in accordingly it has been opening the doors of accepting assistance in relief aid in millions of dollars in the background of its pseudo elections.
Ethiopia through out history remained a state weighed down by heavy debts and loans with its people doubling in the quagmire of extreme poverty. Under all circumstances, Ethiopia turned out to be a diabolical growth in the region. Added to this the policy opted to by the TPLF leaders under masters which mainly is directed foreign interest in the region. The reasons of the failure of the Ethiopian regimes had been their inability to address the situation of poverty and famine and their acceptance of the policy of blackmail for serving foreign objectives and interests. This led to Ethiopia to stumble and dabble in administering its internal affairs.
The TPLF regime, which found itself in the seat of power all of a sudden, it was not in a position by all standards to think about the interests of its people and defend its citizen's fundamental rights and creating a stable political system. To the contrary it has been following narrow policies, which satisfy its masters and secure their interests. Accordingly, it had and still adapting the policy of confiscating national rights for prolonging its stay in power. This is a purely Machiavellian type of style. And because their masters found their quest in the policy of the racist minority clique, they didn't spare an effort in over dumping them with huge sums of money and arms arsenal. As an outcome for this ironical situation which defy any logic, Ethiopia is witnessing for the first time in its history a state of unrest and racist turmoil which left behind in its aftermath destruction and devastation and above all big numbers of youth falling dead as a result of the bloody suppression and atrocities committed by the TPLF regime in the major streets of Ethiopia's major cities including the capital. This is indeed a serious crisis looming over the fate of the regime.
The TPLF regime, since its entering of the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa over a decade ago it inaugurated that entry by shedding the blood of the innocent of the Ethiopian people. The numbers are innumerable whose lives had been terminated during the 14 years of the TPLF regime in power. These were routed under the scourge and repression of the regime's hangmen for merely expressing their opinion.
If we consider the period since 2000 only, we find that the regime suppressed and killed many innocent persons in southern Ethiopia under the pretext of not voting in the elections. Other atrocious crimes followed, 70 killed and over 300 injured of the Addis Ababa university students In May 2001, in the area of Bichi Maggi, more than 40 people were killed in the racist conflict ignited by the regime. Over 400 persons of the Anwak people were routed in southwestern Ethiopia. Also the regime ignited another racist conflict in the city of Deghabur in the Somali region. Furthermore it ignited conflict between the Oromo and Somali ethnicities in eastern Ethiopia. The regime committed acts of killing against the students of the Oromo nationality who expressed their opposition for the changing of Oromya capital from Addis Ababa. The regime's security forces opened fire against the traders in Dredawa, and mass arrests of teachers and students in the city of Moyale. These are only few examples of the criminal and barbaric acts perpetrated by the regime, which finds satisfaction in shedding the blood of the innocent at least every six months.
The TPLF clique in no way represents the Ethiopian people. It is an outcast group that compiled a constitution for propagating ethnic dissension and discord in the country. Violating basic human rights of citizens by killing and terrorizing its opponents and employing Ethiopia for commercial exploitation. On the regional level clique used the wealth and the lives of individuals of the Ethiopian people for destabilization of peace and security.
The recent elections had only been a farcical drama acted by the TPLF regime for gaining more time. So we don't find it strange in the ethical code of the regime the acts of stealing, perjury and falsification of the people's will and attempting to silence the peaceful opposition by the barrels of the guns. However history reconfirmed again the impossibility f continuing for long pressurizing people, because there are no people who will continue live in dormancy for long by the fear from the gun. Accordingly the Ethiopian people are uprising going across the lines of the TPLF regime's repression and pressures, raising high the banner of justice. Thus ushering in the regime in the exigency of a real crisis for exacting it the price of the conflicts it fabricated and implemented by trading the track of all the anti people forces. Its ultimate fate is to be trashed in the dustbin of history.
Terrorizing people by suppression and use of firearms and making the country a no man's territory for the satisfaction of foreign interests may be a possibility in the espionage novels, but it is impracticable on the ground of reality. The TPLF regime involved itself in this impossible mission, which would lead to its utter demise.
http://allafrica.com/stories/200511110248.html
November 11, 2005 Posted to the web November 11, 2005
Asmara
It is indisputable that the TPLF regime is passing these days through critical times accompanied by state of turmoil and unrest shaking it to its very foundations. This ramshackle regime has been in the pampered by its masters in accordingly it has been opening the doors of accepting assistance in relief aid in millions of dollars in the background of its pseudo elections.
Ethiopia through out history remained a state weighed down by heavy debts and loans with its people doubling in the quagmire of extreme poverty. Under all circumstances, Ethiopia turned out to be a diabolical growth in the region. Added to this the policy opted to by the TPLF leaders under masters which mainly is directed foreign interest in the region. The reasons of the failure of the Ethiopian regimes had been their inability to address the situation of poverty and famine and their acceptance of the policy of blackmail for serving foreign objectives and interests. This led to Ethiopia to stumble and dabble in administering its internal affairs.
The TPLF regime, which found itself in the seat of power all of a sudden, it was not in a position by all standards to think about the interests of its people and defend its citizen's fundamental rights and creating a stable political system. To the contrary it has been following narrow policies, which satisfy its masters and secure their interests. Accordingly, it had and still adapting the policy of confiscating national rights for prolonging its stay in power. This is a purely Machiavellian type of style. And because their masters found their quest in the policy of the racist minority clique, they didn't spare an effort in over dumping them with huge sums of money and arms arsenal. As an outcome for this ironical situation which defy any logic, Ethiopia is witnessing for the first time in its history a state of unrest and racist turmoil which left behind in its aftermath destruction and devastation and above all big numbers of youth falling dead as a result of the bloody suppression and atrocities committed by the TPLF regime in the major streets of Ethiopia's major cities including the capital. This is indeed a serious crisis looming over the fate of the regime.
The TPLF regime, since its entering of the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa over a decade ago it inaugurated that entry by shedding the blood of the innocent of the Ethiopian people. The numbers are innumerable whose lives had been terminated during the 14 years of the TPLF regime in power. These were routed under the scourge and repression of the regime's hangmen for merely expressing their opinion.
If we consider the period since 2000 only, we find that the regime suppressed and killed many innocent persons in southern Ethiopia under the pretext of not voting in the elections. Other atrocious crimes followed, 70 killed and over 300 injured of the Addis Ababa university students In May 2001, in the area of Bichi Maggi, more than 40 people were killed in the racist conflict ignited by the regime. Over 400 persons of the Anwak people were routed in southwestern Ethiopia. Also the regime ignited another racist conflict in the city of Deghabur in the Somali region. Furthermore it ignited conflict between the Oromo and Somali ethnicities in eastern Ethiopia. The regime committed acts of killing against the students of the Oromo nationality who expressed their opposition for the changing of Oromya capital from Addis Ababa. The regime's security forces opened fire against the traders in Dredawa, and mass arrests of teachers and students in the city of Moyale. These are only few examples of the criminal and barbaric acts perpetrated by the regime, which finds satisfaction in shedding the blood of the innocent at least every six months.
The TPLF clique in no way represents the Ethiopian people. It is an outcast group that compiled a constitution for propagating ethnic dissension and discord in the country. Violating basic human rights of citizens by killing and terrorizing its opponents and employing Ethiopia for commercial exploitation. On the regional level clique used the wealth and the lives of individuals of the Ethiopian people for destabilization of peace and security.
The recent elections had only been a farcical drama acted by the TPLF regime for gaining more time. So we don't find it strange in the ethical code of the regime the acts of stealing, perjury and falsification of the people's will and attempting to silence the peaceful opposition by the barrels of the guns. However history reconfirmed again the impossibility f continuing for long pressurizing people, because there are no people who will continue live in dormancy for long by the fear from the gun. Accordingly the Ethiopian people are uprising going across the lines of the TPLF regime's repression and pressures, raising high the banner of justice. Thus ushering in the regime in the exigency of a real crisis for exacting it the price of the conflicts it fabricated and implemented by trading the track of all the anti people forces. Its ultimate fate is to be trashed in the dustbin of history.
Terrorizing people by suppression and use of firearms and making the country a no man's territory for the satisfaction of foreign interests may be a possibility in the espionage novels, but it is impracticable on the ground of reality. The TPLF regime involved itself in this impossible mission, which would lead to its utter demise.
http://allafrica.com/stories/200511110248.html
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL Public Statement on Situation in Ethiopia
AMNESTY INTERNATIONALPublic StatementAI Index: AFR 25/019/2005
(Public)News Service No: 305 11 November 2005
ETHIOPIA: Recent arrests of opposition leaders and police killings of 46 demonstratorsOn 7 November 2005 police brought to court 24 opposition leaders and others who were arrested in Addis Ababa on 1 November following street demonstrations which erupted into four days of violence when police started shooting. At least 46 protesters were killed in Addis Ababa and other towns, and at least 4,000 were arrested.The 24 detainees include Hailu Shawel, aged 70, president of the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) party; Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, 75, former chair of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO); Dr Yacob Hailemariam, a former UN Special Envoy and former prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda; Ms Birtukan Mideksa, CUD vice-president and a former judge; and Dr Berhanu Negga, the recently elected Mayor of Addis Ababa and university professor of economics. The 24 were taken to the Federal High Court in Addis Ababa. The court ordered them to be detained for a further 14 days (with the next hearing set for 21 November) for police investigations into suspected violent conspiracy, although no one yet has been formally charged with any offence. The 24, who had been kept incommunicado, are said to be held at the police Central Investigation Bureau (known as Maikelawi) in Addis Ababa. Police also distributed a “wanted” list with photos of 34 other CUD leaders and others (making a total of 58 altogether), some of whom were in hiding, others abroad at the time. The full list of 58 includes members of parliament (including seven already detained), civil servants, 11 journalists, CUD activists, lawyers, two investigators of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO) and two Ethiopian Teachers Association (ETA) leaders. Police warned that hiding a wanted person was a crime and have reportedly questioned or arrested relatives of wanted persons on these grounds. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said that these detainees are likely to be charged with treason, which carries a possible death penalty. He said that demonstrators threw five grenades and that seven police officers were killed. Another official called the protests a “rebellion”. The Prime Minister said there would be an official investigation into these incidents as well as earlier killings by the army of opposition protestors in Addis Ababa in June 2005. Amnesty International’s concernsAmnesty International considers the 24 detainees to be prisoners of conscience who have not used or advocated violence, and that the other 34 would also be prisoners of conscience if detained. It renews its call for them to be immediately and unconditionally released, and to be allowed full and regular access to their families, legal representatives, By 11 November, police said some 2,500 of the detainees had been released without charge, but not disclosing the number of those still held.representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross, and any medical treatment they require.Amnesty International fears the detainees may be denied bail and kept in prolonged pre-trial detention in harsh conditions, leading to a lengthy trial with many adjournments, and that they may not receive a fair trial according to international standards.Amnesty International remains deeply concerned about the health and treatment of the prominent human rights defender Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, who suffers from a painful back complaint. His family were reportedly denied access to him up to his court appearance on 7 November. Amnesty International calls for the investigation into the killings of demonstrators by the security forces on 8 June and early November 2005, as promised by the Prime Minister, to be impartial and independent, to have clear terms of reference to include taking evidence from the public and members of the security forces, with guarantees of safety of witnesses; to provide an objective account of the events; to investigate excessive use of force by police; to investigate reports of ill-treatment of detainees; and to make public its report and recommendations within a reasonable period of time.BackgroundAt least 46 people, including women and children, were shot dead by police and 200 wounded during the previous week’s protests and violent confrontations between police and demonstrators supporting the opposition party’s complaints of alleged election fraud. A woman was reportedly shot dead at home when she complained about the police arresting her husband, a CUD activist. The authorities said that some hand grenades had been thrown against police and that seven police were killed.The CUD had called for non-violent protests in Addis Ababa against alleged election rigging, including a stay-at-home strike, and a boycott of ruling party businesses for the following week of 6 November. The CUD, which gained a third of seats in the elections, is boycotting the new parliament, which has stripped them of their parliamentary immunity. There were smaller protests in other towns such as Dessie, Debre Berhan and Bahar Dar in the Amhara Region, and Awassa in the Southern Region. These demonstrations involved students, in particular. Arrests are continuing in Addis Ababa and many other areas. More than 4,000 people altogether have been detained, including many unemployed youth protesters in Addis Ababa, and taken to remote prisons in rural areas, where conditions are harsh. Many detainees are believed to have been previously arrested during the first post-election demonstrations in June 2005. On 11 November, police said some 2,500 of the detainees had been released without charge, but did not disclose the number or whereabouts of those still held.This follows an earlier Public Statement on the situation in Ethiopia dated 2 November 2005, AI Index: AFR 25/016/2005.
(Public)News Service No: 305 11 November 2005
ETHIOPIA: Recent arrests of opposition leaders and police killings of 46 demonstratorsOn 7 November 2005 police brought to court 24 opposition leaders and others who were arrested in Addis Ababa on 1 November following street demonstrations which erupted into four days of violence when police started shooting. At least 46 protesters were killed in Addis Ababa and other towns, and at least 4,000 were arrested.The 24 detainees include Hailu Shawel, aged 70, president of the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) party; Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, 75, former chair of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO); Dr Yacob Hailemariam, a former UN Special Envoy and former prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda; Ms Birtukan Mideksa, CUD vice-president and a former judge; and Dr Berhanu Negga, the recently elected Mayor of Addis Ababa and university professor of economics. The 24 were taken to the Federal High Court in Addis Ababa. The court ordered them to be detained for a further 14 days (with the next hearing set for 21 November) for police investigations into suspected violent conspiracy, although no one yet has been formally charged with any offence. The 24, who had been kept incommunicado, are said to be held at the police Central Investigation Bureau (known as Maikelawi) in Addis Ababa. Police also distributed a “wanted” list with photos of 34 other CUD leaders and others (making a total of 58 altogether), some of whom were in hiding, others abroad at the time. The full list of 58 includes members of parliament (including seven already detained), civil servants, 11 journalists, CUD activists, lawyers, two investigators of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO) and two Ethiopian Teachers Association (ETA) leaders. Police warned that hiding a wanted person was a crime and have reportedly questioned or arrested relatives of wanted persons on these grounds. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said that these detainees are likely to be charged with treason, which carries a possible death penalty. He said that demonstrators threw five grenades and that seven police officers were killed. Another official called the protests a “rebellion”. The Prime Minister said there would be an official investigation into these incidents as well as earlier killings by the army of opposition protestors in Addis Ababa in June 2005. Amnesty International’s concernsAmnesty International considers the 24 detainees to be prisoners of conscience who have not used or advocated violence, and that the other 34 would also be prisoners of conscience if detained. It renews its call for them to be immediately and unconditionally released, and to be allowed full and regular access to their families, legal representatives, By 11 November, police said some 2,500 of the detainees had been released without charge, but not disclosing the number of those still held.representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross, and any medical treatment they require.Amnesty International fears the detainees may be denied bail and kept in prolonged pre-trial detention in harsh conditions, leading to a lengthy trial with many adjournments, and that they may not receive a fair trial according to international standards.Amnesty International remains deeply concerned about the health and treatment of the prominent human rights defender Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, who suffers from a painful back complaint. His family were reportedly denied access to him up to his court appearance on 7 November. Amnesty International calls for the investigation into the killings of demonstrators by the security forces on 8 June and early November 2005, as promised by the Prime Minister, to be impartial and independent, to have clear terms of reference to include taking evidence from the public and members of the security forces, with guarantees of safety of witnesses; to provide an objective account of the events; to investigate excessive use of force by police; to investigate reports of ill-treatment of detainees; and to make public its report and recommendations within a reasonable period of time.BackgroundAt least 46 people, including women and children, were shot dead by police and 200 wounded during the previous week’s protests and violent confrontations between police and demonstrators supporting the opposition party’s complaints of alleged election fraud. A woman was reportedly shot dead at home when she complained about the police arresting her husband, a CUD activist. The authorities said that some hand grenades had been thrown against police and that seven police were killed.The CUD had called for non-violent protests in Addis Ababa against alleged election rigging, including a stay-at-home strike, and a boycott of ruling party businesses for the following week of 6 November. The CUD, which gained a third of seats in the elections, is boycotting the new parliament, which has stripped them of their parliamentary immunity. There were smaller protests in other towns such as Dessie, Debre Berhan and Bahar Dar in the Amhara Region, and Awassa in the Southern Region. These demonstrations involved students, in particular. Arrests are continuing in Addis Ababa and many other areas. More than 4,000 people altogether have been detained, including many unemployed youth protesters in Addis Ababa, and taken to remote prisons in rural areas, where conditions are harsh. Many detainees are believed to have been previously arrested during the first post-election demonstrations in June 2005. On 11 November, police said some 2,500 of the detainees had been released without charge, but did not disclose the number or whereabouts of those still held.This follows an earlier Public Statement on the situation in Ethiopia dated 2 November 2005, AI Index: AFR 25/016/2005.
November 11, 2005
Ethiopia public announcement- Travel warning to US Citizens
Ethiopia Public Announcement –Travel Warning to U.S. Citizens
This Public Announcement is being issued to alert U.S. citizens to the potential for violence in association with widespread civil disturbance in many areas of Addis Ababa. The overall security situation in the city has recently deteriorated and the U.S. Embassy urges American citizens in Ethiopia to remain alert to the possibility of further spontaneous demonstrations, which could erupt into violence when Ethiopian security forces become involved. This Public Announcement will expire on December 31, 2005.
During the period from November 1-3, 2005, many separate clashes took place in the capital city of Addis Ababa between Ethiopian security forces and demonstrators protesting the results of both the May 15 elections and the detention of major political opposition leaders. On November 1 and 2, these clashes resulted in unconfirmed estimates of more than 30 deaths and more than one hundred injured. These events have disrupted normal communications and transportation systems, and public transportation in Addis Ababa is widely unavailable. The continued heavy presence of Ethiopian military and federal police strongly suggests that the risk of localized disorder persists.
The U.S. Embassy reminds American citizens that even demonstrations intended to be peaceful can turn confrontational and escalate into violence. American citizens are therefore urged to avoid areas affected by demonstrations and political rallies, and to exercise caution in the vicinity of any demonstrations.
The U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa will continue to monitor developments and, as appropriate, will provide periodic updates on the situation on its web site. Americans living or traveling in Ethiopia are strongly urged to register with the U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa or through the State Department's travel registration website, https://travelregistration.state.gov, and to obtain updated information on travel and security within Ethiopia. By registering, American citizens make it easier for the Embassy to contact them in case of emergency. The U.S. Embassy is located on Entoto Avenue in Addis Ababa; telephone (251-11) 124-2424; emergency after-hours telephone (251-11) 124-2400; fax (251-11)-124-2435; web site http://addisababa.usembassy.gov.
Updated information on travel and security for Ethiopia may be obtained from the Department of State at 1-888-407-4747 within the U.S. and Canada, or at 1-202-501-4444 from other countries. U.S. citizens should consult the Consular Information Sheet for Ethiopia, the Worldwide Caution Public Announcement, the East Africa Public Announcement, and the travel publication A Safe Trip Abroad, all of which are available on the State Department's Internet site at http://travel.state.gov.
http://communitydispatch.com/artman/publish/article_2794.shtml
This Public Announcement is being issued to alert U.S. citizens to the potential for violence in association with widespread civil disturbance in many areas of Addis Ababa. The overall security situation in the city has recently deteriorated and the U.S. Embassy urges American citizens in Ethiopia to remain alert to the possibility of further spontaneous demonstrations, which could erupt into violence when Ethiopian security forces become involved. This Public Announcement will expire on December 31, 2005.
During the period from November 1-3, 2005, many separate clashes took place in the capital city of Addis Ababa between Ethiopian security forces and demonstrators protesting the results of both the May 15 elections and the detention of major political opposition leaders. On November 1 and 2, these clashes resulted in unconfirmed estimates of more than 30 deaths and more than one hundred injured. These events have disrupted normal communications and transportation systems, and public transportation in Addis Ababa is widely unavailable. The continued heavy presence of Ethiopian military and federal police strongly suggests that the risk of localized disorder persists.
The U.S. Embassy reminds American citizens that even demonstrations intended to be peaceful can turn confrontational and escalate into violence. American citizens are therefore urged to avoid areas affected by demonstrations and political rallies, and to exercise caution in the vicinity of any demonstrations.
The U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa will continue to monitor developments and, as appropriate, will provide periodic updates on the situation on its web site. Americans living or traveling in Ethiopia are strongly urged to register with the U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa or through the State Department's travel registration website, https://travelregistration.state.gov, and to obtain updated information on travel and security within Ethiopia. By registering, American citizens make it easier for the Embassy to contact them in case of emergency. The U.S. Embassy is located on Entoto Avenue in Addis Ababa; telephone (251-11) 124-2424; emergency after-hours telephone (251-11) 124-2400; fax (251-11)-124-2435; web site http://addisababa.usembassy.gov.
Updated information on travel and security for Ethiopia may be obtained from the Department of State at 1-888-407-4747 within the U.S. and Canada, or at 1-202-501-4444 from other countries. U.S. citizens should consult the Consular Information Sheet for Ethiopia, the Worldwide Caution Public Announcement, the East Africa Public Announcement, and the travel publication A Safe Trip Abroad, all of which are available on the State Department's Internet site at http://travel.state.gov.
http://communitydispatch.com/artman/publish/article_2794.shtml
New Year's Party..... Waggaa haaraa waliin haa simannu
Famous Oromo Artist Kemer Yousuf and New Year's Get 2gether Party in Switzerland
November 09, 2005
Ethiopia PM says opposition to be charged with treason
Ethiopia PM says opposition to be charged with treason
Wed Nov 9, 2005 6:12 PM GMT
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By David Mageria
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said on Wednesday the country's recent violence was a misguided attempt at a Ukrainian-style Orange Revolution and its leaders would be charged with treason.
At least 42 people were shot dead when police confronted demonstrators in the capital last week after the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) called for new protests against May polls it says the government manipulated.
The government denies ballot fraud.
"This is not your run-of-the-mill demonstration. This is an Orange Revolution gone wrong," Meles said, comparing Ethiopia's unrest with "people power" protests that ousted the pro-Moscow government in Ukraine last year.
"The violence has marred the image of Ethiopia ... but as far as the process of democratisation is concerned I don't think it has had an impact on the country," he told reporters.
In the first reported unrest since Saturday, residents said two students in the western town of Ambo were killed in clashes with police on Wednesday.
The violence in sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country after Nigeria have fuelled fears of mounting political instability and prompted Western donors to urge both sides to show restraint.
"The CUD leaders are engaged in insurrection -- that is an act of treason under Ethiopian law. They will be charged and they will appear in court," Meles said, adding that several newspaper editors would also appear in the dock.
"For us, these are not just journalists. They will not be charged for violating the press laws. They will charged, like the CUD leaders, for treason," he added.
Meles said if found guilty, the court would decide whether the defendants would face the death penalty or serve a prison sentence.
Late on Wednesday, police in Addis Ababa said they had released 285 people from the Zuwai prison south of the capital who were jailed but found not to have been involved in violence.
Human rights groups have said thousands of people were rounded up by authorities during the days of unrest.
It was not clear how many people face treason charges, but on Monday the government took a group of 24 opposition members, civic society leaders and journalists to court accusing them of instigating violence.
State-owned media later reported the government had published the names or photographs of 32 people -- mainly journalists and activists -- it says it wants to arrest in connection with the clashes.
DEMOCRATIC CREDENTIALS
Meles said he believed the worst of the violence was over and defended a security crackdown in Addis Ababa, saying five hand grenades were thrown at police during the clashes and two AK-47 assault rifles were stolen from police by rioters.
He said rioters attacked close to 100 buses, setting 10 of them on fire and smashing windows.
Criticised by human rights activists for using excessive force in the crackdown, Meles said he had ordered water cannons and tear gas to be imported for future use against unrest.
Last week's killings -- 42 in opposition stronghold Addis Ababa and four in the countryside -- followed the deaths of 36 people in June in similar protests over Ethiopia's second real multi-party vote in its 3,000-year history.
Meles, who has repeatedly accused the opposition of inciting violence and trying to topple his government, has ordered an inquiry into both bouts of unrest.
The May poll was widely regarded as a test of Meles's commitment to bringing democracy to the country of 77 million people, still struggling to emerge from centuries of feudalism, followed by nearly 20 years of Marxism under dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam.
The vote gave the opposition its largest showing in parliament. But the European Union said flaws, including intimidation and murders of opposition officials, were so numerous that the polls did not meet international standards.
Once hailed by the West as part of a "new generation" of African leaders, Meles has come under growing scrutiny over his democratic credentials.
Most analysts blame the recent bloodshed on habits of political intolerance acquired over generations of dictatorship in the ethnically diverse coffee growing nation.
However, Meles said the violence had more to do with poverty levels in the country which receives more than $1 billion (575 million pounds) in donor funding every year.
"I would have thought this had more to do with class than ethnicity. We have over 300,000 unemployed youths in Addis. This is combustible material that can be ignited by any group, anytime," Meles said.
http://today.reuters.co.uk/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=worldNews&storyID=2005-11-09T181206Z_01_WRI965444_RTRUKOC_0_UK-ETHIOPIA-MELES.xml
Wed Nov 9, 2005 6:12 PM GMT
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By David Mageria
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said on Wednesday the country's recent violence was a misguided attempt at a Ukrainian-style Orange Revolution and its leaders would be charged with treason.
At least 42 people were shot dead when police confronted demonstrators in the capital last week after the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) called for new protests against May polls it says the government manipulated.
The government denies ballot fraud.
"This is not your run-of-the-mill demonstration. This is an Orange Revolution gone wrong," Meles said, comparing Ethiopia's unrest with "people power" protests that ousted the pro-Moscow government in Ukraine last year.
"The violence has marred the image of Ethiopia ... but as far as the process of democratisation is concerned I don't think it has had an impact on the country," he told reporters.
In the first reported unrest since Saturday, residents said two students in the western town of Ambo were killed in clashes with police on Wednesday.
The violence in sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country after Nigeria have fuelled fears of mounting political instability and prompted Western donors to urge both sides to show restraint.
"The CUD leaders are engaged in insurrection -- that is an act of treason under Ethiopian law. They will be charged and they will appear in court," Meles said, adding that several newspaper editors would also appear in the dock.
"For us, these are not just journalists. They will not be charged for violating the press laws. They will charged, like the CUD leaders, for treason," he added.
Meles said if found guilty, the court would decide whether the defendants would face the death penalty or serve a prison sentence.
Late on Wednesday, police in Addis Ababa said they had released 285 people from the Zuwai prison south of the capital who were jailed but found not to have been involved in violence.
Human rights groups have said thousands of people were rounded up by authorities during the days of unrest.
It was not clear how many people face treason charges, but on Monday the government took a group of 24 opposition members, civic society leaders and journalists to court accusing them of instigating violence.
State-owned media later reported the government had published the names or photographs of 32 people -- mainly journalists and activists -- it says it wants to arrest in connection with the clashes.
DEMOCRATIC CREDENTIALS
Meles said he believed the worst of the violence was over and defended a security crackdown in Addis Ababa, saying five hand grenades were thrown at police during the clashes and two AK-47 assault rifles were stolen from police by rioters.
He said rioters attacked close to 100 buses, setting 10 of them on fire and smashing windows.
Criticised by human rights activists for using excessive force in the crackdown, Meles said he had ordered water cannons and tear gas to be imported for future use against unrest.
Last week's killings -- 42 in opposition stronghold Addis Ababa and four in the countryside -- followed the deaths of 36 people in June in similar protests over Ethiopia's second real multi-party vote in its 3,000-year history.
Meles, who has repeatedly accused the opposition of inciting violence and trying to topple his government, has ordered an inquiry into both bouts of unrest.
The May poll was widely regarded as a test of Meles's commitment to bringing democracy to the country of 77 million people, still struggling to emerge from centuries of feudalism, followed by nearly 20 years of Marxism under dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam.
The vote gave the opposition its largest showing in parliament. But the European Union said flaws, including intimidation and murders of opposition officials, were so numerous that the polls did not meet international standards.
Once hailed by the West as part of a "new generation" of African leaders, Meles has come under growing scrutiny over his democratic credentials.
Most analysts blame the recent bloodshed on habits of political intolerance acquired over generations of dictatorship in the ethnically diverse coffee growing nation.
However, Meles said the violence had more to do with poverty levels in the country which receives more than $1 billion (575 million pounds) in donor funding every year.
"I would have thought this had more to do with class than ethnicity. We have over 300,000 unemployed youths in Addis. This is combustible material that can be ignited by any group, anytime," Meles said.
http://today.reuters.co.uk/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=worldNews&storyID=2005-11-09T181206Z_01_WRI965444_RTRUKOC_0_UK-ETHIOPIA-MELES.xml
Ethiopia opposition treason move
Ethiopia opposition treason move
More than 40 protesters died in a week of violenceDetained Ethiopian opposition leaders and editors will face treason charges for their part in last week's protests, the prime minister has said.
"They will not be released and they are accused of engaging in insurrection... they will have their day in court," Meles Zenawi told journalists.
If found guilty they could face the death penalty. Some 46 protesters died in the election demonstrations.
But the prime minister said personally he did not support the death penalty.
"It is for the prosecution and courts to decide, but if I have any say on it I would prefer prison sentences rather than death sentences," Mr Meles said.
Live ammunition
The unrest between opposition supporters and the security forces first erupted last Tuesday in the capital, Addis Ababa, after the opposition accused the government of rigging the 15 May elections.
This is not your run-of-the-mill demonstration. This is an Orange Revolution gone wrong
Meles Zenawi
Diplomatic pressure
These were the worst disturbances in Sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country since protests ignited after the May polls, when some 36 people died and hundreds were arrested.
Mr Meles told the BBC he had evidence that the opposition leaders had made it clear they were trying to overthrow the government and that amounted to treason.
The prime minister has previously said he regretted last week's deaths and had called for an independent commission to investigate whether police had used excessive force to quell the unrest.
He confirmed on Tuesday that the police had used live ammunition because the use of water canon had not quelled the unrest.
He claimed that demonstrators had thrown grenades at the police and attacked buses.
"This is not your run-of-the-mill demonstration. This is an Orange Revolution gone wrong," he is quoted by Reuters as saying.
Security presence
"I think the worst is behind us," Mr Meles said.
The BBC's Mohammed Adow in Addis Ababa says despite a week-long stay-away called by the opposition, the capital is back to normal.
Doctors said most of the dead had been shot in the chest
Although there is some security force presence on the streets, he says.
On Monday, 24 opposition leaders appeared in court - they were not charged, but ordered to be held for another 14 days.
They included the chairman of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, Hailu Shawel, the vice-chairman, Berhanu Nega, and the prominent human rights activist Mesfin Wolde Mariam.
Two editors of private newspapers also appeared.
Since the unrest began, the private press - especially in Amharic - stopped publishing on the orders of the government, our correspondent says.
Detention camps
Mr Meles says two groups of people were detained - first the leaders of the "insurrection" and second rioters, most of whom he described as unemployed youths.
He confirmed that thousands of youngsters had been rounded up and taken to detention camps outside the capital.
The international community has called for the immediate release of all political detainees.
Mr Meles' Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front won a majority in polls but the opposition gained many seats.
Last week's protests began after the CUD refused to attend parliamentary sessions.
The opposition is made up of the two broad groupings - the CUD and the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces, which unlike the CUD, have taken up their parliamentary seats.
Over the weekend, ambassadors from European Union countries and the United States issued a strongly-worded statement , calling on the government and the opposition to re-open their political dialogue.
More than 40 protesters died in a week of violenceDetained Ethiopian opposition leaders and editors will face treason charges for their part in last week's protests, the prime minister has said.
"They will not be released and they are accused of engaging in insurrection... they will have their day in court," Meles Zenawi told journalists.
If found guilty they could face the death penalty. Some 46 protesters died in the election demonstrations.
But the prime minister said personally he did not support the death penalty.
"It is for the prosecution and courts to decide, but if I have any say on it I would prefer prison sentences rather than death sentences," Mr Meles said.
Live ammunition
The unrest between opposition supporters and the security forces first erupted last Tuesday in the capital, Addis Ababa, after the opposition accused the government of rigging the 15 May elections.
This is not your run-of-the-mill demonstration. This is an Orange Revolution gone wrong
Meles Zenawi
Diplomatic pressure
These were the worst disturbances in Sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country since protests ignited after the May polls, when some 36 people died and hundreds were arrested.
Mr Meles told the BBC he had evidence that the opposition leaders had made it clear they were trying to overthrow the government and that amounted to treason.
The prime minister has previously said he regretted last week's deaths and had called for an independent commission to investigate whether police had used excessive force to quell the unrest.
He confirmed on Tuesday that the police had used live ammunition because the use of water canon had not quelled the unrest.
He claimed that demonstrators had thrown grenades at the police and attacked buses.
"This is not your run-of-the-mill demonstration. This is an Orange Revolution gone wrong," he is quoted by Reuters as saying.
Security presence
"I think the worst is behind us," Mr Meles said.
The BBC's Mohammed Adow in Addis Ababa says despite a week-long stay-away called by the opposition, the capital is back to normal.
Doctors said most of the dead had been shot in the chest
Although there is some security force presence on the streets, he says.
On Monday, 24 opposition leaders appeared in court - they were not charged, but ordered to be held for another 14 days.
They included the chairman of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, Hailu Shawel, the vice-chairman, Berhanu Nega, and the prominent human rights activist Mesfin Wolde Mariam.
Two editors of private newspapers also appeared.
Since the unrest began, the private press - especially in Amharic - stopped publishing on the orders of the government, our correspondent says.
Detention camps
Mr Meles says two groups of people were detained - first the leaders of the "insurrection" and second rioters, most of whom he described as unemployed youths.
He confirmed that thousands of youngsters had been rounded up and taken to detention camps outside the capital.
The international community has called for the immediate release of all political detainees.
Mr Meles' Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front won a majority in polls but the opposition gained many seats.
Last week's protests began after the CUD refused to attend parliamentary sessions.
The opposition is made up of the two broad groupings - the CUD and the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces, which unlike the CUD, have taken up their parliamentary seats.
Over the weekend, ambassadors from European Union countries and the United States issued a strongly-worded statement , calling on the government and the opposition to re-open their political dialogue.
CPJ protests government's wanted list of journalist
CPJ 2005 Protest Letter
ETHIOPIA : CPJ protests government's wanted list of journalist
November 8, 2005
TO: His Excellency Prime Minister Meles Zenawi C/O The Embassy of Ethiopia3506 International Drive, NWWashington, DC 20008 Via facsimile: 202-587-0199
Your Excellency:The Committee to Protect Journalists is writing to protest your government’s targeting of the private press following clashes last week between protesters and security forces, in which at least 40 people were killed, according to international news reports. For the past two days state-owned media have published a list of people who your government plans to prosecute for attempting to “violently undermine the constitutional order in the country.”Besides opposition leaders, the heads of the Ethiopian Teachers’ Association and local representatives of the international charity Action Aid, many of whom are already in jail, the list includes publishers and editors of eight private, Amharic-language weekly newspapers. It also includes the president of the Ethiopian Free Press Journalists’ Association (EFJA), Kifle Mulat. State media have disseminated photographs of many of these journalists, and have called on the public to tell police their whereabouts. Information Minister Berhan Hailu told CPJ today that the journalists had betrayed journalistic ethics and were “working hand in hand with the activities of some political parties who are actively involved in destabilizing the peace and stability of the country.” But he declined to give details of the allegations and would not comment on the charges the journalists could face.At least two journalists have already been arrested. Dawit Kebede, editor-in-chief of the independent weekly Hadar, and deputy editor Feleke Tibebu were detained on November 2. Their names are on the wanted list along with that of their publisher. They are being held at the central prison in Addis Ababa. According to local sources, the editors appeared in court on Monday as part of a large group of political detainees. The group, which included senior opposition members and civil society leaders, were denied bail and returned to jail until November 22 but were not charged.Many local journalists have gone into hiding, fearing arrest. In addition, local sources told CPJ that police stationed in the government-owned printing press have prevented most private newspapers from publishing since last week. Minister Hailu declined to comment on whether the police actions are the result of a government directive. Security forces have also detained family members of journalists who are in hiding, according to CPJ sources. On November 2, police arrested the mother of newspaper owner Serkalem Fassil, who is in hiding with her journalist husband Iskinder Nega. Despite earlier reports from CPJ sources that Fassil’s mother had been released, local sources said today that she has been transferred to a prison cell in Addis Ababa. Fassil owns the Amharic-language weeklies Asqual, Menilik, and Satanaw. Both her name and Nega’s were on the government wanted list. Your government’s crackdown on the media followed threats by authorities last week to arrest leaders of the EFJA and journalists accused of being “mouthpieces” for the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) party. Authorities have also used state-owned media to smear foreign and independent media, endangering the safety of their journalists. On November 1, Minister Hailu told the state-owned newspaper The Herald that radio stations Voice of America and Germany's Deutsche Welle were “bent on destabilizing the peace and stability of the country.” Both stations are popular and respected news sources in Ethiopia. Your Excellency’s government has refused so far to license any local independent radio stations.As an organization of journalists dedicated to defending the rights of our colleagues worldwide, CPJ is deeply troubled by your government's harassment and censorship of journalists. We urge you to release Dawit Kebede and Feleke Tibebu, and to call off your government’s apparent campaign to shut down much of the private press in Ethiopia. Journalists must be free to do their jobs without fear of reprisal.Thank you for your attention to these important matters. We await your reply.Sincerely, Ann Cooper Executive Director
Join CPJ in protesting this attack on the press. Write or fax to the address above.
© 2005 Committee to Protect Journalists. http://www.cpj.org E-mail: info@cpj.org
http://www.cpj.org/protests/05ltrs/Ethiopia08nov05pl.html
ETHIOPIA : CPJ protests government's wanted list of journalist
November 8, 2005
TO: His Excellency Prime Minister Meles Zenawi C/O The Embassy of Ethiopia3506 International Drive, NWWashington, DC 20008 Via facsimile: 202-587-0199
Your Excellency:The Committee to Protect Journalists is writing to protest your government’s targeting of the private press following clashes last week between protesters and security forces, in which at least 40 people were killed, according to international news reports. For the past two days state-owned media have published a list of people who your government plans to prosecute for attempting to “violently undermine the constitutional order in the country.”Besides opposition leaders, the heads of the Ethiopian Teachers’ Association and local representatives of the international charity Action Aid, many of whom are already in jail, the list includes publishers and editors of eight private, Amharic-language weekly newspapers. It also includes the president of the Ethiopian Free Press Journalists’ Association (EFJA), Kifle Mulat. State media have disseminated photographs of many of these journalists, and have called on the public to tell police their whereabouts. Information Minister Berhan Hailu told CPJ today that the journalists had betrayed journalistic ethics and were “working hand in hand with the activities of some political parties who are actively involved in destabilizing the peace and stability of the country.” But he declined to give details of the allegations and would not comment on the charges the journalists could face.At least two journalists have already been arrested. Dawit Kebede, editor-in-chief of the independent weekly Hadar, and deputy editor Feleke Tibebu were detained on November 2. Their names are on the wanted list along with that of their publisher. They are being held at the central prison in Addis Ababa. According to local sources, the editors appeared in court on Monday as part of a large group of political detainees. The group, which included senior opposition members and civil society leaders, were denied bail and returned to jail until November 22 but were not charged.Many local journalists have gone into hiding, fearing arrest. In addition, local sources told CPJ that police stationed in the government-owned printing press have prevented most private newspapers from publishing since last week. Minister Hailu declined to comment on whether the police actions are the result of a government directive. Security forces have also detained family members of journalists who are in hiding, according to CPJ sources. On November 2, police arrested the mother of newspaper owner Serkalem Fassil, who is in hiding with her journalist husband Iskinder Nega. Despite earlier reports from CPJ sources that Fassil’s mother had been released, local sources said today that she has been transferred to a prison cell in Addis Ababa. Fassil owns the Amharic-language weeklies Asqual, Menilik, and Satanaw. Both her name and Nega’s were on the government wanted list. Your government’s crackdown on the media followed threats by authorities last week to arrest leaders of the EFJA and journalists accused of being “mouthpieces” for the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) party. Authorities have also used state-owned media to smear foreign and independent media, endangering the safety of their journalists. On November 1, Minister Hailu told the state-owned newspaper The Herald that radio stations Voice of America and Germany's Deutsche Welle were “bent on destabilizing the peace and stability of the country.” Both stations are popular and respected news sources in Ethiopia. Your Excellency’s government has refused so far to license any local independent radio stations.As an organization of journalists dedicated to defending the rights of our colleagues worldwide, CPJ is deeply troubled by your government's harassment and censorship of journalists. We urge you to release Dawit Kebede and Feleke Tibebu, and to call off your government’s apparent campaign to shut down much of the private press in Ethiopia. Journalists must be free to do their jobs without fear of reprisal.Thank you for your attention to these important matters. We await your reply.Sincerely, Ann Cooper Executive Director
Join CPJ in protesting this attack on the press. Write or fax to the address above.
© 2005 Committee to Protect Journalists. http://www.cpj.org E-mail: info@cpj.org
http://www.cpj.org/protests/05ltrs/Ethiopia08nov05pl.html
Save the Children condemns violence against children in Ethiopia
Source: Save the Children Alliance
Date: 09 Nov 2005
Save the Children condemns violence against children in Ethiopia
Addis Ababa, 9th November 2005 - Save the Children today expressed deep concern about the damaging impact the ongoing political instability and violence is having on the overall well-being of Ethiopia's children and young people and called for all sides to respect and protect their rights.
Save the Children is particularly concerned that many children and young people have been targeted in the violent incidents of the past week in Addis Ababa and other towns around Ethiopia. The international media has reported that thousands of children and young people have been arrested and detained and some wounded in the course of these incidents. Save the Children deplores this situation and calls on all parties to immediately end all violence towards children and young people and to take necessary steps to prevent their involvement in violence in the future.
Save the Children calls for the rights of children and young people caught up in the violence to be protected in line with international standards including the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) (to which Ethiopia is a signatory).
In particular, Save the Children calls for the following immediate action: - all sides to take all possible steps to respect and protect the rights of children and young people and to minimise the negative impact of the political instability on their lives;
- the government of Ethiopia to fulfil its commitments to protect the rights of children, as laid out in the CRC and other human rights treaties; including an immediate and impartial investigation into human rights violations and bringing to justice all those who commit human rights violations including security forces personnel; and the provision of appropriate services for those children who are caught up in the violence.
- the rights of children and young people arrested and detained to be upheld; including an end to the indiscriminate arrests of children; the immediate release of children detained without charge; detention to only be used as a measure of last resort; the right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty, the right to remain silent, the right to legal assistance and counsel and to have a parent or guardian notified of their whereabouts.
-Ends-
For more information please contact:
Save the Children Press Office: 0207 012 6841
Email address: Press@savethechildren.org.uk
Notes to Editors
Save the Children fights for children in the UK and around the world who suffer from poverty, disease, injustice and violence. We work with them to find lifelong answers to the problems they face.
For more information about Save the Children, please visit the website: www.savethechildren.org.uk
Date: 09 Nov 2005
Save the Children condemns violence against children in Ethiopia
Addis Ababa, 9th November 2005 - Save the Children today expressed deep concern about the damaging impact the ongoing political instability and violence is having on the overall well-being of Ethiopia's children and young people and called for all sides to respect and protect their rights.
Save the Children is particularly concerned that many children and young people have been targeted in the violent incidents of the past week in Addis Ababa and other towns around Ethiopia. The international media has reported that thousands of children and young people have been arrested and detained and some wounded in the course of these incidents. Save the Children deplores this situation and calls on all parties to immediately end all violence towards children and young people and to take necessary steps to prevent their involvement in violence in the future.
Save the Children calls for the rights of children and young people caught up in the violence to be protected in line with international standards including the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) (to which Ethiopia is a signatory).
In particular, Save the Children calls for the following immediate action: - all sides to take all possible steps to respect and protect the rights of children and young people and to minimise the negative impact of the political instability on their lives;
- the government of Ethiopia to fulfil its commitments to protect the rights of children, as laid out in the CRC and other human rights treaties; including an immediate and impartial investigation into human rights violations and bringing to justice all those who commit human rights violations including security forces personnel; and the provision of appropriate services for those children who are caught up in the violence.
- the rights of children and young people arrested and detained to be upheld; including an end to the indiscriminate arrests of children; the immediate release of children detained without charge; detention to only be used as a measure of last resort; the right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty, the right to remain silent, the right to legal assistance and counsel and to have a parent or guardian notified of their whereabouts.
-Ends-
For more information please contact:
Save the Children Press Office: 0207 012 6841
Email address: Press@savethechildren.org.uk
Notes to Editors
Save the Children fights for children in the UK and around the world who suffer from poverty, disease, injustice and violence. We work with them to find lifelong answers to the problems they face.
For more information about Save the Children, please visit the website: www.savethechildren.org.uk
Ethiopia PM says opposition to be charged with treason
Ethiopia PM says opposition to be charged with treason
Wed Nov 9, 2005 3:55 PM GMT
Printer Friendly
Top News
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By David Mageria
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said on Wednesday the country's violence was a misguided attempt at a Ukrainian-style Orange Revolution and its leaders would be charged with treason.
At least 42 people were shot dead when police confronted demonstrators in the capital last week after the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) called for new protests against May polls it says the government manipulated.
The government denies ballot fraud.
"This is not your run-of-the-mill demonstration. This is an Orange Revolution gone wrong," Meles said, comparing Ethiopia's unrest with "people power" protests that ousted the pro-Moscow government in Ukraine last year.
"The violence has marred the image of Ethiopia ... but as far as the process of democratisation is concerned I don't think it has had an impact on the country," he told reporters.
In the first reported unrest since Saturday, residents said two students in the western town of Ambo were killed in clashes with police on Wednesday.
The violence in sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country after Nigeria have fuelled fears of mounting political instability and prompted Western donors to urge both sides to show restraint.
"The CUD leaders are engaged in insurrection -- that is an act of treason under Ethiopian law. They will be charged and they will appear in court," Meles said, adding that several newspaper editors would also appear in the dock.
"For us, these are not just journalists. They will not be charged for violating the press laws. They will charged, like the CUD leaders, for treason," he added.
Meles said if found guilty, the court would decide whether the defendants would face the death penalty or serve a prison sentence.
It was not clear how many people face treason charges, but on Monday the government took a group of 24 opposition members, civic society leaders and journalists to court accusing them of instigating violence.
State-owned media later reported the government had published the names or photographs of 32 people -- mainly journalists and activists -- it says it wants to arrest in connection with the clashes.
DEMOCRATIC CREDENTIALS
Meles said he believed the worst of the violence was over and defended a security crackdown in Addis Ababa, saying 500 grenades were thrown at police during the clashes and two AK-47 assault rifles were stolen from police by rioters.
He said rioters attacked close to 100 buses, setting 10 of them on fire and smashing windows.
Criticised by human rights activists for using excessive force in the crackdown, Meles said he had ordered water cannons and tear gas to be imported for future use against unrest.
Last week's killings -- 42 in opposition stronghold Addis Ababa and four in the countryside -- followed the deaths of 36 people in June in similar protests over Ethiopia's second real multi-party vote in its 3,000-year history.
Meles, who has repeatedly accused the opposition of inciting violence and trying to topple his government, has ordered an inquiry into both bouts of unrest.
The May poll was widely regarded as a test of Meles's commitment to bringing democracy to the country of 77 million people, still struggling to emerge from centuries of feudalism, followed by nearly 20 years of Marxism under dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam.
The vote gave the opposition its largest showing in parliament. But the European Union said flaws, including intimidation and murders of opposition officials, were so numerous that the polls did not meet international standards.
Once hailed by the West as part of a "new generation" of African leaders, Meles has come under growing scrutiny over his democratic credentials.
Most analysts blame the recent bloodshed on habits of political intolerance acquired over generations of dictatorship in the ethnically diverse coffee growing nation.
However, Meles said the violence had more to do with poverty levels in the country which receives more than $1 billion in donor funding every year.
"I would have thought this had more to do with class than ethnicity. We have over 300,000 unemployed youths in Addis. This is combustible material that can be ignited by any group, anytime," Meles said.
© Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved.
Wed Nov 9, 2005 3:55 PM GMT
Printer Friendly
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Guinea president retires 1,800 soldiers - sources
Zimbabwe warns U.S ambassador risks expulsion
"Dwarfs" take on Burkina giant in presidential poll
Rwandan court sends Belgian priest home for trial
MORE
By David Mageria
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said on Wednesday the country's violence was a misguided attempt at a Ukrainian-style Orange Revolution and its leaders would be charged with treason.
At least 42 people were shot dead when police confronted demonstrators in the capital last week after the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) called for new protests against May polls it says the government manipulated.
The government denies ballot fraud.
"This is not your run-of-the-mill demonstration. This is an Orange Revolution gone wrong," Meles said, comparing Ethiopia's unrest with "people power" protests that ousted the pro-Moscow government in Ukraine last year.
"The violence has marred the image of Ethiopia ... but as far as the process of democratisation is concerned I don't think it has had an impact on the country," he told reporters.
In the first reported unrest since Saturday, residents said two students in the western town of Ambo were killed in clashes with police on Wednesday.
The violence in sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country after Nigeria have fuelled fears of mounting political instability and prompted Western donors to urge both sides to show restraint.
"The CUD leaders are engaged in insurrection -- that is an act of treason under Ethiopian law. They will be charged and they will appear in court," Meles said, adding that several newspaper editors would also appear in the dock.
"For us, these are not just journalists. They will not be charged for violating the press laws. They will charged, like the CUD leaders, for treason," he added.
Meles said if found guilty, the court would decide whether the defendants would face the death penalty or serve a prison sentence.
It was not clear how many people face treason charges, but on Monday the government took a group of 24 opposition members, civic society leaders and journalists to court accusing them of instigating violence.
State-owned media later reported the government had published the names or photographs of 32 people -- mainly journalists and activists -- it says it wants to arrest in connection with the clashes.
DEMOCRATIC CREDENTIALS
Meles said he believed the worst of the violence was over and defended a security crackdown in Addis Ababa, saying 500 grenades were thrown at police during the clashes and two AK-47 assault rifles were stolen from police by rioters.
He said rioters attacked close to 100 buses, setting 10 of them on fire and smashing windows.
Criticised by human rights activists for using excessive force in the crackdown, Meles said he had ordered water cannons and tear gas to be imported for future use against unrest.
Last week's killings -- 42 in opposition stronghold Addis Ababa and four in the countryside -- followed the deaths of 36 people in June in similar protests over Ethiopia's second real multi-party vote in its 3,000-year history.
Meles, who has repeatedly accused the opposition of inciting violence and trying to topple his government, has ordered an inquiry into both bouts of unrest.
The May poll was widely regarded as a test of Meles's commitment to bringing democracy to the country of 77 million people, still struggling to emerge from centuries of feudalism, followed by nearly 20 years of Marxism under dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam.
The vote gave the opposition its largest showing in parliament. But the European Union said flaws, including intimidation and murders of opposition officials, were so numerous that the polls did not meet international standards.
Once hailed by the West as part of a "new generation" of African leaders, Meles has come under growing scrutiny over his democratic credentials.
Most analysts blame the recent bloodshed on habits of political intolerance acquired over generations of dictatorship in the ethnically diverse coffee growing nation.
However, Meles said the violence had more to do with poverty levels in the country which receives more than $1 billion in donor funding every year.
"I would have thought this had more to do with class than ethnicity. We have over 300,000 unemployed youths in Addis. This is combustible material that can be ignited by any group, anytime," Meles said.
© Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved.
ETHIOPIA: Uneasy calm in capital as residents return to work
ETHIOPIA: Uneasy calm in capital as residents return to work
09 Nov 2005 16:06:12 GMTSource: IRIN
ADDIS ABABA, 9 November (IRIN) - An uneasy calm returned to the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, on Wednesday as firms and taxi drivers resumed work defying a fresh call by the opposition to continue the strike that paralysed the city last week.
Information Minister Berhan Hailu urged people to return to work saying calm had been restored in the city.
"Now that peace and stability has been restored to the city there is no reason for people, especially the taxi drivers, not to start work," he said. "The government has announced that it will take measures if people are unwilling to go back to work. [It] is responsible to the public to ensure that services are provided, especially transport."
Some shop owners said they were told by police to open up. Taxi drivers were also ordered to return to work by the city authorities although less than half were back on the streets.
The country was under renewed pressure from the international community to defuse the political crisis, sources said.
The ruling party led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi needed to open dialogue with the opposition and release detainees, thousands of whom were rounded up after a week of troubles, a senior western diplomat told IRIN.
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) also wrote to Meles urging him to end harassment of local journalists and editors.
"The Committee to Protect Journalists is deeply troubled by your government's harassment and censorship of journalists," CPJ Executive Director Ann Cooper said in an open letter.
On Tuesday, one opposition party had condemned both the government for its intransigence and the main opposition group, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) for calling for unrest.
CUD leaders were rounded up and appeared in a special court on Monday, on charges relating to the violence.
"We condemn both actions because they are pushing the country to the edge of chaos," the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement, which won 11 seats during the 15 May elections, said in a statement.
"The disputes over the election results have been so intense, that life and property have been destroyed through violent demonstrations in Addis Ababa," the statement said. "Sadly this destructive behavior is worsening instead of improving."
The Addis Ababa administration said in a statement that taxi owners who were not ready to resume service must return their licenses, number plates and ownership documents to the authorities.
On Monday, the federal police had announced on state television that 32 people including newspaper editors, members of civil society and CUD officials were wanted for helping orchestrate post election violence.
Among them was Kifle Mulat, head of Ethiopian Free Press Journalist Association and Netsanet Demissie, leader of the Organisation for Social Justice, which launched legal action in April against the National Election Board demanding that local observers be allowed to monitor the polls.
Pictures of the men and women were shown during the broadcast and police urged the public to help turn them in.
IRIN news
09 Nov 2005 16:06:12 GMTSource: IRIN
ADDIS ABABA, 9 November (IRIN) - An uneasy calm returned to the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, on Wednesday as firms and taxi drivers resumed work defying a fresh call by the opposition to continue the strike that paralysed the city last week.
Information Minister Berhan Hailu urged people to return to work saying calm had been restored in the city.
"Now that peace and stability has been restored to the city there is no reason for people, especially the taxi drivers, not to start work," he said. "The government has announced that it will take measures if people are unwilling to go back to work. [It] is responsible to the public to ensure that services are provided, especially transport."
Some shop owners said they were told by police to open up. Taxi drivers were also ordered to return to work by the city authorities although less than half were back on the streets.
The country was under renewed pressure from the international community to defuse the political crisis, sources said.
The ruling party led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi needed to open dialogue with the opposition and release detainees, thousands of whom were rounded up after a week of troubles, a senior western diplomat told IRIN.
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) also wrote to Meles urging him to end harassment of local journalists and editors.
"The Committee to Protect Journalists is deeply troubled by your government's harassment and censorship of journalists," CPJ Executive Director Ann Cooper said in an open letter.
On Tuesday, one opposition party had condemned both the government for its intransigence and the main opposition group, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) for calling for unrest.
CUD leaders were rounded up and appeared in a special court on Monday, on charges relating to the violence.
"We condemn both actions because they are pushing the country to the edge of chaos," the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement, which won 11 seats during the 15 May elections, said in a statement.
"The disputes over the election results have been so intense, that life and property have been destroyed through violent demonstrations in Addis Ababa," the statement said. "Sadly this destructive behavior is worsening instead of improving."
The Addis Ababa administration said in a statement that taxi owners who were not ready to resume service must return their licenses, number plates and ownership documents to the authorities.
On Monday, the federal police had announced on state television that 32 people including newspaper editors, members of civil society and CUD officials were wanted for helping orchestrate post election violence.
Among them was Kifle Mulat, head of Ethiopian Free Press Journalist Association and Netsanet Demissie, leader of the Organisation for Social Justice, which launched legal action in April against the National Election Board demanding that local observers be allowed to monitor the polls.
Pictures of the men and women were shown during the broadcast and police urged the public to help turn them in.
IRIN news
ETHIOPIA: Uneasy calm in capital as residents return to work
ETHIOPIA: Uneasy calm in capital as residents return to work
09 Nov 2005 16:06:12 GMTSource: IRIN
ADDIS ABABA, 9 November (IRIN) - An uneasy calm returned to the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, on Wednesday as firms and taxi drivers resumed work defying a fresh call by the opposition to continue the strike that paralysed the city last week.
Information Minister Berhan Hailu urged people to return to work saying calm had been restored in the city.
"Now that peace and stability has been restored to the city there is no reason for people, especially the taxi drivers, not to start work," he said. "The government has announced that it will take measures if people are unwilling to go back to work. [It] is responsible to the public to ensure that services are provided, especially transport."
Some shop owners said they were told by police to open up. Taxi drivers were also ordered to return to work by the city authorities although less than half were back on the streets.
The country was under renewed pressure from the international community to defuse the political crisis, sources said.
The ruling party led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi needed to open dialogue with the opposition and release detainees, thousands of whom were rounded up after a week of troubles, a senior western diplomat told IRIN.
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) also wrote to Meles urging him to end harassment of local journalists and editors.
"The Committee to Protect Journalists is deeply troubled by your government's harassment and censorship of journalists," CPJ Executive Director Ann Cooper said in an open letter.
On Tuesday, one opposition party had condemned both the government for its intransigence and the main opposition group, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) for calling for unrest.
CUD leaders were rounded up and appeared in a special court on Monday, on charges relating to the violence.
"We condemn both actions because they are pushing the country to the edge of chaos," the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement, which won 11 seats during the 15 May elections, said in a statement.
"The disputes over the election results have been so intense, that life and property have been destroyed through violent demonstrations in Addis Ababa," the statement said. "Sadly this destructive behavior is worsening instead of improving."
The Addis Ababa administration said in a statement that taxi owners who were not ready to resume service must return their licenses, number plates and ownership documents to the authorities.
On Monday, the federal police had announced on state television that 32 people including newspaper editors, members of civil society and CUD officials were wanted for helping orchestrate post election violence.
Among them was Kifle Mulat, head of Ethiopian Free Press Journalist Association and Netsanet Demissie, leader of the Organisation for Social Justice, which launched legal action in April against the National Election Board demanding that local observers be allowed to monitor the polls.
Pictures of the men and women were shown during the broadcast and police urged the public to help turn them in.
IRIN news
09 Nov 2005 16:06:12 GMTSource: IRIN
ADDIS ABABA, 9 November (IRIN) - An uneasy calm returned to the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, on Wednesday as firms and taxi drivers resumed work defying a fresh call by the opposition to continue the strike that paralysed the city last week.
Information Minister Berhan Hailu urged people to return to work saying calm had been restored in the city.
"Now that peace and stability has been restored to the city there is no reason for people, especially the taxi drivers, not to start work," he said. "The government has announced that it will take measures if people are unwilling to go back to work. [It] is responsible to the public to ensure that services are provided, especially transport."
Some shop owners said they were told by police to open up. Taxi drivers were also ordered to return to work by the city authorities although less than half were back on the streets.
The country was under renewed pressure from the international community to defuse the political crisis, sources said.
The ruling party led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi needed to open dialogue with the opposition and release detainees, thousands of whom were rounded up after a week of troubles, a senior western diplomat told IRIN.
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) also wrote to Meles urging him to end harassment of local journalists and editors.
"The Committee to Protect Journalists is deeply troubled by your government's harassment and censorship of journalists," CPJ Executive Director Ann Cooper said in an open letter.
On Tuesday, one opposition party had condemned both the government for its intransigence and the main opposition group, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) for calling for unrest.
CUD leaders were rounded up and appeared in a special court on Monday, on charges relating to the violence.
"We condemn both actions because they are pushing the country to the edge of chaos," the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement, which won 11 seats during the 15 May elections, said in a statement.
"The disputes over the election results have been so intense, that life and property have been destroyed through violent demonstrations in Addis Ababa," the statement said. "Sadly this destructive behavior is worsening instead of improving."
The Addis Ababa administration said in a statement that taxi owners who were not ready to resume service must return their licenses, number plates and ownership documents to the authorities.
On Monday, the federal police had announced on state television that 32 people including newspaper editors, members of civil society and CUD officials were wanted for helping orchestrate post election violence.
Among them was Kifle Mulat, head of Ethiopian Free Press Journalist Association and Netsanet Demissie, leader of the Organisation for Social Justice, which launched legal action in April against the National Election Board demanding that local observers be allowed to monitor the polls.
Pictures of the men and women were shown during the broadcast and police urged the public to help turn them in.
IRIN news
March draws attention to Ethiopia's woes
March draws attention to Ethiopia's woes
Immigrants call on U.S. to help country
RANDY HASCALLrhascall@argusleader.com
Article Published: 11/9/05More than 60 Sioux Falls residents from Ethiopia marched along city streets Tuesday to draw attention to their troubled home country and urge South Dakota's congressional delegation to help get the United States involved."America has the power and the means to do something," said Tatek Weyesa, who used a loudspeaker to lead participants in chants. "That's what's so frustrating for us."Violence has erupted in Ethiopia over disputed May 15 elections that gave Prime Minister Zenawi Meles' party control of about two-thirds of parliament. Opposition parties say the elections were marred by fraud, intimidation and violence.
Ethiopian police shot and killed several dozen people in recent days of protests.The Sioux Falls protesters chanted their opposition to "innocent people being brutally killed" and called for Americans to help establish democracy in Ethiopia. They said Meles is a dictator and murderer and should immediately release imprisoned political activists.They carried signs in support of Ethiopia democracy and took their message to the local offices of U.S. Sens. Tim Johnson and John Thune and U.S. Rep. Stephanie Herseth."Killing is going on," said Ojulu Oballa, a spokesman for the group, which has held several marches in recent months. "We need action, not just saying we will do it."Oballa said the marchers want Meles removed from office. If that doesn't happen, they at least want him to release his prisoners and stop killing people. They don't want the U.S. government to provide any support to Meles."We're calling on Americans to be part of this, to help establish democracy," Weyesa said.He said the group hopes Sioux Falls residents will call their senators and representative to voice support.Weyesa said it's unfortunate that Ethiopia has a history of dictators using force to take power.The recent civilian deaths have been a political setback for Meles, who had been touted by the Bush administration as a progressive leader and partner in the war on terrorism.
Reach reporter Randy Hascall at 331-2320.
Immigrants call on U.S. to help country
RANDY HASCALLrhascall@argusleader.com
Article Published: 11/9/05More than 60 Sioux Falls residents from Ethiopia marched along city streets Tuesday to draw attention to their troubled home country and urge South Dakota's congressional delegation to help get the United States involved."America has the power and the means to do something," said Tatek Weyesa, who used a loudspeaker to lead participants in chants. "That's what's so frustrating for us."Violence has erupted in Ethiopia over disputed May 15 elections that gave Prime Minister Zenawi Meles' party control of about two-thirds of parliament. Opposition parties say the elections were marred by fraud, intimidation and violence.
Ethiopian police shot and killed several dozen people in recent days of protests.The Sioux Falls protesters chanted their opposition to "innocent people being brutally killed" and called for Americans to help establish democracy in Ethiopia. They said Meles is a dictator and murderer and should immediately release imprisoned political activists.They carried signs in support of Ethiopia democracy and took their message to the local offices of U.S. Sens. Tim Johnson and John Thune and U.S. Rep. Stephanie Herseth."Killing is going on," said Ojulu Oballa, a spokesman for the group, which has held several marches in recent months. "We need action, not just saying we will do it."Oballa said the marchers want Meles removed from office. If that doesn't happen, they at least want him to release his prisoners and stop killing people. They don't want the U.S. government to provide any support to Meles."We're calling on Americans to be part of this, to help establish democracy," Weyesa said.He said the group hopes Sioux Falls residents will call their senators and representative to voice support.Weyesa said it's unfortunate that Ethiopia has a history of dictators using force to take power.The recent civilian deaths have been a political setback for Meles, who had been touted by the Bush administration as a progressive leader and partner in the war on terrorism.
Reach reporter Randy Hascall at 331-2320.
March draws attention to Ethiopia's woes
| |||||||
November 08, 2005
ETHIOPIA: Opposition leaders appear in court
ETHIOPIA: Opposition leaders appear in court
08 Nov 2005 11:06:28 GMT
Source: IRINADDIS ABABA, 8 November
(IRIN) - Ethiopian opposition leaders appeared in court on Monday for the first time since being detained amid bloody political protests last week that claimed 46 lives.
The 24 opposition leaders were ordered to be held another 14 days during the closed hearing, which took place under heavy guard, according to Mehrteab Leul, one of the opposition's lawyers who was present.
Those who were under arrest included Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) chairman Hailu Shawel, CUD vice-chairman Berhanu Nega and prominent human rights activist Mesfin Wolde Mariam.
"They were not granted bail," Mehrteab said. "They have not been charged, but they are suspected of trying to bring an end to the constitutional system by violence," he added after the hearing.
Meanwhile, federal police announced on state television that 32 people, including newspaper editors, members of civil society and CUD officials, were wanted for helping orchestrate post-election violence.
Among them was Kifle Mulat, head of the Ethiopian Free Press Journalists Association, and Netsanet Demissie, whose Organisation for Social Justice launched legal action in April against the National Election Board to allow local observers to cover the ballot.
During the broadcast, pictures of the men and women were shown and police urged the public to help turn them in.
CUD officials called for a general strike on Monday to protest the arrests of opposition leaders and killings. They are also demanding access to heavily controlled state media and reforms of parliamentary procedures that effectively bar minority parties.
"The purpose of the strikes is to force the government to meet our demands," explained a CUD official who spoke on condition of anonymity. "These are peaceful measures and are indefinite, unless the government meets these demands. Otherwise we will take other measures, but they will be peaceful."
The capital was relatively calm on Monday, although an atmosphere of general unease and the call for a strike appeared to keep shops closed.
While most taxis remained off the streets, some drivers began returning to work on Tuesday after warnings that their licences would be revoked unless they resumed business.
Key provincial towns to which violence had spread last week were quiet.
Early on Monday, lawyers and families of the opposition leaders who had been detained launched legal action to secure their release. Getachew Kitaw, head of the Ethiopian Bar Association, told journalists that they had applied for a summons for the detainees to be brought to court or be released.
"We are doing this because there is a massive contravention of the constitution," he said.
Under Ethiopian law, detainees must be charged or released within 48 hours of being arrested. They must also be allowed access to lawyers and family visits. It is not clear if the application will affect the current remand hearings.
"We are filing a habeas corpus application because the authorities have not produced the prisoners and they should do that in 48 hours," said Getachew, who is among 70 lawyers who have agreed to advocate on behalf of the 20 senior CUD officials.
"Our application, if successful, means the authorities have to produce the prisoners in court and show good cause why they are detaining them, otherwise they must be released," he added.
"Some of these men are sick. Professor Mesfin has been in bed for the last three months," Getachew said.
Families of those who had been arrested also attended the court hearings, hoping to see their loved ones freed.
Nega Bonga, the 84-year-old father of Berhanu, said he saw his son a day after his arrest when he was brought to back to his house for police to search it.
"He had slight bruising around the right eye," Nega said at the First Instance Federal Court in Addis Ababa, where he was signing an affidavit for his son's release.
"We are very worried about him, because we do not know what condition he is in now," he said.
Zeleke Wolde Mariam, the sister of 75-year-old Mesfin, said she tried to visit her brother to see if he was receiving his medication but was refused access by police.
"He is very seriously ill and has to take tablets for his health," she said.
Abebe Maheteme Selassie, brother-in-law of Hailu, said he was pessimistic about their release.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has pledged an investigation into the killings.
The US and EU, in a statement, said the violence had "damaged Ethiopia's international reputation." They called for the release of political prisoners and an end to the violence.
"These distressing events have further deepened mistrust, as well as political and social divisions," the statement said.
IRIN news
08 Nov 2005 11:06:28 GMT
Source: IRINADDIS ABABA, 8 November
(IRIN) - Ethiopian opposition leaders appeared in court on Monday for the first time since being detained amid bloody political protests last week that claimed 46 lives.
The 24 opposition leaders were ordered to be held another 14 days during the closed hearing, which took place under heavy guard, according to Mehrteab Leul, one of the opposition's lawyers who was present.
Those who were under arrest included Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) chairman Hailu Shawel, CUD vice-chairman Berhanu Nega and prominent human rights activist Mesfin Wolde Mariam.
"They were not granted bail," Mehrteab said. "They have not been charged, but they are suspected of trying to bring an end to the constitutional system by violence," he added after the hearing.
Meanwhile, federal police announced on state television that 32 people, including newspaper editors, members of civil society and CUD officials, were wanted for helping orchestrate post-election violence.
Among them was Kifle Mulat, head of the Ethiopian Free Press Journalists Association, and Netsanet Demissie, whose Organisation for Social Justice launched legal action in April against the National Election Board to allow local observers to cover the ballot.
During the broadcast, pictures of the men and women were shown and police urged the public to help turn them in.
CUD officials called for a general strike on Monday to protest the arrests of opposition leaders and killings. They are also demanding access to heavily controlled state media and reforms of parliamentary procedures that effectively bar minority parties.
"The purpose of the strikes is to force the government to meet our demands," explained a CUD official who spoke on condition of anonymity. "These are peaceful measures and are indefinite, unless the government meets these demands. Otherwise we will take other measures, but they will be peaceful."
The capital was relatively calm on Monday, although an atmosphere of general unease and the call for a strike appeared to keep shops closed.
While most taxis remained off the streets, some drivers began returning to work on Tuesday after warnings that their licences would be revoked unless they resumed business.
Key provincial towns to which violence had spread last week were quiet.
Early on Monday, lawyers and families of the opposition leaders who had been detained launched legal action to secure their release. Getachew Kitaw, head of the Ethiopian Bar Association, told journalists that they had applied for a summons for the detainees to be brought to court or be released.
"We are doing this because there is a massive contravention of the constitution," he said.
Under Ethiopian law, detainees must be charged or released within 48 hours of being arrested. They must also be allowed access to lawyers and family visits. It is not clear if the application will affect the current remand hearings.
"We are filing a habeas corpus application because the authorities have not produced the prisoners and they should do that in 48 hours," said Getachew, who is among 70 lawyers who have agreed to advocate on behalf of the 20 senior CUD officials.
"Our application, if successful, means the authorities have to produce the prisoners in court and show good cause why they are detaining them, otherwise they must be released," he added.
"Some of these men are sick. Professor Mesfin has been in bed for the last three months," Getachew said.
Families of those who had been arrested also attended the court hearings, hoping to see their loved ones freed.
Nega Bonga, the 84-year-old father of Berhanu, said he saw his son a day after his arrest when he was brought to back to his house for police to search it.
"He had slight bruising around the right eye," Nega said at the First Instance Federal Court in Addis Ababa, where he was signing an affidavit for his son's release.
"We are very worried about him, because we do not know what condition he is in now," he said.
Zeleke Wolde Mariam, the sister of 75-year-old Mesfin, said she tried to visit her brother to see if he was receiving his medication but was refused access by police.
"He is very seriously ill and has to take tablets for his health," she said.
Abebe Maheteme Selassie, brother-in-law of Hailu, said he was pessimistic about their release.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has pledged an investigation into the killings.
The US and EU, in a statement, said the violence had "damaged Ethiopia's international reputation." They called for the release of political prisoners and an end to the violence.
"These distressing events have further deepened mistrust, as well as political and social divisions," the statement said.
IRIN news
Ethiopia Travel Alert Announcement
Ethiopia Travel Alert Announcement
This Public Announcement is being issued to alert U.S. citizens to the potential for violence in association with widespread civil disturbance in many areas of Addis Ababa.
Washington, D.C. - infoZine - The overall security situation in the city has recently deteriorated and the U.S. Embassy urges American citizens in Ethiopia to remain alert to the possibility of further spontaneous demonstrations, which could erupt into violence when Ethiopian security forces become involved. This Public Announcement will expire on December 31, 2005. During the period from November 1-3, 2005, many separate clashes took place in the capital city of Addis Ababa between Ethiopian security forces and demonstrators protesting the results of both the May 15 elections and the detention of major political opposition leaders. On November 1 and 2, these clashes resulted in unconfirmed estimates of more than 30 deaths and more than one hundred injured. These events have disrupted normal communications and transportation systems, and public transportation in Addis Ababa is widely unavailable. The continued heavy presence of Ethiopian military and federal police strongly suggests that the risk of localized disorder persists. The U.S. Embassy reminds American citizens that even demonstrations intended to be peaceful can turn confrontational and escalate into violence. American citizens are therefore urged to avoid areas affected by demonstrations and political rallies, and to exercise caution in the vicinity of any demonstrations. The U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa will continue to monitor developments and, as appropriate, will provide periodic updates on the situation on its web site. Americans living or traveling in Ethiopia are strongly urged to register with the U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa or through the State Department's travel registration website, travelregistration.state.gov, and to obtain updated information on travel and security within Ethiopia. By registering, American citizens make it easier for the Embassy to contact them in case of emergency. The U.S. Embassy is located on Entoto Avenue in Addis Ababa; telephone (251-11) 124-2424; emergency after-hours telephone (251-11) 124-2400; fax (251-11)-124-2435; web site addisababa.usembassy.gov.Updated information on travel and security for Ethiopia may be obtained from the Department of State at 1-888-407-4747 within the U.S. and Canada, or at 1-202-501-4444 from other countries. U.S. citizens should consult the Consular Information Sheet for Ethiopia, the Worldwide Caution Public Announcement, the East Africa Public Announcement, and the travel publication A Safe Trip Abroad, all of which are available on the State Department's Internet site at travel.state.gov.
This Public Announcement is being issued to alert U.S. citizens to the potential for violence in association with widespread civil disturbance in many areas of Addis Ababa.
Washington, D.C. - infoZine - The overall security situation in the city has recently deteriorated and the U.S. Embassy urges American citizens in Ethiopia to remain alert to the possibility of further spontaneous demonstrations, which could erupt into violence when Ethiopian security forces become involved. This Public Announcement will expire on December 31, 2005. During the period from November 1-3, 2005, many separate clashes took place in the capital city of Addis Ababa between Ethiopian security forces and demonstrators protesting the results of both the May 15 elections and the detention of major political opposition leaders. On November 1 and 2, these clashes resulted in unconfirmed estimates of more than 30 deaths and more than one hundred injured. These events have disrupted normal communications and transportation systems, and public transportation in Addis Ababa is widely unavailable. The continued heavy presence of Ethiopian military and federal police strongly suggests that the risk of localized disorder persists. The U.S. Embassy reminds American citizens that even demonstrations intended to be peaceful can turn confrontational and escalate into violence. American citizens are therefore urged to avoid areas affected by demonstrations and political rallies, and to exercise caution in the vicinity of any demonstrations. The U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa will continue to monitor developments and, as appropriate, will provide periodic updates on the situation on its web site. Americans living or traveling in Ethiopia are strongly urged to register with the U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa or through the State Department's travel registration website, travelregistration.state.gov, and to obtain updated information on travel and security within Ethiopia. By registering, American citizens make it easier for the Embassy to contact them in case of emergency. The U.S. Embassy is located on Entoto Avenue in Addis Ababa; telephone (251-11) 124-2424; emergency after-hours telephone (251-11) 124-2400; fax (251-11)-124-2435; web site addisababa.usembassy.gov.Updated information on travel and security for Ethiopia may be obtained from the Department of State at 1-888-407-4747 within the U.S. and Canada, or at 1-202-501-4444 from other countries. U.S. citizens should consult the Consular Information Sheet for Ethiopia, the Worldwide Caution Public Announcement, the East Africa Public Announcement, and the travel publication A Safe Trip Abroad, all of which are available on the State Department's Internet site at travel.state.gov.
WCC Calls on Ethiopia to Halt Military Action
WCC Calls on Ethiopia to Halt Military Action
The World Council of Churches has called on the Ethiopian government to end the military campaign against the people in a letter to the country's prime minister Meles Zenawi.
Posted: Tuesday, November 8 , 2005, 10:54 (UK)
The general secretary of the World Council of Churches, Rev. Dr. Samuel Kobia, has called on the Ethiopian government to bring to an immediate end its military action against the people and to release political prisoners as soon as possible.
The World Council of Churches urgently and respectfully calls on Your Excellency to exercise utmost restraint and bring to an immediate halt the military action against the people and release the political prisoners as soon as possible.
Rev. Dr Samuel Kobia, general secretary of the WCCRev. Kobia expressed “great sadness” for the death of many Ethiopians following demonstrations and riots in Addis Adaba in a letter sent last Friday to the Ethiopian prime minister Meles Zenawi. In the letter, Kobia warned that “further military action against the people is an escalation of violence and will further damage the political climate and make dialogue even less possible”.The letter read: “The World Council of Churches urgently and respectfully calls on Your Excellency to exercise utmost restraint and bring to an immediate halt the military action against the people and release the political prisoners as soon as possible. “Such action will help in easing the fast rising political tension,” said Kobia.Kobia met with Zenawi last September during a visit to WCC members in the country, where he expressed his conviction that “honest dialogue with the opposition” was needed.Following the visit, Kobia wrote to the leadership of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy and the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces making the same appeal to both “to resolve the political impasse through dialogue".In last Friday’s letter to the Ethiopian prime minister, Kobia criticised the government for its arrest and detention of key figures in the opposition, saying, “These developments are not likely to lead to a peaceful resolution, but instead would aggravate the situation”.
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WCC Calls on Ethiopia to Halt Military Action
He warned: “Consequent to the actions taken by the government, the wedge between the government and the opposition will widen, thereby unnecessarily dividing the population and leading to economic and political hardship.“It could even destabilise the entire nation with all the adverse effects on the laudable initiatives you have taken on development and democratisation process.”Bloody clashes between demonstrators and police over the disputed May 15 elections last week left 46 people dead and thousands in custody, reports IOL. Prime minister Zenawi promised an independent commission would investigate whether police had used excessive force to quell last week’s violence and similar in June, in which at least 42 people were also killed. The country has come under intense pressure from the U.S. and the European Union, the country’s main donors, to investigate the clashes which started on Tuesday following peaceful protests on Monday.
Maria Mackaymmackay@christiantoday.com
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Word of God Spreads Rapidly in Ethiopia Despite Increased Tensions
The World Council of Churches has called on the Ethiopian government to end the military campaign against the people in a letter to the country's prime minister Meles Zenawi.
Posted: Tuesday, November 8 , 2005, 10:54 (UK)
The general secretary of the World Council of Churches, Rev. Dr. Samuel Kobia, has called on the Ethiopian government to bring to an immediate end its military action against the people and to release political prisoners as soon as possible.
The World Council of Churches urgently and respectfully calls on Your Excellency to exercise utmost restraint and bring to an immediate halt the military action against the people and release the political prisoners as soon as possible.
Rev. Dr Samuel Kobia, general secretary of the WCCRev. Kobia expressed “great sadness” for the death of many Ethiopians following demonstrations and riots in Addis Adaba in a letter sent last Friday to the Ethiopian prime minister Meles Zenawi. In the letter, Kobia warned that “further military action against the people is an escalation of violence and will further damage the political climate and make dialogue even less possible”.The letter read: “The World Council of Churches urgently and respectfully calls on Your Excellency to exercise utmost restraint and bring to an immediate halt the military action against the people and release the political prisoners as soon as possible. “Such action will help in easing the fast rising political tension,” said Kobia.Kobia met with Zenawi last September during a visit to WCC members in the country, where he expressed his conviction that “honest dialogue with the opposition” was needed.Following the visit, Kobia wrote to the leadership of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy and the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces making the same appeal to both “to resolve the political impasse through dialogue".In last Friday’s letter to the Ethiopian prime minister, Kobia criticised the government for its arrest and detention of key figures in the opposition, saying, “These developments are not likely to lead to a peaceful resolution, but instead would aggravate the situation”.
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WCC Calls on Ethiopia to Halt Military Action
He warned: “Consequent to the actions taken by the government, the wedge between the government and the opposition will widen, thereby unnecessarily dividing the population and leading to economic and political hardship.“It could even destabilise the entire nation with all the adverse effects on the laudable initiatives you have taken on development and democratisation process.”Bloody clashes between demonstrators and police over the disputed May 15 elections last week left 46 people dead and thousands in custody, reports IOL. Prime minister Zenawi promised an independent commission would investigate whether police had used excessive force to quell last week’s violence and similar in June, in which at least 42 people were also killed. The country has come under intense pressure from the U.S. and the European Union, the country’s main donors, to investigate the clashes which started on Tuesday following peaceful protests on Monday.
Maria Mackaymmackay@christiantoday.com
RELATED ARTICLES
Word of God Spreads Rapidly in Ethiopia Despite Increased Tensions
Ethiopia's opposition leaders on trial for inciting violence
Ethiopia's opposition leaders on trial for inciting violence
www.chinaview.cn 2005-11-08 03:49:07
ADDIS ABABA, Nov. 7 (Xinhuanet) -- Ethiopia's opposition leaders on Monday started receiving trial for the first time since being detained amid bloody street violence last week.
At a hearing before three high court judges, 24 senior opposition members, civic leaders and reporters were denied bail and returned to jail until November 22 but were not charged, according to judiciary sources.
The 24 people, including Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD)Chairman Hailu Shawel and Vice Chairman Berhanu Nega, were arrested on suspicion of inciting the five days of street violence.
In Addis Ababa last week, clashes between police and opposition supporters left at least 46 people dead. CUD has called for a general strike, starting on Monday, and keeping shops closed and taxis off the streets.
The government has blamed CUD for the violence, saying that CUDleaders would be prosecuted. Enditem
www.chinaview.cn 2005-11-08 03:49:07
ADDIS ABABA, Nov. 7 (Xinhuanet) -- Ethiopia's opposition leaders on Monday started receiving trial for the first time since being detained amid bloody street violence last week.
At a hearing before three high court judges, 24 senior opposition members, civic leaders and reporters were denied bail and returned to jail until November 22 but were not charged, according to judiciary sources.
The 24 people, including Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD)Chairman Hailu Shawel and Vice Chairman Berhanu Nega, were arrested on suspicion of inciting the five days of street violence.
In Addis Ababa last week, clashes between police and opposition supporters left at least 46 people dead. CUD has called for a general strike, starting on Monday, and keeping shops closed and taxis off the streets.
The government has blamed CUD for the violence, saying that CUDleaders would be prosecuted. Enditem
Shops re-open as Ethiopia threatens strikers
Shops re-open as Ethiopia threatens strikers
08 Nov 2005 10:30:02 GMTSource: ReutersBy David Mageria and Tsegaye Tadesse
ADDIS ABABA, Nov 8 (Reuters) - Shops re-opened and private minibuses returned to the streets of the Ethiopian capital on Tuesday after the government threatened to cancel licences of residents heeding an opposition call for a strike.
Many small traders resumed business in the Mercato market area where police last week confronted stone-throwing protesters in clashes that killed more than 40 people.
The violence has fuelled fears for stability in the Horn of Africa's dominant power and prompted Western donors to urge both the government and opposition to show restraint.
The main opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) said on Monday its members were complying with a call for a week-long strike over the recent killings and a May poll it says was manipulated to keep Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in power.
But by early Tuesday, blue minibuses and taxis sped down the streets of Addis Ababa for the first time since the security crackdown, as local government threatened action against striking citizens, according to reports by state-owned media.
"The government has the responsibility to ensure the public is served," Information Minister Berhan Hailu told Reuters. "There is no problem anymore so (businesses) do not have a reason to stop working."
Traders in Mercato said the authorities had posted notices warning shopkeepers their licences would be revoked if businesses remained closed. Wary of more violence, many opened their shop doors and shutters half way.
The state-owned Ethiopian News Agency (ENA) also said the government had published the names or photographs of 32 people -- mainly journalists from the private media and civil society activists -- it says it wants to arrest because of the violence.
U.S. DEPLORES VIOLENCE
The list included Kifle Mulat, head of the Ethiopian Free Press Journalists Association and Abayneh Berhanu, a senior CUD leader.
"The Federal Police called on the public for the usual cooperation in providing tip offs to nearby police station as to whereabouts of the suspects," the ENA added.
The government on Monday brought to court 24 top opposition leaders, civil society activists and journalists it accuses of instigating violence by being mouthpieces for the opposition.
The court remanded them in police custody for another 14 days to allow prosecutors to complete investigations.
Last week's killings -- 42 in Addis Ababa and four elsewhere in rural Ethiopia -- followed the deaths of 36 people in June in similar protests over the election.
Meles, once hailed by the West as part of a "new generation" of African leaders but now under pressure over his democratic credentials, has ordered an inquiry into both bouts of unrest.
Washington has "deplored" the violence.
"We particularly note the need to end lethal force, random searches, indiscriminate beatings and arrests, to release political detainees, to grant immediate access by families," U.S. State Department spokesman Adam Ereli said on Monday.
AlertNet news is provided by
08 Nov 2005 10:30:02 GMTSource: ReutersBy David Mageria and Tsegaye Tadesse
ADDIS ABABA, Nov 8 (Reuters) - Shops re-opened and private minibuses returned to the streets of the Ethiopian capital on Tuesday after the government threatened to cancel licences of residents heeding an opposition call for a strike.
Many small traders resumed business in the Mercato market area where police last week confronted stone-throwing protesters in clashes that killed more than 40 people.
The violence has fuelled fears for stability in the Horn of Africa's dominant power and prompted Western donors to urge both the government and opposition to show restraint.
The main opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) said on Monday its members were complying with a call for a week-long strike over the recent killings and a May poll it says was manipulated to keep Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in power.
But by early Tuesday, blue minibuses and taxis sped down the streets of Addis Ababa for the first time since the security crackdown, as local government threatened action against striking citizens, according to reports by state-owned media.
"The government has the responsibility to ensure the public is served," Information Minister Berhan Hailu told Reuters. "There is no problem anymore so (businesses) do not have a reason to stop working."
Traders in Mercato said the authorities had posted notices warning shopkeepers their licences would be revoked if businesses remained closed. Wary of more violence, many opened their shop doors and shutters half way.
The state-owned Ethiopian News Agency (ENA) also said the government had published the names or photographs of 32 people -- mainly journalists from the private media and civil society activists -- it says it wants to arrest because of the violence.
U.S. DEPLORES VIOLENCE
The list included Kifle Mulat, head of the Ethiopian Free Press Journalists Association and Abayneh Berhanu, a senior CUD leader.
"The Federal Police called on the public for the usual cooperation in providing tip offs to nearby police station as to whereabouts of the suspects," the ENA added.
The government on Monday brought to court 24 top opposition leaders, civil society activists and journalists it accuses of instigating violence by being mouthpieces for the opposition.
The court remanded them in police custody for another 14 days to allow prosecutors to complete investigations.
Last week's killings -- 42 in Addis Ababa and four elsewhere in rural Ethiopia -- followed the deaths of 36 people in June in similar protests over the election.
Meles, once hailed by the West as part of a "new generation" of African leaders but now under pressure over his democratic credentials, has ordered an inquiry into both bouts of unrest.
Washington has "deplored" the violence.
"We particularly note the need to end lethal force, random searches, indiscriminate beatings and arrests, to release political detainees, to grant immediate access by families," U.S. State Department spokesman Adam Ereli said on Monday.
AlertNet news is provided by
November 07, 2005
Oromia- Homeland of the proud Oromo nation of Horn of Africa
Oromia:homeland of the proud Oromo nationLocation
Horn of Africa, in what is today Ethiopia. Oromia is approximately located between 3 degree and 15 degree N latitude and 33 degree and 40 degree longitude.
Size
375,000 Square Miles, or, 600,000 square kilometers; Larger than France, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium & the Netherlands combined.
Population
28 million; 3rd. largest nationality in Africa; single largest nationality in East Africa.
Religion
Waaqa, Islam, Christian.
Resources
Breadbasket of the Horn of Africa -cereals including wheat, barley, sorghum, maize, tafi; exports includes coffee, oil seeds, hides and skins; it has the largest livestock holding in Africa; forestry - houses all the forest and wildlife reserves of the Horn including unique species like Nyala-lbex, Colobus monkey and the red fox. minerals - two of three mineral belts of the region including gold, silver, platinum, uranium, marble, Nickel, and natural gas.
History
Locale of the 3.5 million year old Lucy, or Chaltu in Oromo, Croatia of the Upper Nile known and recorded in history by such names as Punt, Cush, and Ethiopia, has hosted numerous pioneering human achievements including the development of the earliest pebble tools (circa 70,000 BC), the domestication of animals (circa 5000 BC), and regional trade in antiquity in gold, ivory, myrrh and frankincense with Pharoahnic Egypt, Greece, Rome and Persia. Early in history, the Oromo developed an indigenous democratic system similar to the Grecian Polls called Gada in which elected officials including the Abba Gada(President), the Abba Dula (Commander of the Army), the Abba Hori (Chief of the Treasury), and nine Hayyuus (Judges) assumed public office for non-renewable 8 year terms. With universal male training in warfare including equestrian skills, archery and the martial arts, the Oromo remained independent until the last decade of the 19th century, when Abyssinians from the North aided by modern European arms, managed to conquer them. Since then, successions of autocrats from Menelik to Mengistu have systematically suppressed Oromo culture, looted Oromo resources, divided the people by region and religion in the idiom of Ethiopian unity, thusly fostering instability, war and famine.
Political Objective
The fundamental political objective of the Oromo people is to exercise their inalienable right to national self determination to liberate themselves from a century of oppression and exploitation, and to form, where possible, a political union with other nations on the basis of equality, respect for mutual interests and the principle of voluntary associations.
Oromia and the Oromo people
The following summary information was adopted from the book by Gadaa Melbaa, Khartoum, Sudan 1988.
People: OromoCountry: Oromia (also phonetically spelled as Oromiyaa)Area: 600,000 sq.km approx.Capital: Finfinnee (also called Addis Ababa)Population: 30 million (1995 estimate)Language: Oromo, also called Afan Oromo or OromiffaEconomy: Mainly agriculture (coffee, several crops, spices, vegetables) and Animal Husbandry; Mining industry; Tourism trade; Medium and small-scale industries (textiles, refineries, meat packaging, etc)Religion: Waaqqefata (the traditional belief in Waaqa or God), Islam, and Christian (Catholic, Orthodox and Protestant)
Overview
The Oromo make up a significant portion of the population occupying the Horn of Africa. In the Ethiopian Empire alone, Oromo constitute about 30 million of the 55 million inhabitants of the Ethiopian Empire. In fact, Oromo is one of the most numerous nations in Africa which enjoys a homogeneous culture and shares a common language, history and descent and once shared common political, religious and legal institutions. During their long history, the Oromo developed their own cultural, social and political system known as the Gadaa system. It is a uniquely democratic political and social institution that governed the life of every individual in the society from birth to death.
Ecologically and agriculturally Oromia (Oromo country) is the richest region in the Horn of Africa. Livestock products, coffee, oil seeds, spices, mineral resources and wild life are all diverse and abundant. In spite of all these advantages, a century of colonisation by Abyssinia (Ethiopia), a backward nation itself, has meant that the Oromo people have endured a stagnant existence where ignorance and famine have been coupled with ruthless oppression, subjugation, exploitation and above all, extermination. Thus for the last one hundred years under the Ethiopian rule, the Oromo have gained very little, if anything, in the way of political, social and economic progress.
The Oromo were colonised during the last quarter of the nineteenth century by a black African nation - Abyssinia - with the help of the European colonial powers of the day. During the same period, of course, the Somalis, Kenyans, Sudanese and others were colonised by European powers. The fact that the Oromo were colonised by black African nation makes their case quite special.
During the process of colonisation, between 1870 and 1900, the Oromo population was reduced from ten to five millions. This period coincides with the occupation of Oromo land by the Abyssinian emperors Yohannes and Menilek. After colonisation, these emperors and their successors continued to treat Oromo with utmost cruelty. Many were killed by the colonial army and settlers, others died of famine and epidemics of various diseases or were sold off as slaves. Those who remained on the land were reduced to the status of gabbar (a peasant from whom labour and produce is exacted and is a crude form of serfdom).
Haile Selassie consolidated Yohannes and Meniiek's gains and with the use of violence, obstructed the process of natural and historical development of the Oromo society - political, economic and social. In all spheres of life, discrimination, subjugation, repression and exploitation of all forms were applied. Everything possible was done to destroy Oromo identity - culture, language, custom, tradition, name and origin. In short Haile Selassie maintained the general policy of genocide against the Oromo.
The 1974 revolution was brought about by the relentless struggle over several years by, among others, the Oromo peasants. The military junta, headed by Mengistu Haile-Mariam, usurped power and took over the revolution. This regime has continued on the path of emperors Yohannes, Menilek and Haile Selassie in the oppression, subjugation and exploitation of Oromo, the settlement of Abyssinians on Oromo land and the policy of genocide.
Forced to fight against Eritreans, the Somalis and others, many Oromo have fallen in battle. Many others have died on the streets of cities and towns during the so-called "Red Terror" period and in a similar programme that has been expanded in the countryside since then. Massacres in towns and villages coupled with bombing and search and destroy programmes have caused the destruction of human lives, crops, animals and property, have driven Oromo from their land and forced them to seek refuge in neighbouring countries. Not surprisingly, this ruthless oppression and persecution of peoples has resulted in the largest flight of refugees in Africa. A very large proportion of the refugees in the Horn of Africa are Oromo.
In its attempt to oppress and eliminate the essential elements of Oromo culture, the present regime has used cover-up words such as 'development, relief, settlement, villagization and literacy campaign' to mislead the world. In fact most of these programmes and projects have been aimed at displacing Oromo people and denying them freedom, justice, human dignity and peace, thereby hastening the process of Amharization or de-Oromization.
The struggle of the Oromo people, then, is nothing more than an attempt to affirm their own place in history. It seeks equality, human dignity, democracy, freedom and peace. It is not directed against the masses of a particular nation or nationality, nor against individuals, but rather against Ethiopian colonialism led by the Amhara ruling class and the naftanyas (Amhara colonial settlers) and against feudalism and imperialism. Thus it is the Ethiopian colonial system and not the Amhara masses or individuals which is under critical consideration.
Today when nearly all of the African peoples have won independence, the Oromo continue to suffer under the most backward and savage Ethiopian settler colonialism. All genuinely democratic and progressive individuals and groups, including members of the oppressor nation, Amhara, who believe in peace, human dignity and liberty should support the Oromo struggle for liberation.
Although the Oromo nation is one of the largest in Africa, it is forgotten by or still unknown to the majority of the world today. Unfortunately even the name Oromo is unknown to many, and this should not be allowed to continue.
The main purpose of this summary is to introduce readers briefly to the Oromo people, their land, and culture.For detailed treatment of the experiences of Oromo under Ethiopian colonial rule as well as their struggle for freedom, democracy and economic and social justice, please refer to the book from which this summary is extracted. Please do note the author's introductory message in this book: "... it is not the intention of this book to write a definitive Oromo history. This task is left to the historians, a work they have unjustly treated or unjustifiably ignored in the past. In fact the little that has been written about Oromo has almost always been from Abyssinians and Europeans point of view".The Oromo People The Oromo are one of the Cushitic speaking groups of people with variations in colour and physical characteristics ranging from Hamitic to Nilotic. A brief look at the early history of some of the peoples who have occupied north-eastern Africa sheds some light on the ethnic origin of Oromo. The Cushitic speakers have inhabited north-eastern and eastern Africa for as long as recorded history. The land of Cush, Nubia or the ancient Ethiopia in middle and lower Nile is the home of the Cushitic speakers. It was most probably from there that they subsequently dispersed and became differentiated into separate linguistic and cultural groups. The various Cushitic nations inhabiting north-east and east Africa today are the result of this dispersion and differentiation. The Oromo form one of those groups which spread southwards and then east and west occupying large part of the Horn of Africa. Their physical features, culture, language and other evidences unequivocally point to the fact that they are indigenous to this part of Africa. Available information clearly indicates that the Oromo existed as a community of people for thousands of years in East Africa (Prouty at al, 1981). Bates (1979) contends, "The Gallas (Oromo) were a very ancient race, the indigenous stock, perhaps, on which most other peoples in this part of eastern Africa have been grafted".
In spite of the fact that there are several indications and evidences that Oromo are indigenous to this part of Africa, Abyssinian rulers, court historians and monks contend that Oromo were new corners to the region and did not belong here. For instance the Abyssinian court historian, Alaqa Taye (1955), alleged that in the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries the Oromo migrated from Asia and Madagascar, entered Africa via Mombasa and spread north and eastwards. Others have advocated that during the same period the Oromo crossed the Red Sea via Bab el Mandab and spread westwards. Abyssinian clergies even contended that Oromo emerged from water. On this issue, based on the points made in The Oromo's Voice Against Tyranny, Baxter (1985) remarked, "... the contention that the first Oromo had actually emerged from water and therefore, had not evolved to the same level of humanity as the Amhara (i.e. treating a myth of origin as a historical fact); or, more seriously, that Oromo were late corners to Ethiopia and hence, by implication, intruders and not so entitled to be there as the Amhara."
The history of the arrival of the Oromo people in the sixteenth century in East Africa from outside is a fabrication and denial of historical facts. It is a myth created by Abyssinian court historians and monks, sustained by their European supporters and which the Ethiopian rulers used to lay claim on Oromo territory and justify their colonization of the Oromo people. Several authorities have indicated that the Oromo were in fact in the North-eastern part of the continent even before the arrival of the Habasha. According to Perham (1948): "the emigrant Semites landed in a continent of which the North-East appears to have been inhabited by the eastern groups of Hamites, often called Kushites, who also include the Gallas." Paulitschke (1889) indicated that Oromo were in East Africa during the Aksumite period. As recorded by Greenfield (1965), Oromo reject the view that they were late arrivals, "... old men amongst the Azebu and Rayya Galia dismiss talk of their being comparative newcomers....... Their own (Abyssinians) oral history and legends attest to the fact that Oromo have been living in Rayya for a long time. Beke (cited by Pankurst, 1985-86) quoted the following Lasta legend: "Meniiek, the son of Solomon, ... entered Abyssinia from the East, beyond the country of the Rayya or Azebo Gallas There are also evidence (Greenfield et al, 1980) that at least by the ninth and tenth centuries that there were Oromo communities around Shawa and by about the fourteenth century settlements were reported around Lake Tana. The recent discovery, (Lynch and Robbins, 1978), in northern Kenya of the pillars that Oromo used in the invention of their calendar system, dated around 300 B.C., is another indication that Oromo have a long history of presence as a community of people, in this part of Africa.
The so called "Galla invasion of Ethiopia" is also a tale. It was first written around 1590 by a monk called Bahrey and henceforth European historians and others almost invariably accepted this story as a fact. From his writing, it is evident that he was biased against Oromo. The following quotation from Bahrey, (in Beckingham et al, 1954), vividly illustrates typical Abyssinian cultural, religious and racial biases against Oromo. He began his book "The History of the Galla": "I have begun to write the history of the Galla in order to make known the number of their tribes, their readiness to kill people, and the brutality of their manners. If anyone should say of my subject, 'Why has he written a history of a bad people, just as one would write a history of good people', I would answer by saying 'Search in the books, and you will find that the history of Mohamed and the Moslem kings has been written, and they are our enemies in religion In fact it appears that the main purpose of his writing was to encourage Abyssinians against Oromo. Bahrey, Atseme, Harris, Haberiand and others description of what they called the 'Galla invasion of Ethiopia' as an avalanche, a sudden overwhelming human wave which could be likened to a flood or swarms of migratory locust is unrealistic and difficult to imagine to say the least.
The Oromo's Voice Against Tyranny argued that: "... the so-called Galla invasion of the sixteenth century was neither an invasion nor a migration. It was rather a national movement of the Oromo people ... with the specific goal of liberating themselves and their territories from colonial occupation. It was nothing more or less than a war of national liberation." In fact the last 2000 years were occupied with a gradual expansion of Abyssinians from north to south. This expansion had been checked throughout by Oromo. It was only with the arrival of Europeans and their firearms that Abyssinians succeeded in their southward expansion mainly in the middle of last century.
Abyssinian and European historians alleged that there was a sudden population explosion in the Oromo community in the sixteenth century that enabled it to invade Ethiopia. The claim lacks a scientific base. During that time no significant, if at all any, technological development such as discoveries or introductions of medicines, new and improved tools for food production, etc. took place in the Oromo community that could have been the cause for the sudden population explosion. The Oromo community had no advantages of these sort over neighbouring communities.
Different areas have been indicated as place where the Oromo developed or differentiated into its own unique community of people or ethnic group (Braukamper, 1980). According to some ethnologists and historians, the Oromo country of origin was the south-eastern part of Oromia, in the fertile valley of Madda Walaabu in the present Baale region. This conclusion was reached mainly on the basis of Oromo oral tradition. Based on scanty anthropological evidence, others have also pointed to the coastal area of the Horn of Africa, particularly the eastern part of the Somali peninsula, as the most probable place of Oromo origin. Bruce, an English traveller, indicated that Sennar in Sudan was the Oromo country of origin and that they expanded from there. It should be noted here that many European travellers have suggested the origin of peoples, including Oromo, to be where they met some for the first time, which in most cases happened to be peripheral areas.
There are several groups of people in East Africa very closely related to the Oromo. For instance, the Somalis are very similar in appearance and culture. The fact that the Somali and Oromo languages share between 30 percent and 40 percent of their vocabulary could be an indication that these two groups of people became differentiated very recently. Other Cushitic-speaking groups living in the same neighbourhood who are closely related to the Oromo are Konso, Afar, Sidama, Kambata, Darassa, Agaw, Saho, Baja and other groups.
The Oromo are also known by another name, Galla. The people neither call themselves or like to be called by this name. They always called themselves Oromoo or Oromoota (plural). It is not known for certain when the name Galla was given to them. It has been said that it was given to them by neighbouring peoples, particularly Amhara, and various origins of the word have been suggested. Some say it originated from the Oromo word 'gaiaana' meaning river in Oromiffa. Others indicate that it came from an Arabic word 'qaala laa'. There are other similar suggestions as to the origin of the word. The Abyssinians attach a derogatory connotation to the Galla, namely 'pagan, savage, uncivilized, uncultured, enemy, slave or inherently inferior". The term seems to be aimed at generating an inferiority complex in the Oromo.
Oromo have several clans (gosa, qomoo). The Oromo are said to be of two major groups or moieties descended from the two 'houses' (wives) of the person Oromo represented by Borana and Barentu (Barenttuma). Borana was senior (angafa) and Barentu junior (qutisu). Such a dichotomy is quite common in Oromo society and serves some aspects of their po!itical and social life. The descendants of Borana and Barentu form the major Oromo clans and sub-clans. They include Borana, Macha, Tuuiiama, Wallo, Garrii, Gurraa, Arsi, Karrayyu, ltu, Ala, Qaiioo, Anniyya, Tummugga or Marawa, Orma, Akkichuu, Liban, Jile, Gofa, Sidamo, Sooddo, Galaan, Gujii and many others. However, in reality there is extensive overlap in the area they occupy and their community groups. And since marriage among Oromo occurs only between different clans there was high degree of homogeneity.Population
The Oromo make up over 30 million out of the present 55 million population of the Ethiopian Empire. They are found in all the regions of the Ethiopian Empire except for Gondar. They make up a large proportion of the population of llubbabor, Arsi, Baale, Shawa, Hararge, Wallo, Wallagga, Sidamo and Kafa. They are also found in neighbouring countries such as Kenya and Somalia. Out of the 50 nations of Africa only four have larger population than Oromia. Language
The Oromo nation has a single common mother tongue and basic common culture. The Oromo language, afaan Oromoo or Oromiffa, belongs to the eastern Kushitic group of languages and is the most extensive of the forty or so Kushitic languages. The Oromo language is very closely related to Konso, with more than fifty percent of the words in common, closely related to Somali and distantly related to Afar and Saho.
Oromiffa is considered one of the five most widely spoken languages from among the approximately 1000 languages of Africa, (Gragg, 1982). Taking into consideration the number of speakers and the geographic area it covers, Oromiffa, most probably rates second among the African indigenous languages. It is the third most widely spoken language in Africa, after Arabic and Hausa. It is the mother tongue of about 30 million Oromo people living in the Ethiopian Empire and neighbouring countries. Perhaps not less than two million non-Oromo speak Oromiffa as a secondianguage.
In fact Oromiffa is a lingua franca in the whole of Ethiopian Empire except for the northern part. It is a language spoken in common by several members of many of the nationalities like Harari, Anuak, Barta, Sidama, Gurage, etc., who are neighbours to Oromo.
Before colonization, the Oromo people had their own social, political and legal system. Trade and various kinds of skills such as wood and metal works, weaving, pottery and tannery flourished. Pastoralism and agriculture were well developed. Oromo have an extraordinarily rich heritage of proverbs, stories, songs and riddles. They have very comprehensive plant and animal names. The various customs pertaining to marriage, paternity, dress, etc. have elaborate descriptions. All these activities and experiences have enriched Oromiffa.
Much has been written about Oromiffa by foreigners who visited or lived in Oromia, particularly European missionaries. Several works have been written in Oromiffa using Roman, Sabean and Arabic scripts. Printed material in Oromiffa include the Bible, religious and non-religious songs, dictionaries, short stories, proverbs, poems, school books, grammar, etc. The Bible itself was translated into Oromiffa in Sabean script about a century ago by an Oromo slave called Onesimos Nasib, alias Hiikaa, (Gustave, 1978).
Roman, Arabic and Sabean scripts are all foreign to Oromiffa. None of them fit well the peculiar features of the sounds (phonology), in Oromiffa. The main deficiency of the Arabic script is the problem of vowel differentiation. The Sabean script does not differentiate gemination of consonants and glottal stops. Moreover, it has seven vowels against ten for Oromiffa. Hence, the Roman script is relatively best suited for transcription of Ororniffa. An Italian scholar, Cerulli (1922), who attempted to write in Oromiffa using both Sabean and Roman, expressed the short comings of the Sabean script as follows: to express the sounds of Galla language with letters of the Ethiopic (Sabean) alphabet, which express very imperfectly even the sounds of the Ethiopian language, is very near impossible ... reading Galla language written in Ethiopic alphabet is very like deciphering a secret writing." As a result several Oromo political, cultural groups and linguists have strongly advocated the use of the Roman script with the necessary modifications. It has thus been adopted by the Oromo Liberation Front some years ago.
A number of Oromo scholars in the past attempted to discover scripts suited for writing Oromiffa. The work of Sheikh Bakri Saphalo is one such attempt. His scripts were different in form but followed the symbol-sounds forming patterns of the Sabean system. Ever. though his scripts had serious shortcomings and could not be considered for writing Oromiffa now, it had gained popularity in some parts of eastern Oromia in the 1950s, before it was discovered by the colonial authorities and suppressed.
Oromiffa has been not only completely neglected but ruthlessly suppressed by the Ethiopian authorities. a determined effort for almost a century to destroy and replace it with the Amharic language has been mostly ineffectual. Thus, the Amharization and the destruction of the Oromo national identity has partially failed.Culture
Oromo have a very rich culture, fostered by the size of the population and large land areas with diverse climatic conditions. One highly developed self-sufficient system which has influenced every aspect of Oromo life is the Gadaa system. It is a system that organizes the Oromo society into groups or sets (about 7-11 ) that assume different responsibilities in the society every eight years. It has guided the religious, social, political and economic life of Oromo for many years, and also their philosophy, art, history and method of time-keeping.
The activities and life of each and every member of the society are guided by Gadaa. It is the law of the society, a system by which Oromo administer, defend their territory and rights, maintain and guard their economy and through which all their aspirations are fulfilled.
The Gadaa system has served as the basis of democratic and egalitarian political system. Under it the power to administer the affairs of the nation and the power to make laws belong to the people. Every male member of the society who is of age and of Gadaa grade has full rights to elect and to be elected. All the people have the right to air their views in any public gathering without fear.
There follows a brief description of how the Gadaa system works: there are two well-defined ways of classifying male members of the society, that is the hiriyya (members of an age-set all born within the period of one Gadaa rule of eight years) and Gadaa grade. The Gadaa grades (stages of development through which a Gadaa class passes) differ in number (7-1 1) and name in different parts of Oromia although the functions are the same. The following are the Gadaa grades:-
1.Dabballee (0-8 years of age)2.Folle or Gamme Titiqaa (8-16 years of age)3.Qondaaia or Gamme Gurgudaa (1 6-24 years of age)4.Kuusa (24-32 years of age)5.Raaba Doorii (32-40 years of age)6.Gadaa (40-48 years of age)7.Yuba I (48-56 years of age)8.Yuba II (56-64 years of age)9.Yuba III (64-72 years of age)10.Gadamojjii (72-80 years of age)11.Jaarsa (80 and above years of age)
We will briefly describe the duties of a Gadaa class as it passes through the above grades.
The Dabballee are sons of the Gadaa class who are in power, the Luba. They are boys up to 8 years of age. Thus this is a stage of childhood. Upon reaching their eighth year, they enter the Folle grade. At this age they are allowed to go further away from their villages and to perform light work.
At 16 years old, they enter the Qondaala. They may now go long distances to hunt and perform heavy work. Three years before the Qondaaia ends, those of the Gadaa class come together and nominate the future group leaders (hayyu council) who eventually will constitute its presidium and thereby the executive, judicial and ritual authorities. The final election is preceded by an often lengthy campaign of negotiations. After nomination, the candidates tour the region accompanied by their supporters to win the backing of the people before election, The individuals will be elected on the basis of wisdom, bravery, health and physical fitness.
In the Kuusa grade, the previously elected leaders are formally installed in office, although they do not yet assume full authority except in their own group. This is one of the most important events in the life of the individual and the Gadaa system over all.
In the next grade, Raaba Doorii, members are allowed to marry. This and the Kuusa grade constitute a period of preparation for the assumption of full authority. At the end of this period the class members enter Luba or Gadaa, the most important class of the whole system, attain full status, and take up their position as the ruling Gadaa class. At this stage the system comes to a stop momentarily and all men move to the proceeding class vacating the last class which is the immediately occupied by a new class of youth who thus begin their ascent of the system's ladder.
The former ruling class, the Luba, now becomes Yuba. The Yubas, after passing through three separate eight-year periods, are transferred to the Gadamojjii class. Then they enter the final grade called Jaarsa and retire completely.
As described briefly above, when the Oromo man passes from one stage to the next, his duties and way of life in society change. For instance, during the grades of Qondaala, Kuusa and Raaba Doorii, the individuals learn war tactics , Oromo history, politics, ritual, law and administration over a period of 24 years. When they enter the Gadaa class or Luba at the age of about 40 years, they have already acquired all the necessary knowledge to handle the responsibility of administering the country and the celebration of rituals. It ends with partial retirement of the whole, group of elders to an advisory and judiciary capacity.
The following are the Gadaa officials and their duties according to the Tuuilama Gadaa practice:
1. Abbaa Bokku - President2. Abbaa Bokku - First Vice-President3. Abbaa Bokku - Second Vice-President4. Abbaa Chaffe - Chairman of the Assembly (Chaffe)5. Abbaa Dubbi - Speaker who presents the decision of the presidium to the Assembly6. Abbaa Seera - Memoriser of the laws and the results of the Assembly's deliberations.7. Abbaa Alanga - Judge who executes the decision8. Abbaa Duula - In charge of the army9. Abbaa Sa'a - In charge of the economy
Thus, the entire presidium consists of nine members, called "Saigan Yaa'ii Borana" (nine of the Borana assembly). The Abbaa Bokkus are the chief officials. (Bokku is a wooden or metal sceptre, a sign of authority kept by the Abbaa Bokku, the president). The Abbaa Bokkus have counsellors and assistants called Hayyus who are delegated from the lower assemblies.
There are three level of assembly - intercian, clan and local chaffes, chaffe being the Oromo version of parliament. The chaffe assembly was held in the open air in a meadow under the odaa (sycamore) tree. The chaffe made and declared common laws and was source of the accumulated legal knowledge and customs. In the hierarchy of Gadaa chaffes, the assembly of the entire presidium of the ruling- Gadaa Class is the highest body whose decision is final. It, is the assembly at which'reipresentatives of the entire population come together, at predetermined times, to evaluate among other things, the work of those in power. If those in power have failed to accomplish what is expected of them the assembly has the power to replace them by another group elected from among the same Gadaa class or Luba. And this was one of the methods of checking and balancing political power in the Oromo society. The second highest Gadaa assembly is the clan chaffe. It is from these assemblies that special delegates to the higher assembly are elected. The lowest Gadaa chaffe is the local chaffe. This is made up of local members of the Luba from among whom representatives to clan chaffes are elected.
The holders of these responsible posts can remain in office for eight years only, in normal times, and are then replaced by a new group of officers. The power is handed over at a special ceremony at a special place and time. The office-holders conduct government - political, economic, social, ritual and military - affairs of the entire nation for this period. During war time all capable men fight under the leadership of the group in office. During the eight year period the officials live together in a village (yaa'aa village) and when necessary travel together.
There are five Gadaas in a cycle of 40 years. If a man enters office (becomes Luba) now, his sons will become Luba 40 years from now. The five Gadaa (some times called Buttaa) in the cycle have names, which vary slightly from region to region. Among some Oromo communities the sets of five Gadaa names used by the sons are different from those of the fathers. Whereas among other communities the same set of Gadaa names are used for both fathers and sons. For instance the Gadaa practised in the Borana community uses the following different sets of names for the five Gadaa. (Could be likened to five parties who take power in turns).
Fathers Sons
1. Birmajii Aldada2. Melba Horota3. Muudana Bifoole4. Roobale Sabaqa5. Duuioo Kiloolee
In this manner a given name repeats itself every 80 years. This is in fact the complete Gadaa cycle divided into two semi-cycles of 40 years each. The first 40 years is the Gadaa of the fathers and the second is the Gadaa of the sons.
Although it is not known with any degree of certainty where and when the Gadaa system started, it is known and documented that the Oromo have been practising it for well over 500 years. However, according to oral Oromo historians, the Gadaa system has been in practice for several centuries. "Their (Borana Oromo) noted historian, Arero Rammata, was able to recount, in 1969, an oral history covering four thousand years", (Prouty et al, 1981). Today Gadaa experts easily recall fifty-seven Abbaa Gadaas with important events. Of course, this highly sophisticated system cannot have appeared without having been based on something earlier. Therefore further study and analysis is required to know more about its origin and development.
Social scientists of diverse backgrounds at different times have studied the Gadaa system. Many of them have testified that it is uniquely democratic. Among those authorities, Plowden (1868), stated, "among republican systems, Gadaa is superior". Asmarom Legesse (1973) described the Gadaa system: "one of the most astonishing and instructive turns the evolution of human society has taken". Indeed it is one of the most fascinating sociopolitical structure of Africa that even influenced the lives of other peoples. Several neighbouring peoples have practised a sort of the Gadaa. Among these are Sidama, Walayita, Konso, Darasa, Nyika, Nabdi, Maasai, etc., (Beckingham et al, 1954).
Like living organism, cultures undergo evolution in order to adapt to changing conditions. The Gadaa system has thus been undergoing evolutionary changes since its inception so as to serve better a continually developing society. However, the fundamental that occurred in the Gadaa system, starting around the end of the eighteenth century, were brought about mainly by events set in motion from outside the Oromo society. Therefore it was not fully a normal or natural development.
In most communities suddenly and in a few cases gradually, the usefulness of the Gadaa system declined. Among the factors that had contributed to this decline were firstly, the protracted wars that preceded the onset of colonization. The end of the eighteenth century was marked by constant wars and skirmishes, particularly in the north and north-eastern Oromia against the encroachment of the Abyssinians. Because of the insecurity imposed by such wars coupled with the distances involved to go to the Gadaa ceremonies to change the leadership, the Abbaa Duuias (fathers of war) stayed on their post for much longer period than required by the Gadaa rules. This gave these war leaders a mandatory power, because they were forced or encouraged by the society and existing circumstances, such as the continuous wars, to hang on to power. This weakened one of the outstanding features of the Gadaa system, the built in checks and balances mechanism of political power. This in turn weakened the ideology by which the Oromo nation was successfully led for several centuries.
In addition to the protracted wars, the passing of major trade routes through the area and the subsequent expansion of trade gained the war leaders more wealth. Thus the wealth, fame and power they gradually gained enabled them to command a larger number of followers in the area they were defending. Thus they usurped the political power that belonged to the Gadaa officials and the people and finally some of them declared themselves "mootii" (kings).
The second important factor that contributed to this decline was the coming of new beliefs and religions. The politico-religious aggression that took place in the expansion of 1siam and Christianity have affected the culture of the Oromo people very much. The invasion of Oromo land by Muslims in the east and south and by Christians in the north have left their mark on the Oromo culture.
Thirdly, the changes in the mode of living of several Oromo communities was probably one of the important factors that led to the decline of Gadaa. As the Oromo society developed there was a gradual change in the social, economic and political life of the people. For instance, in many parts of Oromia a settled agrarian mode of life developed fast and the people practised both mixed agriculture - raised crops and animals - and nomadic pastoralism. The latter was the dominant mode of life before this time, although Oromo have practised cultivation for a long time and have made significant contribution to agriculture by domesticating plants and rearing rare varieties of crop plants. The introduction and expansion of trade had significant contribution also. These and other related factors led to the emergence of a new social system, which created a significant pressure on the Gadaa system and brought about a modification or change in the Gadaa practices.
Finally, the onset of colonization had tremendously reduced the political and usefulness of Gadaa system as the administrative affairs and management of the national economy were taken over by the colonisers except in remote regions. Atseme noted, "Menilek outlawed the major chaffe meetings in the Oromo areas he conquered". Bartels (1983) also noted, "Gadaa ... was gradually deprived by Amharas of most of its political and judicial powers and reduced to merely ritual institution". Even the social aspects, that is the ritual and ceremonial aspects, have not been left to the people. The observance of Gadaa ceremonies has been prohibited by proclamation.
The Oromo people also have a rich folklore, oral tradition, music and art. For example it is believed that the Oromo are responsible for the invention and use of phallic stones (Wainwright, 1949 and Greenfield, 1965). Decorations of stone bowls from Zimbabwe include pictures of cattle with long "lyre-shaped" horns such as raised by Oromo. According to these scholars, this and the phallic stones found in Zimbabwe are traced directly to Oromo and linked to their early settlements there and to the Zimbabwe civilization. Wainwright (1949) argued that these were founded by the Oromo. He wrote: "Waqlimi and his people came from Galia land and its neighbourhood, and were already installed in southern Rhodesia before A.D. 900". (Waqiimi is an Oromo name). This date coincides with the date of the erection of some of the famous buildings there which Wainwright says were built by "Galia". This appears to be part of the spread of Kushitic civilization.
Although much of this culture and these traditions have survived harsh suppression, much has been forgotten and lost, artifacts have been destroyed and Oromo are discouraged from developing their culture and art.
Oromo Calendar
Time is a very important concept in Gadaa and therefore in Oromo life. Gadaa itself can be narrowly defined as a given set of time (period) which groups of individuals perform specific duties in a society. Gadaa could also mean age. The lives of individuals, rituals, ceremonies, political and economic activities are scheduled rather precisely. For this purpose, the Oromo have a calendar. The calendar is also used for weather forecasting and divination purposes.
The Oromo calendar is based on astronomical observations of the moon in conjunction with seven or eight particular stars or star groups (Legesse, 1973 and Bassi, 1988) called Urji Dhaha (guiding stars). According to this calendar system, there are approximately 30 days in a month and 12 months in a year. The first day of a month is the day the new moon appears. A day (24 hours) starts and ends at sunrise.
In the Oromo calendar each day of the month and each month of the year has a name. Instead of the expected 29 or 30 names for days of a month, there are only 27 names. These 27 days of the month are permutated through the twelve months, in such a way that the beginning of each month moves forward by 2 or 3 days. The loss per month is then the difference between the 27-day month and the 30-day month, (Legesse, 1973). One interesting observation is that, as illustrated in the computing of time like in the Oromo calendar, Oromos visualization of events is cyclical just as many events in nature are cyclical.
Since each day (called ayyaana) of a month has a name, the Oromo traditionally had no use for names of the days of a week. Perhaps it is because of this that today in different parts of Oromia different names are in use for the days of a week.
Each of the 27 days (ayyaana) of the month have special meaning and connotation to the Oromo time-keeping experts, called ayyaantu. Ayyaantu can tell the day, the month, the year and the Gadaa period by keeping track of time astronomically. They are experts, in astronomy and supplement their memory of things by examining the relative position of eight stars or star groups, (Bassi, 1988) and the moon to determine the day (ayyaana) and the month. On the basis of astronomical observations, they make an adjustment in the day name every two or three months.
The pillars found a few years ago in north-western Kenya by Lynch and Robbins (1978) has been suggested to represent a site used to develop the Oromo calendar system. According to these researchers, it is the first archaeo-astronomical evidence in subSaharan Africa. Doyle (1986) has suggested 300 B.C. as the approximate date of its invention.
According to Asmarom Legesse (1973), "The Oromo calendar is a great and unique invention and has been recorded only in a very few cultures in history of mankind." The only other known cultures with this type of time-keeping are the Chinese, Mayans and Hindus. Legesse states that the Oromo are unusual in that they seem to be the only people with a reasonably accurate calendar which ignore the sun.Religion
There are three main religions in Oromia: traditional Oromo religion, Islam and Christianity. Before the introduction of Christianity and Islam, the Oromo people practised their own religion. They believed in one Waaqayoo which approximates to the English word God. They never worshipped false gods or carved statues as substitutes. M. de Aimeida (1628-46) had the following to say: "the Gallas (Oromo) are neither Christians, moors nor heathens, for they have no idols to worship." The Oromo Waaqa is one and the same for all. He is the creator of everything, source of all life, omnipresent, infinite, incomprehensible, he can do and undo anything, he is pure, intolerant of injustice, crime, sin and all falsehood. Waaqayoo is often called Waaqa for short.
There are many saint-like divinities called ayyaana, each seen as manifestation of the one Waaqa or of the same divine reality. An effective relationship is often maintained between ayyaana and Oromo by Qaaifu (male) and/or Qaafitti (female). A Qaaiiu is like a Bishop in the Christian world and an lmam in the Muslim world. He is a religious and ritual expert who has a special relationship with one of the ayyaana, which possesses him at regular intervals.
Although the office of Qaaiiu is hereditary, in principle it is open to anyone who can provide sufficient proof of the special direct personal contact with an ayyaaria. In the Oromo society a Qaaiiu is regarded as the most senior person in his lineage and clan and the most respected in the society. He is considered pure and clean. He must respect traditional taboos (safuu) and ritual observances in all situations and in all his dealings and must follow the truth and avoid sin.
The Qaaliu institution is one of the most important in the Oromo culture and society and is believed to have existed since mythical times. It is a very important preserver and protector of Oromo culture, more or less in the same way the Abyssinian Orthodox Church is the preserver of Abyssinian culture.
The Qaaiiu institution has political importance, even though the Qaaiiu himself does not possess political power as such and religion is distinctly separated from politics. The Qaailu village is the spiritual centre, where political debates are organized for the candidates for the Gadaa offices. Thus he plays both a spiritual and political role in the Gadaa system. For instance, during the fifth year of the Gadaa period, the Gadaa class in power honours the Qaaliu by taking gifts and making their pledges of reverence. This is the Muuda or annointment ceremony. As the head of the council of electors, the Qaaliu organizes and oversees the election of Gadaa leaders.
The Qaallu institution was once a repository of important ceremonial articles (collective symbols) in the Buttaa (Gadaa) ceremony, such as the bokku (sceptre), the national flag, etc. The national flag is made in the colours of the Qaallu turban (surri ruufa). The national flag had three colours - black at the top, red in the centre and white at the bottom. In the Gadaa, the three colours, black, red and white, represented those yet to enter active life, those in active life (Luba) and those who had passed through active live, respectively. The use of these symbols is prohibited by the colonial government.
The Oromo Qaallu must not be confused with the Amhara Qaailicha, who has a very different, much lower, social status. He is a vagabond who resorts to conjuring and black magic for his own benefit, (Knutsson, 1967). He is notorious for extracting remuneration by threats or other means. On the other hand, it is beneath the dignity of an Oromo Qaallu to ask his ritual clients for gifts or payment. The Abyssinian ruling class has confused the terms, thus disparaging the Qaallu socially and religiously by using the term depreciatingly.
The place of worship of Qaaliu ritual house is called the Galma. Each ayyaana has its own Galma and its own special ceremonies. The Galma is usually located on a hill top, hill side or in a grove of large trees. Many of these sites are now taken up by Abyssinian Orthodox Church buildings or Mosques. Places of worship also include under trees, beside large bodies of water, by the side of big mountains, hills, stones, etc. This has been misrepresented by outsiders claiming that the Oromo worship trees, rivers, etc.
The believers visit the Galma for worship once or twice a week, usually on Thursday and Saturday nights. At this time the followers dance, sing and beat drums to perform a ritual called dalaga in order to achieve a state of ecstasy, which often culminates in possession. It is at the height of this that the possessing ayyaana speaks through the Qaallu's mouth and can answer prayers and predict the future.
Religious Oromo often made Muuda-piigrimages to some of the great Qaaiius and religious centres such as Arsi's Abbaa Muuda (father of anointment). Among the Borana Oromo Muuda pilgrimages are still common. Muuda pilgrimage is very holy and the pilgrims walk to the place of Abbaa Muuda with a stick in one hand and carrying myrrh (qumbii). All Oromo through whose village the pilgrims pass are obliged to give them hospitality. As the Mecca pilgrims are called Haj among Muslims, these Muuda pilgrims are ca!ied Jiia.
The Qaaiiu institution was weakened with the advent of colonialism to Oromia, which reduced contacts between various Oromo groups. The pilgrimage was prohibited. It became the policy to discourage and destroy Oromo cultural institutions and values. The Qaaiiu institution has suffered more during the last 14 years than it suffered during the previous 100 years. At this stage it faces complete eradication and Orthodox Church buildings are fast replacing Gaimas.
Just before the beginning of the harvest season every year, the Oromo have a prayer ceremony (thanksgiving festival) called irreessa. It once took place in river meadows where now the Abyssinian Orthodox Church takes its holy Tabot (tablets) for special yearly festivals, the 'timqat'. The lrreessa has become illegal and anybody who attempts to practise it is now likely to be imprisoned.
The Oromo believe that after death individuals exist in the form of a spirit called the 'ekeraa'. They do not believe in suffering after death as in Christianity and Islam. If one commits sin he/she is punished while still alive. The ekeraa is believed to stay near the place where the person once lived. One is obliged to pray to and to give offering by slaughtering an animal every so often to ones parents' ekeraa. The offerings take place near the family or clan cemetery, which is usually in a village.
Oromo people have been in constant contact with other religions like Islam and Christianity for almost the last 1000 years. For instance, the Islamic religion was reported to have been in eastern Shawa about 900 A.D. and Christianity even before that. However, in favour and defence of their own traditional religion, the Oromo have resisted these religions for quite a long time.
However, today the majority of the Oromo people are followers of Islam and Christianity, while the remaining few are still followers of the original Oromo religion. It is said that the Islamic religion spread in Oromia as a reaction to the Ethiopian colonization. The Oromo accepted Islam and non-Orthodox Christianity en-masse because they identified Abyssinian Orthodox Christianity with the oppressor and also to assert their identity visaa-vis Abyssinians. The Amhara spy monk, Atseme wrote: "The Galia became Muslim for his hatred of Amhara priests." Bereket (1980) also noted, "... Oromos in Arsi province accepted Islam in large number as a demonstration of anti-Amhara sentiment and a rejection of all values associated with imperial conquerors." A somewhat similar situation in the west was the acceptance of Islam by many Afro-Americans in 1950s and 1960s, as a reaction to the racial discrimination and oppression they faced from the white community and in search of an identity different from that of the oppressor group.
There are many Oromo who are followers of Islam or Christianity and yet still practise the original Oromo religion. Bartels (1983) expressed this reality as follows: 'Whether they (Oromo) became Christians or Muslims, the Oromo's traditional modes of experiencing the divine have continued almost unaffected, in spite of the fact that several rituals and social institutions in which it was expressed, have been very diminished or apparently submerged in new ritual cloaks." Many used to visit, until very recently, the Galma and pay due respect to their clan Qaaiiu. This is more true in regions where Abyssinian Orthodox Christianity prevails.
The Land
The country of the Oromo is called Biyya-Oromo (Oromo country) or Oromia (Oromiya). Oromia is a name given by the Oromo Liberation Front to Oromoland, now part of the Ethiopian Empire. Krapf (1860) proposed the term Ormania to designate the nationality or the country of the Oromo people. This, most probably, originated from his reference to the people as Orma or Oroma. Oromia was one of the free nations in the Horn of Africa until its colonization and occupation by Abyssinia at the end of the nineteenth century. It is approximately located between 2 degree and 12 degree N and between 34 degree and 44 degree E. It is bordered in the East by Somali and Afar lands and Djibouti, in the West by the Sudan, in the South by Somalia, Kenya and others and in the North by Amhara and Tigre land or Abyssinia proper. The land area is about 600 000 square kilometres. Out of the 50 or so African countries it is exceeded in size by only 17 countries. It is larger than France, and if Cuba, Bulgaria and Britain were put together, they would be approximately equal to Oromia in size. The physical geography of Oromia is quite varied. It varies from rugged mountain ranges in the centre and north to flat grassland in most of the lowlands of the west, east and south. Among the many mountain ranges are the Karra in Arsi (4340 m), Baatu in Baaie (4307 m), Enkelo in Arsi (4300 m), Mui'ataa in Hararge (3392m) and Baddaa Roggee in Shawa (3350 m).
Similarly, there are many rivers and lakes in Oromia. Many of the rivers flow westwards into either the Blue Nile or the White Nile, and others flow eastwards to Somalia and Afar land. Among the large rivers are the Abbaya (the Nile), Hawas (Awash), Gannaaiee, Waabee, Dhidheessa, Gibe and Baaroo.
For the peoples of Egypt, the Sudan and Somalia, life would be impossible without these rivers. They carry millions of tons of rich soil to Egypt, the Sudan and Somalia every year. Somalia depends heavily on the Gannaaiee (Juba) and Waabee (Shaballe) rivers which come from Oromia. In fact Oromia supplies almost 100 per cent of the fresh water for Somalia, Djibouti and Afars. At present the Ethiopian government depends heavily on Hawas (Awash) water as a source of electric power for its industries and irrigation water to grow sugar cane, cotton and fruits. The Wanji and Matahara sugar estates are good examples. There is a great potential in all these rivers for the production of electric power and for irrigation. Qoqaa, Fincha, Malkaa Waakkenne, Gibee Tiqqaa dams are examples of where hydro-electric power is already being produced or in the process of being harnessed.
Among the Oromo lakes are Abbaya, Hora, Bishofitu, Qoqaa, Langanno and Shaalaa. Many of these lakes possess a great variety of fish and birds on their islands and shores.
The climate is as varied as the physical geography, although close to the equator (to the north of it), because of the mountain ranges, high altitudes and vegetation, the climate is very mild and favourable for habitation. Snow can be found on the mountains such as Baatu and Karra. In the medium altitudes (1800-2500 m) the climate is very mild throughout the year and one of the best. Up to 80 per cent of the population lives at this altitude and agriculture flourishes.
The low altitude areas (below 1500 m) in west, south and central part are relatively warm and humid with lush tropical vegetation, and although few live there permanently most graze their cattle and tend their beehives there. Although there is little agriculture at this altitude at present, it has great potential for the future. As the highland areas are already eroded and over populated, people are gradually moving to the lowlands. The low altitude areas in the east and south-east are mostly semi-arid and used by pastoralists seasonally.
The vegetation of Oromia ranges from savanna grassland and tropical forest to alpine vegetation on the mountaintops. The forests contain a variety of excellent and valuable timbers. Oromia is known for its unique native vegetation as well as for being, the centre of diversity for many different species. For instance, crops like coffee, anchote (root crop), okra, etc. are indigenous to this area.The Economy
Potentially, Oromia is one of the richest countries in Africa. Agriculture is the backbone of its economy. Still employing archaic methods, subsistence agriculture is the means of livelihood for more than 90 per cent of the population. There are a variety of farm animals and crop plants. Farm animals include cattle, sheep, goats, donkeys, mules, horses, camels and chicken. The Cushitic speaking communities of this region perhaps Nubians, are credited with the domestication of donkey and were the first to breed mules, (a result of a cross between a donkey and a mare). The Oromo are expert in animal husbandry through their long tradition as herdsmen. For some, cattle-rearing (pastoralism) is still the main occupation.
Because of Oromia's favourable climate and rich soil, many types of crops are cultivated and normally there is little need for irrigation. Normally one and sometimes two crops can be harvested annually from the same field. Among the major food crops are cereals (wheat, barley, tef, sorghum, corn, millet, etc.), fibre crops (cotton), root crops (potato, sweet potato, yam, inset, anchote, etc.), pulses (peas, beans, chick-peas, lentils, etc.), oil crops (nugi, flax, etc.), fruit trees (orange, mango, avocado, banana, lemon, pineapple, peach, etc.), spices (onion, garlic, coriander, ginger, etc. - coriander and ginger also grow wild) and a variety of vegetables like okra which is indigenous to Oromia.
Many varieties of these important crops occur naturally in Oromia. These diverse crop plants are very valuable natural resources. Oromo farmers have contributed to world agriculture by cultivating and developing some of the worid's crop plants and in this way have discovered new domesticated varieties. The main cash crops are coffee and chat (a stimulant shrub). Coffee, a major cash earner for many countries, has its origin in the forests of Oromia and neighbouring areas. Specifically, Kafa and Limmu are considered centres of origin for coffee. It is from here that coffee spread to other parts of the globe. Coffee was one of the export items of the Gibe states. Wallagga and llubbabor regions of Oromia exported coffee to the Sudan through the inland port of Gambelia on the Baro river and border towns of Kurmuk, Gissan, etc. Hararge, because of its favourable location for communication with the outside markets through the Red Sea, has been producing one of the finest coffees for export. Coffee has remained the chief export item, representing more than 60 per cent of the foreign earnings of successive Ethiopian colonial regimes.
The country is also rich in wild animals and plants. Many different species are found in the waters and forests of Oromia: different kinds of fish, hippopotami, and crocodiles. Land animals include lion, leopard, rhinoceros, buffalo, giraffe, wild ass, zebra, columbus monkey and elephant. There are a number of wild animals that are found solely in Oromia, such as nyaaia, bush-buck (special type), fox (from Baale), etc.
Various types of birds, many of them unique, are found around lakes and elsewhere. These creatures are a source of attraction for tourists and natural scientists alike.
The forests of Oromia are a source of excellent timber. Although the major portion of the forests has been destroyed since its occupation, some still remain in the south and west. However, this is threatened by mismanagement, particularly through the fast the expanding state farms and resettlement programmes. At the time of colonisation a large part of Oromia was covered with forest. This has been reduced to the present 5-7 per cent. In addition to timber trees, medicinal plants and trees producing different kinds of gums, grow in abundance. Myrrh, frankincense and gum Arabic are gathered from the wild trees. Forests, besides being a source of timber, medicine and gum, are useful in the conservation of water and soil, and as shelter for wildlife. They also have an important aesthetic value.
Oromia has important mineral deposits. The gold mines at Adola and Laga Dambi in the Sidamo and around Nejjo, Asosa and Birbir river valley in Wallagga regions which were the major sources of revenue for Meniiek and Haile Selassie are being exploited using modern machinery. Other important minerals found in Oromia are platinum, sulphur, iron-ore, silver and salt.
As early as 1900 Meniiek granted concessions to a Swiss company to mine gold, silver and other minerals in Nejjo, Wallagga region. Later the Germans took over. English, Russian and Italian companies extracted gold and platinum at Yubdo and neighbouring areas in the same region. After some 60 years, the Soviet Union is continuing this business today in the same areas. It is known that large deposits of natural gas and oil exist in Baafe and Hararge regions. The Ethiopian government announced as 1986 the discovery of a new deposit of natural gas in Baale.
The hundreds of hot springs scattered over Oromia are also of economic importance. Thousands of people, including foreigners, visit these springs for their medicinal and recreational value. They are a great potential source of thermal energy. Rivers, streams and springs are plentiful. The rivers have many fails that could be used to generate electric power with little effort. The extent of this electric power could easily satisfy the power needs of Oromia and several neighbouring countries.
References
Alaqa Taye, 1948 (Ethiopian Calendar). Ye itiyophiya Hizb Tarik, Addis Ababa. Aimeida, M. de. 1628-46. The History of High Ethiopia or Abassia, In Some Records of Ethiopia 1593-1646. Ed. and Trans. C. F. Beckingham and G. W. B. Huntingford, 1954, London: Hakluyt Society. Bassi, Marco 1988. On the Borana Calendarical System: A Preliminary Field Report, Current Anthropology, 29(4): pp. 619-624. Bartels, L. 1983. Oromo Religion: Myths and Rites of the Western Oromo of Ethiopia. An Attempt to Understand. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Veriag. Bates, B. 1979. The Abyssinian Difficulty. Oxford University Press. Baxter, P. 1978. Ethiopia's Unacknowledged Problem: The Oromo. African Affairs, Vol. 77 No. 308, pp. 283-296. Baxter, P. 1985. Oromo Perceptions of and Response to the Revolution. Coiioque Inter. La Revolution Ethiopienne Some Phenomene de Societe. Tameignages et Documents. (Memograph). Beckingham, C.F. and G.W.B. Huntingford. 1954. (Ed, and Trans.). Some Records of Ethiopia 1593-1646. London: Hakitiyt Soc. Braukamper, U. 1980. Oromo Country of Origin: A Reconstruction of Hypothesis. 6th Inter. Conf. of Ethiopian Studies. Tel-Aviv. April 1980. Ceruili, E. 1922. Folk Literature of the Galla of Southern Abyssinia. Harvard African Studies. Cambridge, Mass. Doyle, L.R. 1986. The Borana Calendar Reinterpreted. Current Anthropology. 27(3): pp. 286-287. Gragg, G.B. and T. Kumsa. 1982. Oromo Dictionary. Publ:shed by the African Studies Center, Michigan State University. Greenfield, R. 1965. Ethiopia: A New Political History. London: Pall Mail Press. Greenfield, R. and Mohammed Hassen, 1980. Interpretation of Oromo Nationalism. In Horn of Africa, Vol. 3, No.3. Gustave, Gren, 1978. Evangelical Pioneers in Ethiopia. Origin of the Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus. Offsetcenter Ab. Uppsala. Knutsson, K.E. 1967. Authority and Change. The Study of the Kaliu Institution Among the Macha Galia of Ethiopia. Gothenborg, Etnografiska Museet. Krapf, J.L. 1860. Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labours During Eighteen Year's Residence in Eastern Africa. London: Frank Cass. 1968. Legesse, A. 1973. Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society. New York: The Free Press. Lynch, B.M. and L.H. Robbins. 1978. Namoratunga: The First Archaeo-Astronomical Evidence in Sub-Saharan Africa. Science, 200: 766-768. Paulitschke, P.V. 1889. Die Wanderungen der Oromo Oder Galia OstAfrikas. Wien. Perham, M. 1948. The Government of Ethiopia. London: Longmans. Plowden, W. 1868. Travels in Abyssinia and the Galla Country. London: Longmans. Plowden, W. 1868. Travels in Abyssinia and the Galla Country. London: Longmans. Prouty, C. and E. Rosenfeld. 1981. Historical Dictionary of Ethiopia. London : The Scarecrow Press. Wainwright, G.A. 1949. The Founder of the Zimbabwe Civilization. Man 80.
Copyright ©2005 ABO/OLF All Rights Reserved mailto:olfinfodesk@earthlink.net
Ethiopia assures UN on border dispute
W O R L D N E W S S T O R Y
Ethiopia assures UN on border dispute
08 November 2005
ADDIS ABABA: Ethiopia will not strike first if a long-running border dispute with Eritrea escalates again, Foreign Minister Seyoum Mesfin told a senior United Nations official yesterday.
Kanzo Oshima, a UN Security Council official in charge of peacekeeping, was visiting Ethiopia following military movements on both sides of the unmarked 1,000km frontier, over which the two African nations fought a two-year war from 1998.
He met Mesfin yesterday and will fly to the Eritrean capital Asmara on Tuesday.
"In my meeting with the foreign minister, he explained troop deployments made and assured me there is no intention on the part of Ethiopia to take action first. The posture is defensive in nature," Oshima told a news conference in Addis Ababa.
In the last two weeks, UN soldiers say they have observed military movements involving tanks, air defence missiles and troops near the border, fuelling fears of a repeat of the war between the Horn of Africa neighbours that killed 70,000 people.
Last month Eritrea banned UN peacekeepers from flying over its airspace, cutting off aerial reconnaissance, medical evacuation and resupply lines. The move has reduced the UN's ability to monitor the border.
Oshima said he would discuss the flight ban with the Eritrean authorities and report back to the Security Council.
"(My mission) is not about negotiating anything or discussion of a political nature, it is technical," he said.
"We will continue to call on both Ethiopia and Eritrea to undertake all necessary measures to prevent the current situation from deteriorating," Oshima said, adding that the situation was of "great concern" to the Security Council.
"We hope both governments act with restraint, refraining from any action. . . The situation is delicate and must be handled with delicacy and skill," he said.
Eritrea has been growing increasingly frustrated at the failure to implement a peace agreement with Ethiopia that was reached in December 2000.
In that accord, both sides agreed to demarcate their border as decided by an independent commission. But when the commission made its ruling, deciding that the flashpoint town of Badme actually belonged to Eritrea, Ethiopia rejected the decision.
Diplomats say new conflict would hurt a region that was once used as a base by al Qaeda and that continues to suffer drought and famine and the destabilising effect of anarchy in Somalia.
http://www.stuff.co.nz/stuff/0,2106,3471542a12,00.html
Ethiopia assures UN on border dispute
08 November 2005
ADDIS ABABA: Ethiopia will not strike first if a long-running border dispute with Eritrea escalates again, Foreign Minister Seyoum Mesfin told a senior United Nations official yesterday.
Kanzo Oshima, a UN Security Council official in charge of peacekeeping, was visiting Ethiopia following military movements on both sides of the unmarked 1,000km frontier, over which the two African nations fought a two-year war from 1998.
He met Mesfin yesterday and will fly to the Eritrean capital Asmara on Tuesday.
"In my meeting with the foreign minister, he explained troop deployments made and assured me there is no intention on the part of Ethiopia to take action first. The posture is defensive in nature," Oshima told a news conference in Addis Ababa.
In the last two weeks, UN soldiers say they have observed military movements involving tanks, air defence missiles and troops near the border, fuelling fears of a repeat of the war between the Horn of Africa neighbours that killed 70,000 people.
Last month Eritrea banned UN peacekeepers from flying over its airspace, cutting off aerial reconnaissance, medical evacuation and resupply lines. The move has reduced the UN's ability to monitor the border.
Oshima said he would discuss the flight ban with the Eritrean authorities and report back to the Security Council.
"(My mission) is not about negotiating anything or discussion of a political nature, it is technical," he said.
"We will continue to call on both Ethiopia and Eritrea to undertake all necessary measures to prevent the current situation from deteriorating," Oshima said, adding that the situation was of "great concern" to the Security Council.
"We hope both governments act with restraint, refraining from any action. . . The situation is delicate and must be handled with delicacy and skill," he said.
Eritrea has been growing increasingly frustrated at the failure to implement a peace agreement with Ethiopia that was reached in December 2000.
In that accord, both sides agreed to demarcate their border as decided by an independent commission. But when the commission made its ruling, deciding that the flashpoint town of Badme actually belonged to Eritrea, Ethiopia rejected the decision.
Diplomats say new conflict would hurt a region that was once used as a base by al Qaeda and that continues to suffer drought and famine and the destabilising effect of anarchy in Somalia.
http://www.stuff.co.nz/stuff/0,2106,3471542a12,00.html
Horn of Africa: War Clouds Gathering
Horn of Africa: War Clouds Gathering
AfricaFocus (Washington, DC)
November 6, 2005 Posted to the web November 7, 2005
Washington, DC
AfricaFocus Bulletin
The commander of the UN force on the disputed border between Ethiopia and Eritrea, Maj-Gen. Rajender Singh, last week described the situation as "tense and potentially volatile," the strongest language used by UN Mission officials in the five years the force has been in place. When pressed by a journalist to be more explicit, Major Singh stressed that urgent action was needed by the Security Council to avoid the threat of a return to war.
Both governments have used the conflict in attempts to distract attention from internal issues of democracy and human rights. After agreeing to international arbitration, Ethiopia subsequently refused to implement the ruling by an international Boundary Commission in 2002. The current build-up of tension has been sparked by an Eritrean decision to bar UN helicopters from sectors of the border zone. At the same time, adding to the generally tense atmosphere, in an unrelated dispute over the outcome of the May 2005 elections, more than 40 people have been killed by Ethiopian security forces following opposition demonstrations in the capital.
Critics say that major powers have been hesitant to put sufficient pressure on the Ethiopian government, on either internal issues or the border conflict, because of the country's size and strategic importance.
This AfricaFocus Bulletin contains a news release from the United Nations following a Security Council decision to send a high-level envoy to the region, and excerpts from the press conference by the UN Force Commander Singh and the Secretary-General's Special Representative, Ambassador Legwaila Joseph Legwaila.
For detailed updates from UN and other sources, see http://www.reliefweb.int For additional background and analysis on the border conflict, see http://www.africafocus.org/docs04/horn0401.php and http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=2301.
AfricaFocus (Washington, DC)
November 6, 2005 Posted to the web November 7, 2005
Washington, DC
AfricaFocus Bulletin
The commander of the UN force on the disputed border between Ethiopia and Eritrea, Maj-Gen. Rajender Singh, last week described the situation as "tense and potentially volatile," the strongest language used by UN Mission officials in the five years the force has been in place. When pressed by a journalist to be more explicit, Major Singh stressed that urgent action was needed by the Security Council to avoid the threat of a return to war.
Both governments have used the conflict in attempts to distract attention from internal issues of democracy and human rights. After agreeing to international arbitration, Ethiopia subsequently refused to implement the ruling by an international Boundary Commission in 2002. The current build-up of tension has been sparked by an Eritrean decision to bar UN helicopters from sectors of the border zone. At the same time, adding to the generally tense atmosphere, in an unrelated dispute over the outcome of the May 2005 elections, more than 40 people have been killed by Ethiopian security forces following opposition demonstrations in the capital.
Critics say that major powers have been hesitant to put sufficient pressure on the Ethiopian government, on either internal issues or the border conflict, because of the country's size and strategic importance.
This AfricaFocus Bulletin contains a news release from the United Nations following a Security Council decision to send a high-level envoy to the region, and excerpts from the press conference by the UN Force Commander Singh and the Secretary-General's Special Representative, Ambassador Legwaila Joseph Legwaila.
For detailed updates from UN and other sources, see http://www.reliefweb.int For additional background and analysis on the border conflict, see http://www.africafocus.org/docs04/horn0401.php and http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=2301.
Addis Ababa still tense after protests
Addis Ababa still tense after protests
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
07 November 2005 01:38
Businesses and schools in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, remained closed on Monday and public transport was at a virtual standstill as workers shied away from the city in the aftermath of last week's clashes that killed at least 40.Streets were deserted, with taxis and minibuses still not back in operation. By mid-morning, many employees had still not reported for work despite appeals by the authorities via state media on Sunday night for people to "resume their normal life without fear".It was not immediately clear if people were staying away from work out of fear or in response to a call the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUDP) made last month for a sustained nationwide general strike to protest alleged vote rigging by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's ruling EPRDF party in May elections.Although the capital city was quiet over the weekend, there were reports of disturbances in several major cities around the country.Two days of clashes erupted last Tuesday in Addis Ababa as stone-throwing youths protested the wave of deaths and arrests that followed May's allegedly fraudulent elections.More than 40 people were killed and scores of others were injured during the disturbances last week, which by Friday had spread to about a dozen other cities.Four more people were killed and 11 others were injured in the disturbances that surfaced on Friday at Bahir Dar, on the shores of Lake Tana, 560km north-west of Addis Ababa, according to government media reports.The state media did not report the appeal made late on Sunday by ambassadors Tim Clarke of the European Union, Bob Dewar of Britain and Vicki Huddelston of the United States for an end to violence, and the call to the government and the main opposition to resume dialogue aimed at resolving the post-election crises.There was no response to this appeal by Monday from the government, as Meles had been out of the country attending a conference in Germany. He was expected home later on Monday. -- Sapa-DPA
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Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
07 November 2005 01:38
Businesses and schools in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, remained closed on Monday and public transport was at a virtual standstill as workers shied away from the city in the aftermath of last week's clashes that killed at least 40.Streets were deserted, with taxis and minibuses still not back in operation. By mid-morning, many employees had still not reported for work despite appeals by the authorities via state media on Sunday night for people to "resume their normal life without fear".It was not immediately clear if people were staying away from work out of fear or in response to a call the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUDP) made last month for a sustained nationwide general strike to protest alleged vote rigging by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's ruling EPRDF party in May elections.Although the capital city was quiet over the weekend, there were reports of disturbances in several major cities around the country.Two days of clashes erupted last Tuesday in Addis Ababa as stone-throwing youths protested the wave of deaths and arrests that followed May's allegedly fraudulent elections.More than 40 people were killed and scores of others were injured during the disturbances last week, which by Friday had spread to about a dozen other cities.Four more people were killed and 11 others were injured in the disturbances that surfaced on Friday at Bahir Dar, on the shores of Lake Tana, 560km north-west of Addis Ababa, according to government media reports.The state media did not report the appeal made late on Sunday by ambassadors Tim Clarke of the European Union, Bob Dewar of Britain and Vicki Huddelston of the United States for an end to violence, and the call to the government and the main opposition to resume dialogue aimed at resolving the post-election crises.There was no response to this appeal by Monday from the government, as Meles had been out of the country attending a conference in Germany. He was expected home later on Monday. -- Sapa-DPA
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Gunfire, rioting continue in Ethiopia
Ethiopian unrest enters fourth day
Ethiopian clashes alarm AU and US
At least 33 dead in Ethiopian clashes
Ethiopia and Eritrea 'new area of concern' for SA
U.N. Studies Eritrea-Ethiopia Border Issue
U.N. Studies Eritrea-Ethiopia Border Issue Staff and agencies06 November, 2005
By NICK WADHAMS, Thu Nov 3,11:19 PM ET
UNITED NATIONS - The U.N. Security Council U.N. Security Council sent Japan‘s U.N. ambassador to the Horn of Africa Thursday to assess troop movements along the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea and the danger of an escalation into war.
The council on Thursday passed a presidential statement noting "unacceptable restrictions" placed on U.N. peacekeepers in the region by Eritrea.
It also got a briefing from U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan about reports Ethiopia and Eritrea were moving troops and military equipment closer to the buffer zone, which was established after a 2 1/2 year war over their disputed border.
To get a true sense of what‘s going on there, the council agreed to dispatch Japan‘s U.N. Ambassador Kenzo Oshima, whose nation holds a non-permanent seat on the body, to the region to meet with U.N. peacekeeping officials and government officials.
Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993 after a 30-year guerrilla war, but the border between the two was never formally demarcated. The border war erupted in 1998, killed tens of thousands of people, and cost both countries an estimated $1 million per day.
http://www.heraldnewsdaily.com/stories/news-0096005.html
By NICK WADHAMS, Thu Nov 3,11:19 PM ET
UNITED NATIONS - The U.N. Security Council U.N. Security Council sent Japan‘s U.N. ambassador to the Horn of Africa Thursday to assess troop movements along the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea and the danger of an escalation into war.
The council on Thursday passed a presidential statement noting "unacceptable restrictions" placed on U.N. peacekeepers in the region by Eritrea.
It also got a briefing from U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan about reports Ethiopia and Eritrea were moving troops and military equipment closer to the buffer zone, which was established after a 2 1/2 year war over their disputed border.
To get a true sense of what‘s going on there, the council agreed to dispatch Japan‘s U.N. Ambassador Kenzo Oshima, whose nation holds a non-permanent seat on the body, to the region to meet with U.N. peacekeeping officials and government officials.
Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993 after a 30-year guerrilla war, but the border between the two was never formally demarcated. The border war erupted in 1998, killed tens of thousands of people, and cost both countries an estimated $1 million per day.
http://www.heraldnewsdaily.com/stories/news-0096005.html
Calls for release of jailed opposition leaders
Ethiopia: Calls for release of jailed opposition leaders
07/11/2005 - 08:52:05
Lawyers for jailed Ethiopian opposition leaders the government blames for a week of violent political protests went to court today demanding their clients be charged or released.“This is a massive contravention of the constitution,” Getachew Kitaw, head of the Ethiopian Bar Association, told journalists at the court.“We are filing a habeas corpus application because the authorities have not produced the prisoners and they should do that in 48 hours.”Getachew was among 70 lawyers representing the top 20 leaders of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy. He said thousands of opposition supporters had been detained across the country.
http://breakingnews.iol.ie/news/story.asp?j=69168872&p=69y69y74
07/11/2005 - 08:52:05
Lawyers for jailed Ethiopian opposition leaders the government blames for a week of violent political protests went to court today demanding their clients be charged or released.“This is a massive contravention of the constitution,” Getachew Kitaw, head of the Ethiopian Bar Association, told journalists at the court.“We are filing a habeas corpus application because the authorities have not produced the prisoners and they should do that in 48 hours.”Getachew was among 70 lawyers representing the top 20 leaders of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy. He said thousands of opposition supporters had been detained across the country.
http://breakingnews.iol.ie/news/story.asp?j=69168872&p=69y69y74
Why Ethiopia Zenawi may ignite war against Eritrea?
Why Ethiopia Zenawi may ignite war against Eritrea?
Monday 7 November 2005 01:03.
By Yohannes Woldemariam*
“Western diplomats are concerned that Meles Zenawi, the Prime Minister, may be tempted to be more bellicose to divert attention from his domestic problems. The behaviour of his Government has become a deep embarrassment for Tony Blair. This year he championed Mr Meles, a former Marxist rebel, as one of the “new breed” of African leaders worthy of much greater Western support. Mr Meles was appointed to Mr Blair’s Commission for Africa, which promotes aid to countries that practice good governance.1”
Nov 6, 2005 — I think this assessment of the Western diplomats is correct. Tony Blair has been eager to portray Ethiopia and his African client, Meles Zenawi, as a showpiece for democracy, development and human rights in Africa. However, since the Ethiopian opposition allegedly won a majority in the summer 2005 elections, the Zenawi regime has become increasingly desperate in its response to opposition demonstrations and protests and has been engaged in day light massacre of civilian demonstrators. Yet, the crackdown has largely failed to quell opposition fervor, and the killings of demonstrators have not slowed the momentum of the opposition bandwagon. So things might be falling apart for both Meles and Mr. Blair. Meles is desperate and desperate people are very dangerous!
My guess is that Meles prefers to maintain his power by using force internally. If, however, the domestic use of force will divide the military along ethnic lines, then he might try to protect his power by pursuing a diversionary aggression against Eritrea. Meles’s TPLF junta may choose aggression against Eritrea because its narrowing base of public support, lack of a unifying mission, and intra-regime splits have made both acquiescence and continued domestic repression unpalatable options. Repression at home will more than likely divide the military against itself, giving the TPLF powerful incentives to protect its rule by using force against Eritrea. Again, although there may still be other restraining factors which discourage war with Eritrea, the TPLF’s situation is extreme enough that its preference for aggression against Eritrea maybe overriding.
The CUD opposition and Meles are in a fundamental disagreement even on the rules for governing the political game. The dispute is not over relatively mundane matters and technicalities, but over the most fundamental rules - unconstrained TPLF dictatorship or competitive multiparty democracy. The Opposition groups feel that they have accumulated considerable power, and they want to apply it to change the rules of the political game. The unwillingness to play politics by a common set of rules is what makes the TPLF willing to use force to protect its power. The TPLF cannot resolve these disputes by following any established rules and procedures, because there are no commonly accepted rules and procedures. To achieve its goals, the TPLF must resort to extra-legal means. As the current situation shows, students riot; workers strike; mobs demonstrate; and the TPLF shoots against these forces.
The CUD has recognized the increased utility of force in this environment, and it is trying to acquire coercive capabilities while preventing the regime from gaining them. Because the TPLF possesses these capabilities in abundance, CUD are forced to encroach upon its interests. CUD is trying to gain the loyalty of groups within the military. If successful, it may weaken military cohesion by appealing to soldiers from their own ethnic groups (e.g. Amhara), class, regional, or other groups. Most Ethiopian officers in key positions are drawn from the TPLF’s home base in Tigray. But the vast majority of the military have been diversified since the (1998-2000) border war with Eritrea. Under these circumstances, when elections are contested, all groups in the country are relatively freed from the constraints of political rules and procedures. Executive decrees become impotent. Most relevant here, the rank and file military can ignore a purportedly authoritative TPLF command.
How will the TPLF use its coercive capabilities when its power is challenged? It could provoke external threats (read as Eritrea) in order to rally the populace and silence its opponents. Provoking an Eritrean “threat” will conceivably buffer the TPLF from the internal opponents like CUD. The TPLF calculation is that it would be poor politics for CUD to interfere with the military in a time of crisis. Using force against Eritrea does not, however, eliminate opponents. But it hopes that foreign crises would encourage a rally round the flag effect. Dissension gives aid and comfort to the enemy; hence the domestic opponents must mute their attacks on the government or risk discrediting themselves in the eyes of their own constituents. At a minimum, opponents must leave it alone. At a maximum, they must hastily burnish their patriotic credentials, echoing and even outdoing military alarms, in order to avoid being branded traitors.
The Meles regime can exploit an imagined threat from Eritrea. He could use as pretext the recent restrictions imposed by the Eritrean government on the UNMEE movements which limited the UNMEE’s ability for surveillance of the demilitarized zone. He can claim that Eritrea has attacked him first and that he is defending Ethiopian sovereignty. Decoding his statement, “if Eritrea opts for aggression then Ethiopia is prepared to take decisive and irreversible action to smash the attack and protect its sovereignty, " suggests that he might be entertaining a resort to aggression against Eritrea.
Meles’s efforts to resolve domestic conflict, ideological disputes, ethnic strife, regional separatism, and other differences have reached an impasse. To the extent that the Ethiopian military has become a microcosm of society, this condition will tend to divide it against itself. Using force domestically can exacerbate these disagreements. It entails repressing some groups like the Amharas and privileging the Tigreans. By openly taking sides and calling the Amharas names like Interhamwe (the Rwandan genocidiares), Meles has adopted a clear ethnic line. Some officers are members of the Amhara, Oromo and other ethnic groups and there are indications that they feel repressed, disenfranchised, or otherwise disadvantaged and using force domestically provides them with conflicting incentives. For example, some pilots from the air force have flown their planes to neighboring countries and others have defected while in advanced training in Eastern Europe. As members of the military, they stand to gain by going along with Meles to protect their interests. As members of other class, ethnic, ideological, or other groups, however, they stand to gain by protecting the interests of their groups and opposing repression. If using force at home sufficiently alienates enough officers, then the Ethiopian military risks dividing along ethnic lines.
Prior to the 1998-2000 border war with Eritrea, the Ethiopian military was dominated by the TPLF and was relatively homogeneous. Unlike the larger society, the officer corps was not divided along ethnic, religious, ideological, or other lines. But recruitment needs during the border war changed this. Now, the Ethiopian military is diverse. A split military is rent by many overlapping cleavages. For example, not only will officers come from distinct regions in the country, but they will also be members of different ethnic groups, economic classes, religious faiths, and so forth. Because of the numerous cleavages and the resulting diversity of interests in the military, officers will, like their counterparts in the larger society, disagree about fundamental political issues. In particular, they will disagree about how to use force domestically. Furthermore, because these cleavages overlap, one bloc of officers will consistently disagree with the others. Even in the best of times, relations between these opposing blocs will be strained. In an environment of contested situations, relations could be unmanageable.
Protests against the results of the Ethiopian election turned violent in June, when TPLF Special Forces opened fire on crowds in the capital during demonstrations, killing at least 37 people, which then prompted a massive crackdown on the opposition in which thousands were detained. The same and perhaps an even worse situation have been repeated as I write. Something very serious is simmering in Ethiopia. The Meles regime is therefore bent on using force against Eritrea not to protect its parochial interests and not particularly to acquire disputed territory. Rather, it is seeking to provoke an Eritrean “threat”as a diversionary tactic from its domestic woes. Sadly, Tony Blair, the EU, the U.S. and the U.N, instead of taking measures of firm deterrence, are engaged in reassuring appeasement of Meles and enabling policy.
* Yohannes Woldemariam is an Eritrean living in the United States.
1- THE London TIMES, Border unrest to divert attention from domestic issue say diplomats, November 04, 2005 The Times (November 04, 2005), By Richard Beeston and Jonathan Clayton.
http://www.sudantribune.com/article.php3?id_article=12433
Monday 7 November 2005 01:03.
By Yohannes Woldemariam*
“Western diplomats are concerned that Meles Zenawi, the Prime Minister, may be tempted to be more bellicose to divert attention from his domestic problems. The behaviour of his Government has become a deep embarrassment for Tony Blair. This year he championed Mr Meles, a former Marxist rebel, as one of the “new breed” of African leaders worthy of much greater Western support. Mr Meles was appointed to Mr Blair’s Commission for Africa, which promotes aid to countries that practice good governance.1”
Nov 6, 2005 — I think this assessment of the Western diplomats is correct. Tony Blair has been eager to portray Ethiopia and his African client, Meles Zenawi, as a showpiece for democracy, development and human rights in Africa. However, since the Ethiopian opposition allegedly won a majority in the summer 2005 elections, the Zenawi regime has become increasingly desperate in its response to opposition demonstrations and protests and has been engaged in day light massacre of civilian demonstrators. Yet, the crackdown has largely failed to quell opposition fervor, and the killings of demonstrators have not slowed the momentum of the opposition bandwagon. So things might be falling apart for both Meles and Mr. Blair. Meles is desperate and desperate people are very dangerous!
My guess is that Meles prefers to maintain his power by using force internally. If, however, the domestic use of force will divide the military along ethnic lines, then he might try to protect his power by pursuing a diversionary aggression against Eritrea. Meles’s TPLF junta may choose aggression against Eritrea because its narrowing base of public support, lack of a unifying mission, and intra-regime splits have made both acquiescence and continued domestic repression unpalatable options. Repression at home will more than likely divide the military against itself, giving the TPLF powerful incentives to protect its rule by using force against Eritrea. Again, although there may still be other restraining factors which discourage war with Eritrea, the TPLF’s situation is extreme enough that its preference for aggression against Eritrea maybe overriding.
The CUD opposition and Meles are in a fundamental disagreement even on the rules for governing the political game. The dispute is not over relatively mundane matters and technicalities, but over the most fundamental rules - unconstrained TPLF dictatorship or competitive multiparty democracy. The Opposition groups feel that they have accumulated considerable power, and they want to apply it to change the rules of the political game. The unwillingness to play politics by a common set of rules is what makes the TPLF willing to use force to protect its power. The TPLF cannot resolve these disputes by following any established rules and procedures, because there are no commonly accepted rules and procedures. To achieve its goals, the TPLF must resort to extra-legal means. As the current situation shows, students riot; workers strike; mobs demonstrate; and the TPLF shoots against these forces.
The CUD has recognized the increased utility of force in this environment, and it is trying to acquire coercive capabilities while preventing the regime from gaining them. Because the TPLF possesses these capabilities in abundance, CUD are forced to encroach upon its interests. CUD is trying to gain the loyalty of groups within the military. If successful, it may weaken military cohesion by appealing to soldiers from their own ethnic groups (e.g. Amhara), class, regional, or other groups. Most Ethiopian officers in key positions are drawn from the TPLF’s home base in Tigray. But the vast majority of the military have been diversified since the (1998-2000) border war with Eritrea. Under these circumstances, when elections are contested, all groups in the country are relatively freed from the constraints of political rules and procedures. Executive decrees become impotent. Most relevant here, the rank and file military can ignore a purportedly authoritative TPLF command.
How will the TPLF use its coercive capabilities when its power is challenged? It could provoke external threats (read as Eritrea) in order to rally the populace and silence its opponents. Provoking an Eritrean “threat” will conceivably buffer the TPLF from the internal opponents like CUD. The TPLF calculation is that it would be poor politics for CUD to interfere with the military in a time of crisis. Using force against Eritrea does not, however, eliminate opponents. But it hopes that foreign crises would encourage a rally round the flag effect. Dissension gives aid and comfort to the enemy; hence the domestic opponents must mute their attacks on the government or risk discrediting themselves in the eyes of their own constituents. At a minimum, opponents must leave it alone. At a maximum, they must hastily burnish their patriotic credentials, echoing and even outdoing military alarms, in order to avoid being branded traitors.
The Meles regime can exploit an imagined threat from Eritrea. He could use as pretext the recent restrictions imposed by the Eritrean government on the UNMEE movements which limited the UNMEE’s ability for surveillance of the demilitarized zone. He can claim that Eritrea has attacked him first and that he is defending Ethiopian sovereignty. Decoding his statement, “if Eritrea opts for aggression then Ethiopia is prepared to take decisive and irreversible action to smash the attack and protect its sovereignty, " suggests that he might be entertaining a resort to aggression against Eritrea.
Meles’s efforts to resolve domestic conflict, ideological disputes, ethnic strife, regional separatism, and other differences have reached an impasse. To the extent that the Ethiopian military has become a microcosm of society, this condition will tend to divide it against itself. Using force domestically can exacerbate these disagreements. It entails repressing some groups like the Amharas and privileging the Tigreans. By openly taking sides and calling the Amharas names like Interhamwe (the Rwandan genocidiares), Meles has adopted a clear ethnic line. Some officers are members of the Amhara, Oromo and other ethnic groups and there are indications that they feel repressed, disenfranchised, or otherwise disadvantaged and using force domestically provides them with conflicting incentives. For example, some pilots from the air force have flown their planes to neighboring countries and others have defected while in advanced training in Eastern Europe. As members of the military, they stand to gain by going along with Meles to protect their interests. As members of other class, ethnic, ideological, or other groups, however, they stand to gain by protecting the interests of their groups and opposing repression. If using force at home sufficiently alienates enough officers, then the Ethiopian military risks dividing along ethnic lines.
Prior to the 1998-2000 border war with Eritrea, the Ethiopian military was dominated by the TPLF and was relatively homogeneous. Unlike the larger society, the officer corps was not divided along ethnic, religious, ideological, or other lines. But recruitment needs during the border war changed this. Now, the Ethiopian military is diverse. A split military is rent by many overlapping cleavages. For example, not only will officers come from distinct regions in the country, but they will also be members of different ethnic groups, economic classes, religious faiths, and so forth. Because of the numerous cleavages and the resulting diversity of interests in the military, officers will, like their counterparts in the larger society, disagree about fundamental political issues. In particular, they will disagree about how to use force domestically. Furthermore, because these cleavages overlap, one bloc of officers will consistently disagree with the others. Even in the best of times, relations between these opposing blocs will be strained. In an environment of contested situations, relations could be unmanageable.
Protests against the results of the Ethiopian election turned violent in June, when TPLF Special Forces opened fire on crowds in the capital during demonstrations, killing at least 37 people, which then prompted a massive crackdown on the opposition in which thousands were detained. The same and perhaps an even worse situation have been repeated as I write. Something very serious is simmering in Ethiopia. The Meles regime is therefore bent on using force against Eritrea not to protect its parochial interests and not particularly to acquire disputed territory. Rather, it is seeking to provoke an Eritrean “threat”as a diversionary tactic from its domestic woes. Sadly, Tony Blair, the EU, the U.S. and the U.N, instead of taking measures of firm deterrence, are engaged in reassuring appeasement of Meles and enabling policy.
* Yohannes Woldemariam is an Eritrean living in the United States.
1- THE London TIMES, Border unrest to divert attention from domestic issue say diplomats, November 04, 2005 The Times (November 04, 2005), By Richard Beeston and Jonathan Clayton.
http://www.sudantribune.com/article.php3?id_article=12433
A Cry for Help from Ethiopia
A Cry for Help from EthiopiaMarianne Perez 03 Nov 2005 17:26 GMT
After 5 months of relative calm, violence erupts again in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia... and no one seems to care.
“As I am speaking now, many people are being detained and people are being killed. I have seen special police forces kicking students, pedestrians etc...” says an Ethiopian employee of an international non-governmental organization whose identity is not being disclosed for her protection. According to eyewitness accounts from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, violence erupted Tuesday, November 1 after five months of relative calm. In May 2005, Ethiopia held its second multi-party elections. Ethiopians widely believe that the opposition party won the elections, despite Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)’s claim that it received a majority. June was a bloody month in Addis Abba, with an estimated 42 killed, and hundreds, mainly students and youth, beaten and harassed. According to the BBC, the opposition party, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), have been boycotting the government and held protests on Monday, October 31. The following day, CUD leaders were imprisoned. This led to protests and demonstrations in the capital and violent clashes between civilians and police forces. According to Ethiomedia.com, on Wednesday, five people were killed in an attempt to rescue CUD leader Birtukan Mideksa. This brings the estimated death toll to 41. The greatest concentration of violence has been reported in the downtown Mercato area. Witnesses describe scenes of horror with special forces opening live fire on civilians, even those who attempt to help the wounded. Gunfire has been reported throughout the city, and seven tanks were seen in Filwoha. However, Tigabu, a merchant in Mercato, says that the police are trying to maintain order, preventing gangs from looting shops. Reports are also coming out about incitement to ethnic violence. Ethiopia has 80 different groups living within its borders. The ruling class, however, is primarily Tigrian. Allusions have been made to Rwanda. But on Nazret.com, this line of reasoning is being resisted. Bloggers see the ethnic hatred as a tactic of the government to give itself legitimacy and to manipulate the public. No newspapers were published on Wednesday, November 2 and there have been reports that local and international journalists have been harassed. Particularly, they are being discouraged from visiting the hospital to see the dead and wounded. Youth groups are also targeted by the police, presumably because they are seen as vocal critics of the government. Netsanet reports on the Nazret.com Ethiopian News Portal blog that there continues to be support for the CUD and that many are turning to them for further instructions. Even in all this chaos, ordinary Ethiopians are still calling for democracy and freedom. They are doing so by singing songs and making known their solidarity with the arrested opposition leaders. Earlier this week, it took the form of honking horns, especially in taxis. CUD has called for a consumer boycott of all products controlled and sold by the EPRDF. In blogs and emails coming out of Ethiopia, there is a recurring note of desperation. Citizens of Addis Ababa feel neglected by the international community. They are calling for intervention by the African Union, the United Nations, or other international forces. The current government has received much aid from the international community and donors and until May was heralded as an exemplary government in Africa.
http://publish.indymedia.org/en/2005/11/827145.shtml
[article.email.prefix]: MarianneHPerez@gmail.com
After 5 months of relative calm, violence erupts again in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia... and no one seems to care.
“As I am speaking now, many people are being detained and people are being killed. I have seen special police forces kicking students, pedestrians etc...” says an Ethiopian employee of an international non-governmental organization whose identity is not being disclosed for her protection. According to eyewitness accounts from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, violence erupted Tuesday, November 1 after five months of relative calm. In May 2005, Ethiopia held its second multi-party elections. Ethiopians widely believe that the opposition party won the elections, despite Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)’s claim that it received a majority. June was a bloody month in Addis Abba, with an estimated 42 killed, and hundreds, mainly students and youth, beaten and harassed. According to the BBC, the opposition party, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), have been boycotting the government and held protests on Monday, October 31. The following day, CUD leaders were imprisoned. This led to protests and demonstrations in the capital and violent clashes between civilians and police forces. According to Ethiomedia.com, on Wednesday, five people were killed in an attempt to rescue CUD leader Birtukan Mideksa. This brings the estimated death toll to 41. The greatest concentration of violence has been reported in the downtown Mercato area. Witnesses describe scenes of horror with special forces opening live fire on civilians, even those who attempt to help the wounded. Gunfire has been reported throughout the city, and seven tanks were seen in Filwoha. However, Tigabu, a merchant in Mercato, says that the police are trying to maintain order, preventing gangs from looting shops. Reports are also coming out about incitement to ethnic violence. Ethiopia has 80 different groups living within its borders. The ruling class, however, is primarily Tigrian. Allusions have been made to Rwanda. But on Nazret.com, this line of reasoning is being resisted. Bloggers see the ethnic hatred as a tactic of the government to give itself legitimacy and to manipulate the public. No newspapers were published on Wednesday, November 2 and there have been reports that local and international journalists have been harassed. Particularly, they are being discouraged from visiting the hospital to see the dead and wounded. Youth groups are also targeted by the police, presumably because they are seen as vocal critics of the government. Netsanet reports on the Nazret.com Ethiopian News Portal blog that there continues to be support for the CUD and that many are turning to them for further instructions. Even in all this chaos, ordinary Ethiopians are still calling for democracy and freedom. They are doing so by singing songs and making known their solidarity with the arrested opposition leaders. Earlier this week, it took the form of honking horns, especially in taxis. CUD has called for a consumer boycott of all products controlled and sold by the EPRDF. In blogs and emails coming out of Ethiopia, there is a recurring note of desperation. Citizens of Addis Ababa feel neglected by the international community. They are calling for intervention by the African Union, the United Nations, or other international forces. The current government has received much aid from the international community and donors and until May was heralded as an exemplary government in Africa.
http://publish.indymedia.org/en/2005/11/827145.shtml
[article.email.prefix]: MarianneHPerez@gmail.com
ERITREA-ETHIOPIA: UN envoy to meet peacekeepers and officials
ERITREA-ETHIOPIA: UN envoy to meet peacekeepers and officials
07 Nov 2005 10:26:12 GMTSource: IRINADDIS ABABA, 7 November (IRIN) - The United Nations Security Council envoy, Ambassador Kenzo Oshima, arrived in Addis Ababa on Sunday as tensions between Ethiopia and neighbouring Eritrea over an unresolved border dispute continued to be reported.
During the Security Council-sanctioned visit, Oshima will meet UN peacekeeping officials and government representatives. He will also assess troop movements along the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea and consider the danger of an escalation into war.
On Friday, Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said his country was watching events on the Eritrean side of the border.
"We will wait patiently," Meles was quoted as saying by state-run media. "The Ethiopian forces are ready to take all the necessary measures to defend the country's sovereignty."
The African Union (AU) urged Ethiopia and Eritrea to exercise restraint following military movements near their disputed boundary.
In a statement issued on Friday, the AU said developments on the common border could "escalate into a military confrontation, with far-reaching implications for the two countries and the region as a whole."
AU Commission Chairman Alpha Oumar Konare urged both sides to "exercise restraint and to refrain from any action that could have the effect of further aggravating the situation."
UN peacekeepers patrol a 1,000-km Temporary Security Zone (TSZ) that was set up at the end of a two-and-half-year border war that ended in 2000.
An estimated 70,000 people from both countries died in the conflict. The common border has not yet been demarcated, despite an international agreement signed by both parties.
Last month, Eritrea banned UN helicopter flights in its airspace and placed further restrictions on ground patrols. The UN Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea said it was now able to monitor only 40 percent of the border.
There are currently 3,300 UN peacekeepers patrolling the TSZ, at a cost of some US $186 million a year.
On 28 October, Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki wrote to the Council, listing agreements between Eritrea and Ethiopia since 2000 and accusing the UN of failing to do enough to maintain regional peace and security.
"[The UN's] unwillingness to enforce the rule of law and to ensure respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a UN member state has compromised its credibility as well as its legal and moral authority," he said in the letter.
The correspondence followed an earlier communication to UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, in which Isaias said the UN was engaged in an "unacceptable" campaign to portray "a humanitarian crisis" in Eritrea.
"This campaign is apparently designed to cover up the failure of the United Nations to shoulder its legal responsibilities in the border conflict and to wrongly shift the blame to Eritrea," Isaias said.
IRIN news
07 Nov 2005 10:26:12 GMTSource: IRINADDIS ABABA, 7 November (IRIN) - The United Nations Security Council envoy, Ambassador Kenzo Oshima, arrived in Addis Ababa on Sunday as tensions between Ethiopia and neighbouring Eritrea over an unresolved border dispute continued to be reported.
During the Security Council-sanctioned visit, Oshima will meet UN peacekeeping officials and government representatives. He will also assess troop movements along the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea and consider the danger of an escalation into war.
On Friday, Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said his country was watching events on the Eritrean side of the border.
"We will wait patiently," Meles was quoted as saying by state-run media. "The Ethiopian forces are ready to take all the necessary measures to defend the country's sovereignty."
The African Union (AU) urged Ethiopia and Eritrea to exercise restraint following military movements near their disputed boundary.
In a statement issued on Friday, the AU said developments on the common border could "escalate into a military confrontation, with far-reaching implications for the two countries and the region as a whole."
AU Commission Chairman Alpha Oumar Konare urged both sides to "exercise restraint and to refrain from any action that could have the effect of further aggravating the situation."
UN peacekeepers patrol a 1,000-km Temporary Security Zone (TSZ) that was set up at the end of a two-and-half-year border war that ended in 2000.
An estimated 70,000 people from both countries died in the conflict. The common border has not yet been demarcated, despite an international agreement signed by both parties.
Last month, Eritrea banned UN helicopter flights in its airspace and placed further restrictions on ground patrols. The UN Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea said it was now able to monitor only 40 percent of the border.
There are currently 3,300 UN peacekeepers patrolling the TSZ, at a cost of some US $186 million a year.
On 28 October, Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki wrote to the Council, listing agreements between Eritrea and Ethiopia since 2000 and accusing the UN of failing to do enough to maintain regional peace and security.
"[The UN's] unwillingness to enforce the rule of law and to ensure respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a UN member state has compromised its credibility as well as its legal and moral authority," he said in the letter.
The correspondence followed an earlier communication to UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, in which Isaias said the UN was engaged in an "unacceptable" campaign to portray "a humanitarian crisis" in Eritrea.
"This campaign is apparently designed to cover up the failure of the United Nations to shoulder its legal responsibilities in the border conflict and to wrongly shift the blame to Eritrea," Isaias said.
IRIN news
Ethiopia PM regrets protest dead
Ethiopia PM regrets protest dead
Troops have been out on the streets trying to prevent unrestEthiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has said he regrets the deaths of at least 46 people killed in last week's anti-government protests.
But he said it was understandable that police had panicked when facing protesters with hand grenades and guns.
Speaking in Germany, Mr Meles accused the opposition of provoking unrest.
The opposition has called a week-long strike from Monday. A BBC correspondent in Addis Ababa says the police are braced for more possible violence.
The unrest first erupted on Tuesday after the opposition accused the government of rigging the 15 May elections and there are fears of more protests.
The elections saw Mr Meles's Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front take control of two-thirds of the country's parliament.
After the clashes, many opposition leaders were detained.
Inquiry
"We regret the death but it was not a normal demonstration," Mr Zenawi said during a visit to Bonn.
"And I don't want to justify it when policemen get in a panic, but I can understand it when there are people throwing hand grenades and using guns," he said.
Mr Meles had earlier announced that an independent commission would investigate whether police had used excessive force to quell the unrest.
Ambassadors from 21 countries which have given aid to the drought-ravaged country issued a statement expressing dismay at the violence, and calling for an urgent investigation.
On Sunday, a joint statement by the US and the EU called on all political parties to "desist from further violence and to abide by the rule of law".
Police patrols
Last week, the unrest erupted in the towns of Bahir Dar, Awassa and Debre Berhan.
It was the worst disturbance in sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country since protests first ignited after the elections, when some 36 people died and hundreds were arrested.
Police and soldiers have been patrolling Addis Ababa but residents fear the outbreak of more violence.
The unrest has sparked fears the country may be moving into a period of more authoritarian rule.
The internal crisis comes at a time of increasing tension with Eritrea over the two countries' disputed border, our correspondent says.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4413128.stm
Troops have been out on the streets trying to prevent unrestEthiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has said he regrets the deaths of at least 46 people killed in last week's anti-government protests.
But he said it was understandable that police had panicked when facing protesters with hand grenades and guns.
Speaking in Germany, Mr Meles accused the opposition of provoking unrest.
The opposition has called a week-long strike from Monday. A BBC correspondent in Addis Ababa says the police are braced for more possible violence.
The unrest first erupted on Tuesday after the opposition accused the government of rigging the 15 May elections and there are fears of more protests.
The elections saw Mr Meles's Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front take control of two-thirds of the country's parliament.
After the clashes, many opposition leaders were detained.
Inquiry
"We regret the death but it was not a normal demonstration," Mr Zenawi said during a visit to Bonn.
"And I don't want to justify it when policemen get in a panic, but I can understand it when there are people throwing hand grenades and using guns," he said.
Mr Meles had earlier announced that an independent commission would investigate whether police had used excessive force to quell the unrest.
Ambassadors from 21 countries which have given aid to the drought-ravaged country issued a statement expressing dismay at the violence, and calling for an urgent investigation.
On Sunday, a joint statement by the US and the EU called on all political parties to "desist from further violence and to abide by the rule of law".
Police patrols
Last week, the unrest erupted in the towns of Bahir Dar, Awassa and Debre Berhan.
It was the worst disturbance in sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country since protests first ignited after the elections, when some 36 people died and hundreds were arrested.
Police and soldiers have been patrolling Addis Ababa but residents fear the outbreak of more violence.
The unrest has sparked fears the country may be moving into a period of more authoritarian rule.
The internal crisis comes at a time of increasing tension with Eritrea over the two countries' disputed border, our correspondent says.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4413128.stm
ETHIOPIA: Gov't urged to end crackdown on opposition leaders
ETHIOPIA: Gov't urged to end crackdown on opposition leaders
07 Nov 2005 09:56:20 GMTSource: IRINADDIS ABABA, 7 November
(IRIN) - The United States and European Union urged the Ethiopian government on Sunday to end its crackdown on opposition leaders, thousands of whom were seized last week during bloody clashes between demonstrators and police.
In a joint statement, they also called on the government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to allow families and humanitarian workers access to those who were detained during the fighting.
The EU and US - which together are providing some US $1.3 billion in aid to Ethiopia this year - issued 10 demands, including lifting restrictions on opposition leaders, freeing all political detainees, releasing the names of people in detention and reopening private media.
The violence, which left at least 46 people dead, had undermined efforts to build democracy and "damaged Ethiopia's international reputation," said the statement, which was read in the capital, Addis Ababa, by UK Ambassador Bob Dewar.
"Unrest has spiraled out of control with tragic results," he said. "We urgently call upon all political parties to desist from further violence and to abide by the rule of law. These distressing events have further deepened mistrust, as well as political and social divisions."
The diplomats declined to take questions from journalists.
On Saturday, Meles announced that an independent commission would investigate whether police used excessive force to quell last week's violence and similar protests in June, when at least 42 people were killed.
Shops remained closed and taxis were off the streets following a week of demonstrations. Protests in the capital against the disputed 15 May elections began peacefully last Monday but turned violent on Tuesday and spread to other parts of the country.
The vote - which was seen as a test of Meles's commitment to reform - gave his Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front control of nearly two-thirds of parliament.
Opposition parties have accused the ruling party of rigging the election and said the process was marred by fraud, intimidation and violence.
Meles has blamed the main opposition party, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), for the violence and vowed to prosecute opposition officials.
An estimated 4,000 people, including some opposition leaders, have been arrested, Western diplomats said.
Lawmakers from the CUD have refused to take up their 109 seats in the 547-seat lower house in protest of rules passed by the previous parliament that they maintain were intended to limit their powers.
The new rules stipulate that parties must hold a minimum of 51 percent of parliamentary seats in order to propose motions and present an agenda. Previously, a motion could be tabled with the support of only 20 lawmakers. The opposition party had 12 seats in the old house.
The EU-US statement called for a review of parliamentary rules that prevent political parties from participating in proceedings.
In a statement, leaders of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, the Islamic Affairs Supreme Council, the Roman Catholic Church and Evangelical Church appealed on Sunday for calm, saying, "Let peace be our agenda."
About 40 percent of Ethiopia's population is Muslim, and 50 percent follows the Orthodox Church.
IRIN news
07 Nov 2005 09:56:20 GMTSource: IRINADDIS ABABA, 7 November
(IRIN) - The United States and European Union urged the Ethiopian government on Sunday to end its crackdown on opposition leaders, thousands of whom were seized last week during bloody clashes between demonstrators and police.
In a joint statement, they also called on the government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to allow families and humanitarian workers access to those who were detained during the fighting.
The EU and US - which together are providing some US $1.3 billion in aid to Ethiopia this year - issued 10 demands, including lifting restrictions on opposition leaders, freeing all political detainees, releasing the names of people in detention and reopening private media.
The violence, which left at least 46 people dead, had undermined efforts to build democracy and "damaged Ethiopia's international reputation," said the statement, which was read in the capital, Addis Ababa, by UK Ambassador Bob Dewar.
"Unrest has spiraled out of control with tragic results," he said. "We urgently call upon all political parties to desist from further violence and to abide by the rule of law. These distressing events have further deepened mistrust, as well as political and social divisions."
The diplomats declined to take questions from journalists.
On Saturday, Meles announced that an independent commission would investigate whether police used excessive force to quell last week's violence and similar protests in June, when at least 42 people were killed.
Shops remained closed and taxis were off the streets following a week of demonstrations. Protests in the capital against the disputed 15 May elections began peacefully last Monday but turned violent on Tuesday and spread to other parts of the country.
The vote - which was seen as a test of Meles's commitment to reform - gave his Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front control of nearly two-thirds of parliament.
Opposition parties have accused the ruling party of rigging the election and said the process was marred by fraud, intimidation and violence.
Meles has blamed the main opposition party, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), for the violence and vowed to prosecute opposition officials.
An estimated 4,000 people, including some opposition leaders, have been arrested, Western diplomats said.
Lawmakers from the CUD have refused to take up their 109 seats in the 547-seat lower house in protest of rules passed by the previous parliament that they maintain were intended to limit their powers.
The new rules stipulate that parties must hold a minimum of 51 percent of parliamentary seats in order to propose motions and present an agenda. Previously, a motion could be tabled with the support of only 20 lawmakers. The opposition party had 12 seats in the old house.
The EU-US statement called for a review of parliamentary rules that prevent political parties from participating in proceedings.
In a statement, leaders of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, the Islamic Affairs Supreme Council, the Roman Catholic Church and Evangelical Church appealed on Sunday for calm, saying, "Let peace be our agenda."
About 40 percent of Ethiopia's population is Muslim, and 50 percent follows the Orthodox Church.
IRIN news
EU/ US urges end to Ethiopia violence
EU/US urges end to Ethiopia violence
The text of a statement read by the British ambassador in Addis Ababa, Bob Dewar, on behalf of the European Union and the US.
As long-term constructive partners of Ethiopia and its people, the US government and the European Union, working closely with the wider international community, helped to create a political dialogue, aiming to build trust between the opposition and the government, with a view to helping resolve the post-election crisis.
We urgently call upon all political parties and the Ethiopian people to desist from further violence and to abide by the rule of law and the constitution.
They should pursue their political aims by peaceful parliamentary and municipal democratic means.
Although some opposition parties and members took their seats in parliament, the present failure of the EPRDF and the CUDP to resolve their differences through dialogue has led to violence and has undermined the credibility of parliament and the democracy-building process.
This violence has also damaged Ethiopia's international reputation.
We express serious concern that CUDP party leaders and some members of civil society have been arrested.
Unrest has spiralled out of control, with tragic results.
We express our sincere condolences to the families of the dead and injured and condemn all violence, whether by security forces or demonstrators.
All sides should ensure that children are not involved in violence and their rights are respected.
These distressing events have further deepened mistrust as well as political and social divisions.
We strongly believe the Ethiopian people need reassurance that there is a peaceful and just way forward.
To this end, we encourage the government to restore peace and confidence in the democracy-building process by ensuring due process of law and respect for human rights in accordance with international practice and its own commitments.
Therefore, we urge the government and, where relevant, the opposition, to carry out the following measures:
Immediate end to the use of lethal force, random searches and indiscriminate beatings and massive arrests.
All political detainees should be released.
Speedy review and, where appropriate, release of individuals detained in the recent demonstrations.
Immediate lifting of any restrictions currently imposed on those CUDP leaders and members not detained.
Immediate access by families, legal counsel and the international Red Cross and or other appropriate representatives of the international community to jailed CUDP, civil society and media leaders, as well as provision of medicines, food and other humanitarian needs.
Notification to families of names and whereabouts of detainees, together with appropriate access and provision of humanitarian needs.
An independent investigation of the deaths and injuries arising from recent events and the events in June.
Review and revision of parliamentary rules and practices to ensure that all parties represented in parliament can participate on a fair and representative basis.
Reopening of the private media and promotion of a code of conduct for the media to ensure a balanced and responsible flow of information to the public.
Appointment of a national election board in consultation with the parliamentary opposition.
As regards the opposition and without prejudice to their constitutional rights, we call upon them at this very sensitive time to disassociate themselves from and to discourage all actions that could directly or indirectly incite violence, harm individuals or lead to the destruction of public and private property.
In a spirit of promoting reconciliation, the European Union and US ambassadors urge the reopening of political dialogue designed to foster peace and to build a strong democratic nation, based on a commitment to the rule of law and democratic principles. Thank you.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4413798.stm
The text of a statement read by the British ambassador in Addis Ababa, Bob Dewar, on behalf of the European Union and the US.
As long-term constructive partners of Ethiopia and its people, the US government and the European Union, working closely with the wider international community, helped to create a political dialogue, aiming to build trust between the opposition and the government, with a view to helping resolve the post-election crisis.
We urgently call upon all political parties and the Ethiopian people to desist from further violence and to abide by the rule of law and the constitution.
They should pursue their political aims by peaceful parliamentary and municipal democratic means.
Although some opposition parties and members took their seats in parliament, the present failure of the EPRDF and the CUDP to resolve their differences through dialogue has led to violence and has undermined the credibility of parliament and the democracy-building process.
This violence has also damaged Ethiopia's international reputation.
We express serious concern that CUDP party leaders and some members of civil society have been arrested.
Unrest has spiralled out of control, with tragic results.
We express our sincere condolences to the families of the dead and injured and condemn all violence, whether by security forces or demonstrators.
All sides should ensure that children are not involved in violence and their rights are respected.
These distressing events have further deepened mistrust as well as political and social divisions.
We strongly believe the Ethiopian people need reassurance that there is a peaceful and just way forward.
To this end, we encourage the government to restore peace and confidence in the democracy-building process by ensuring due process of law and respect for human rights in accordance with international practice and its own commitments.
Therefore, we urge the government and, where relevant, the opposition, to carry out the following measures:
Immediate end to the use of lethal force, random searches and indiscriminate beatings and massive arrests.
All political detainees should be released.
Speedy review and, where appropriate, release of individuals detained in the recent demonstrations.
Immediate lifting of any restrictions currently imposed on those CUDP leaders and members not detained.
Immediate access by families, legal counsel and the international Red Cross and or other appropriate representatives of the international community to jailed CUDP, civil society and media leaders, as well as provision of medicines, food and other humanitarian needs.
Notification to families of names and whereabouts of detainees, together with appropriate access and provision of humanitarian needs.
An independent investigation of the deaths and injuries arising from recent events and the events in June.
Review and revision of parliamentary rules and practices to ensure that all parties represented in parliament can participate on a fair and representative basis.
Reopening of the private media and promotion of a code of conduct for the media to ensure a balanced and responsible flow of information to the public.
Appointment of a national election board in consultation with the parliamentary opposition.
As regards the opposition and without prejudice to their constitutional rights, we call upon them at this very sensitive time to disassociate themselves from and to discourage all actions that could directly or indirectly incite violence, harm individuals or lead to the destruction of public and private property.
In a spirit of promoting reconciliation, the European Union and US ambassadors urge the reopening of political dialogue designed to foster peace and to build a strong democratic nation, based on a commitment to the rule of law and democratic principles. Thank you.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4413798.stm
Protest strike at Ethiopia deaths
Protest strike at Ethiopia deaths
Troops have been out on the streets trying to prevent unrestEthiopian opposition leaders have announced a week-long strike to protest at the deaths of at least 46 people in demonstrations last week.
The capital is calm with many shops closed and most taxis not operating. But the buses are running and there are also large numbers of pedestrians.
A BBC correspondent in Addis Ababa says police are braced for more violence.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said he regretted the deaths but accused the opposition of provoking unrest.
The BBC's Peter Biles in Addis Ababa - an opposition stronghold - says some people appear to have stayed at home, either because they are heeding the opposition's call to do so, or simply because they are nervous about a fresh outbreak of violence.
He says there is a noticeable security presence on the streets, with both soldiers and police on patrol.
Pressure
Lawyers representing 15 opposition leaders in Ethiopia, who have been detained without charge for a week, are demanding that the men be brought before the courts.
Ethiopian Bar Association President Getachew Kitaw accused the authorities of a massive contravention of constitutional rights.
The Ethiopian government is also coming under pressure from the West to begin talks with the opposition.
Speaking in Germany, Mr Meles said it was understandable that police had panicked when facing protesters with hand grenades and guns.
The unrest first erupted on Tuesday after the opposition accused the government of rigging the 15 May elections, and there are fears of more protests.
The elections saw Mr Meles's Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front take control of two-thirds of the country's parliament.
After the clashes, many opposition leaders were detained.
Inquiry
"We regret the death but it was not a normal demonstration," Mr Zenawi said during a visit to Bonn.
"And I don't want to justify it when policemen get in a panic, but I can understand it when there are people throwing hand grenades and using guns," he said.
Mr Meles had earlier announced that an independent commission would investigate whether police had used excessive force to quell the unrest.
Ambassadors from 21 countries which have given aid to the drought-ravaged country issued a statement expressing dismay at the violence, and calling for an urgent investigation.
On Sunday, a joint statement by the US and the EU called on all political parties to "desist from further violence and to abide by the rule of law".
Police patrols
Most businesses were closed in riots in the capital, which spread to other towns in the country inlcuding Bahir Dar, Awassa and Debre Berhan.
It was the worst disturbance in sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country since protests first ignited after the elections, when some 36 people died and hundreds were arrested.
Police and soldiers have been patrolling Addis Ababa but residents fear the outbreak of more violence.
The unrest has sparked fears the country may be moving into a period of more authoritarian rule.
The internal crisis comes at a time of increasing tension with Eritrea over the two countries' disputed border, our correspondent says.
Source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4413694.stm
Troops have been out on the streets trying to prevent unrestEthiopian opposition leaders have announced a week-long strike to protest at the deaths of at least 46 people in demonstrations last week.
The capital is calm with many shops closed and most taxis not operating. But the buses are running and there are also large numbers of pedestrians.
A BBC correspondent in Addis Ababa says police are braced for more violence.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said he regretted the deaths but accused the opposition of provoking unrest.
The BBC's Peter Biles in Addis Ababa - an opposition stronghold - says some people appear to have stayed at home, either because they are heeding the opposition's call to do so, or simply because they are nervous about a fresh outbreak of violence.
He says there is a noticeable security presence on the streets, with both soldiers and police on patrol.
Pressure
Lawyers representing 15 opposition leaders in Ethiopia, who have been detained without charge for a week, are demanding that the men be brought before the courts.
Ethiopian Bar Association President Getachew Kitaw accused the authorities of a massive contravention of constitutional rights.
The Ethiopian government is also coming under pressure from the West to begin talks with the opposition.
Speaking in Germany, Mr Meles said it was understandable that police had panicked when facing protesters with hand grenades and guns.
The unrest first erupted on Tuesday after the opposition accused the government of rigging the 15 May elections, and there are fears of more protests.
The elections saw Mr Meles's Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front take control of two-thirds of the country's parliament.
After the clashes, many opposition leaders were detained.
Inquiry
"We regret the death but it was not a normal demonstration," Mr Zenawi said during a visit to Bonn.
"And I don't want to justify it when policemen get in a panic, but I can understand it when there are people throwing hand grenades and using guns," he said.
Mr Meles had earlier announced that an independent commission would investigate whether police had used excessive force to quell the unrest.
Ambassadors from 21 countries which have given aid to the drought-ravaged country issued a statement expressing dismay at the violence, and calling for an urgent investigation.
On Sunday, a joint statement by the US and the EU called on all political parties to "desist from further violence and to abide by the rule of law".
Police patrols
Most businesses were closed in riots in the capital, which spread to other towns in the country inlcuding Bahir Dar, Awassa and Debre Berhan.
It was the worst disturbance in sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country since protests first ignited after the elections, when some 36 people died and hundreds were arrested.
Police and soldiers have been patrolling Addis Ababa but residents fear the outbreak of more violence.
The unrest has sparked fears the country may be moving into a period of more authoritarian rule.
The internal crisis comes at a time of increasing tension with Eritrea over the two countries' disputed border, our correspondent says.
Source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4413694.stm
November 06, 2005
Somali PM escapes convoy attack
Somali PM escapes convoy attack
Prime Minister Gedi was on a visit to MogadishuThree people have been killed in an apparent assassination attempt on the prime minister in the Somali capital Mogadishu, reports say.
Ali Mohamed Gedi was unharmed in the explosion set off near his convoy, witnesses said.
Mr Gedi was visiting from Jowhar, where the transitional government is based.
Somalia has been without a functioning national government for 14 years and a transitional parliament, sworn in last year, has failed to end the anarchy.
'Gunmen and grenades'
Mr Gedi was making his second visit to Mogadishu since his appointment at the helm of the transitional government.
Officials said he was travelling from the airport into the centre of the city when his convoy was attacked by gunmen, who hurled grenades and detonated a landmine.
The blast is reported to have hit one of the vehicles in the convoy, and the prime minister's vehicle was also damaged.
At least one of Mr Gedi's bodyguards was reported to be among the dead.
Somalia has been devastated by civil war and anarchy for 14 years.
In May, at least 14 people were killed in a Mogadishu stadium where Mr Gedi was speaking on his first visit to the capital after his appointment.
Sunday's blast comes a day after Somali pirates attacked a US-owned cruise ship sailing off the east African country.
Crew members on the Seabourn Spirit repelled gunmen in speedboats who opened fire on the vessel, in an incident which terrified passengers.
Source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4412324.stm
Prime Minister Gedi was on a visit to MogadishuThree people have been killed in an apparent assassination attempt on the prime minister in the Somali capital Mogadishu, reports say.
Ali Mohamed Gedi was unharmed in the explosion set off near his convoy, witnesses said.
Mr Gedi was visiting from Jowhar, where the transitional government is based.
Somalia has been without a functioning national government for 14 years and a transitional parliament, sworn in last year, has failed to end the anarchy.
'Gunmen and grenades'
Mr Gedi was making his second visit to Mogadishu since his appointment at the helm of the transitional government.
Officials said he was travelling from the airport into the centre of the city when his convoy was attacked by gunmen, who hurled grenades and detonated a landmine.
The blast is reported to have hit one of the vehicles in the convoy, and the prime minister's vehicle was also damaged.
At least one of Mr Gedi's bodyguards was reported to be among the dead.
Somalia has been devastated by civil war and anarchy for 14 years.
In May, at least 14 people were killed in a Mogadishu stadium where Mr Gedi was speaking on his first visit to the capital after his appointment.
Sunday's blast comes a day after Somali pirates attacked a US-owned cruise ship sailing off the east African country.
Crew members on the Seabourn Spirit repelled gunmen in speedboats who opened fire on the vessel, in an incident which terrified passengers.
Source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4412324.stm
West urges Ethiopia talks, govt says stop meddling
| West urges Ethiopia talks, govt says stop meddling 06 Nov 2005 15:31:25 GMT Source: Reuters |
Source: Reuters AlertNet
http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L06722589.htm
101 Pictures at digicoll.library of Wisconsin University wbepage
For all interested: visit the following link and see those beautiful pictures taken by Lewis Herbert S. 40 years ago. It is the most beautiful collection on oromo life i found on the cyberspace. Enjoy it! Thanks to those who dedicated their time and energy to know our culture, tradition and our nation in general.
http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/WebZ/SearchOrBrowse?sessionid=01-53159-683911273
http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/WebZ/SearchOrBrowse?sessionid=01-53159-683911273
Taste of Africa helps immigrants feel at home
Taste of Africa helps immigrants feel at homeTalk of the Morning: Bureaucrats Not Impressed
By Pamela Manson The Salt Lake Tribune
Bullalle Eshete pours the dough to cook flat bread, called budena, at the African Mini-Mart & Take Out in Salt Lake City. Federal regulators disqualified the business from accepting food stamps for a year. (Chris Detrick/The Salt Lake Tribune)
Its name - African Mini-Mart & Take Out - tells only part of the story. The Salt Lake City store and restaurant does sell goat, lamb, sardines, dates and specialty foods popular among African immigrants, who travel long distances along the Wasatch Front for a taste of their home cuisine. But it also provides a way for refugees to feel a connection with their home countries as they settle into a new life in Utah. The mini-mart at 1878 S. Redwood Road includes a restaurant and is occasionally the site of a wedding reception or other celebrations. While it doesn't turn a profit, says owner Ethiopian native Rundassa Eshete, his family keeps it open as a service to the community. But the Salt Lake City office of Food and Nutrition
The African Mini-Mart & Take Out sells many types of African foods, like goat meat. The specialty food products are appealing to refugees and immigrants from East Africa. (Chris Detrick/The Salt Lake Tribune)
Services (FNS) alleges the African Mini-Mart took that public spirit a little too far. Most of the store's customers are refugees who were brought to Utah under government programs and receive public assistance while they start rebuilding their lives. FNS investigators contend that the Eshetes permitted some of their shoppers to buy on credit and pay later with food stamps they eventually received, a violation of government regulations. As a penalty, the agency disqualified the business from accepting food stamps for a year. African Mini-Mart has requested that the store be fined instead, saying that disqualification would cause a hardship to customers unable to find their staple foods at a comparable price. However, the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which oversees the food stamp program, upheld the disqualification on the basis that there are two stores near the mini-mart that sell essentially the same type of food. The mini-mart's lawyer, Jill Dunyon, filed suit this fall in U.S. District Court in Salt Lake City asking a judge to decide whether it qualifies to pay a fine instead. That request is pending. Eschete disputes that the other two African groceries could fill the community's needs, pointing out that those stores buy some of their food - including whole goat and lamb legs imported from Australia - from the mini-mart. "There are specialty goods that no one can find anywhere else," he said. The African Mini-Mart's inventory includes meats, a doughy type of bread that is a staple in many immigrants' diets, sardines and tilapia, dates, pure butter ghee, coconut milk and all kinds of spices and flavorings mixed in different combinations. Even soaps and lotions are imported to meet customer demand. The goods are particularly appealing to Ethiopians and Sudanese, but West African immigrants also shop there. "People like to keep what they are accustomed to," Eschete said. Customers can gather with fellow immigrants while enjoying a meal in the restaurant on the second floor. When they leave, they can take their native foods home, including the spices they use to enhance bland American meals. "It gives me a sense of attachment to Africa and preserves a sense of culture," said Eshete. Nuer Chier, a Salt Lake Community College student and native of Sudan, backed him up. "I get most of my food here," he said on a recent afternoon, as he ordered injera with tips, a beef and lamb dish. Eschete, 39, who grew up in the Oromo area of Ethiopia, did graduate work in Ukraine before going to Brigham Young University in 1993 to get a master's degree in business. He married a fellow student and moved to her hometown of Tooele. Some of his family members eventually followed him to Utah as refugees from the fighting in their part of Africa. They have decorated the restaurant with African tapestries, baskets and other artwork to remind customers of their homeland. The cuisine is foreign for some customers, who come for an eating adventure. "I love African food and this is the only place I can find it," teacher Andrew Haley of Salt Lake City said. His dining companion, Elena Suslov, was equally enthusiastic. Her review: "The food was awesome."
pmanson@sltrib.com
Source: http://www.sltrib.com/ci_3185677?rss (Salt Lake Tribune)
By Pamela Manson The Salt Lake Tribune
Bullalle Eshete pours the dough to cook flat bread, called budena, at the African Mini-Mart & Take Out in Salt Lake City. Federal regulators disqualified the business from accepting food stamps for a year. (Chris Detrick/The Salt Lake Tribune)
Its name - African Mini-Mart & Take Out - tells only part of the story. The Salt Lake City store and restaurant does sell goat, lamb, sardines, dates and specialty foods popular among African immigrants, who travel long distances along the Wasatch Front for a taste of their home cuisine. But it also provides a way for refugees to feel a connection with their home countries as they settle into a new life in Utah. The mini-mart at 1878 S. Redwood Road includes a restaurant and is occasionally the site of a wedding reception or other celebrations. While it doesn't turn a profit, says owner Ethiopian native Rundassa Eshete, his family keeps it open as a service to the community. But the Salt Lake City office of Food and Nutrition
The African Mini-Mart & Take Out sells many types of African foods, like goat meat. The specialty food products are appealing to refugees and immigrants from East Africa. (Chris Detrick/The Salt Lake Tribune)
Services (FNS) alleges the African Mini-Mart took that public spirit a little too far. Most of the store's customers are refugees who were brought to Utah under government programs and receive public assistance while they start rebuilding their lives. FNS investigators contend that the Eshetes permitted some of their shoppers to buy on credit and pay later with food stamps they eventually received, a violation of government regulations. As a penalty, the agency disqualified the business from accepting food stamps for a year. African Mini-Mart has requested that the store be fined instead, saying that disqualification would cause a hardship to customers unable to find their staple foods at a comparable price. However, the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which oversees the food stamp program, upheld the disqualification on the basis that there are two stores near the mini-mart that sell essentially the same type of food. The mini-mart's lawyer, Jill Dunyon, filed suit this fall in U.S. District Court in Salt Lake City asking a judge to decide whether it qualifies to pay a fine instead. That request is pending. Eschete disputes that the other two African groceries could fill the community's needs, pointing out that those stores buy some of their food - including whole goat and lamb legs imported from Australia - from the mini-mart. "There are specialty goods that no one can find anywhere else," he said. The African Mini-Mart's inventory includes meats, a doughy type of bread that is a staple in many immigrants' diets, sardines and tilapia, dates, pure butter ghee, coconut milk and all kinds of spices and flavorings mixed in different combinations. Even soaps and lotions are imported to meet customer demand. The goods are particularly appealing to Ethiopians and Sudanese, but West African immigrants also shop there. "People like to keep what they are accustomed to," Eschete said. Customers can gather with fellow immigrants while enjoying a meal in the restaurant on the second floor. When they leave, they can take their native foods home, including the spices they use to enhance bland American meals. "It gives me a sense of attachment to Africa and preserves a sense of culture," said Eshete. Nuer Chier, a Salt Lake Community College student and native of Sudan, backed him up. "I get most of my food here," he said on a recent afternoon, as he ordered injera with tips, a beef and lamb dish. Eschete, 39, who grew up in the Oromo area of Ethiopia, did graduate work in Ukraine before going to Brigham Young University in 1993 to get a master's degree in business. He married a fellow student and moved to her hometown of Tooele. Some of his family members eventually followed him to Utah as refugees from the fighting in their part of Africa. They have decorated the restaurant with African tapestries, baskets and other artwork to remind customers of their homeland. The cuisine is foreign for some customers, who come for an eating adventure. "I love African food and this is the only place I can find it," teacher Andrew Haley of Salt Lake City said. His dining companion, Elena Suslov, was equally enthusiastic. Her review: "The food was awesome."
pmanson@sltrib.com
Source: http://www.sltrib.com/ci_3185677?rss (Salt Lake Tribune)
Former Ethiopian president abandons Zimbabwe home
Former Ethiopian president abandons Zimbabwe home
Saturday 5 November 2005 02:30.
Nov 4, 2005 (HARARE) — Ethiopia’s former military dictator, Mengistu Haile Mariam, has abandoned his Harare home in the plush suburb of Gunhill and is now living in Kariba, near the Zambian border, the opposition london based The New Zimbabwe reported.
Mengistu - wanted for war crimes in Ethiopia - lives in Zimbabwe as a guest of President Robert Mugabe.
Intelligence sources said Thursday 3 November that Mengistu left Harare sometime in July and has not set foot at his Highlands home. It was not clear whether the man who once ruled Ethiopia with an iron fist had decided to live in Kariba permanently.
"Mengistu left Harare some time in July. He is living at a private residence in Kariba. The move is a security measure. Once in a while he visits Harare as he has acquired a stake in a local wholesale company which is based in the capital," said the source.
A former colonel in the army, Mengistu fled to Zimbabwe in 1991 following his ouster by rebel forces in a country he ruled with an iron fist after the 1974 assassination of Emperor Haile Sellassie. Thousands of people were murdered during his rule commonly referred to as the "Red Terror".
In 1995, he survived an attempt on his life. His would-be assassin, an Ethiopian, was shot and wounded by Mengistu’s bodyguards and the police protection unit.
At the time, the Ethiopian government denied any involvement in the assassination attempt.
(New Zimbabwe)
Source: http://www.sudantribune.com/article.php3?id_article=12417
Saturday 5 November 2005 02:30.
Nov 4, 2005 (HARARE) — Ethiopia’s former military dictator, Mengistu Haile Mariam, has abandoned his Harare home in the plush suburb of Gunhill and is now living in Kariba, near the Zambian border, the opposition london based The New Zimbabwe reported.
Mengistu - wanted for war crimes in Ethiopia - lives in Zimbabwe as a guest of President Robert Mugabe.
Intelligence sources said Thursday 3 November that Mengistu left Harare sometime in July and has not set foot at his Highlands home. It was not clear whether the man who once ruled Ethiopia with an iron fist had decided to live in Kariba permanently.
"Mengistu left Harare some time in July. He is living at a private residence in Kariba. The move is a security measure. Once in a while he visits Harare as he has acquired a stake in a local wholesale company which is based in the capital," said the source.
A former colonel in the army, Mengistu fled to Zimbabwe in 1991 following his ouster by rebel forces in a country he ruled with an iron fist after the 1974 assassination of Emperor Haile Sellassie. Thousands of people were murdered during his rule commonly referred to as the "Red Terror".
In 1995, he survived an attempt on his life. His would-be assassin, an Ethiopian, was shot and wounded by Mengistu’s bodyguards and the police protection unit.
At the time, the Ethiopian government denied any involvement in the assassination attempt.
(New Zimbabwe)
Source: http://www.sudantribune.com/article.php3?id_article=12417
Ethiopian protest spreading quickly
Ethiopian protests spreading quickly
AP , ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA Sunday, Nov 06, 2005
Anti-goverment protests spread from the capital to other parts of Ethiopia on Friday, leaving four people dead and 11 wounded, state-run television reported, as the prime minister vowed to prosecute opposition officials after a week of bloody clashes between demonstrators and police.
Friday's casualties occurred in Bahar Dar, the second city of Ethiopia, the television reported. It was not possible to immediately verify the figures. Scattered gunfire and rioting was also reported in the capital, where doctors said at least two people were wounded.
Police have killed at least 40 people since violent confrontations began on Tuesday in the capital, following largely peaceful protests on Monday, medical officials said. Government officials have put the death toll over the week at 24 civilians and seven police officers.
Protests erupted on Friday in Dessie, Gondar, Bahar Dar, Arba Minch, Awassa, Dire Dawa -- towns that are pro-opposition north and south of the capital, according to Western diplomats, hotel owners and tour operators.
The protesters were calling for an independent investigation into the killings in the capital and the release of political prisoners, according to witnesses.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi told the state media that the main opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy was responsible for the damage and loss of life that occurred during the protests. Opposition officials would be charged in court, he said.
Protesters in Bahar Dar -- a tourist site northwest of Addis Ababa -- stopped a bus carrying 20 European tourists and tried to set it on fire using gasoline cans. Police fired in the air to disperse the rioters and the bus drove off, said Dario Morello of Greenland Tours.
"The tourists were terrified. The situation is not good," he said.
Diplomats from four European countries said on Friday they had reports from opposition members and other contacts of police rounding up suspected opposition supporters overnight.
An estimated 3,000 people had been detained, according to the diplomats. However, they acknowledged that it was not possible to verify the number.
The government later released a statement saying it had controlled the violence, adding that Addis Ababa "has become peaceful."
"On the other hand, similar but very limited violence has occurred in Bahar Dar, Awassa, Gondar, Dessie and Dire Dawa," according to the statement. "However, this was brought under control after a short while."
Ambassadors from 21 countries that donate large sums of money to Ethiopia issued a statement expressing concern at the violence, calling for an urgent investigation and recommending all political detainees be either charged or released.
Source: http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/world/archives/2005/11/06/2003278986
AP , ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA Sunday, Nov 06, 2005
Anti-goverment protests spread from the capital to other parts of Ethiopia on Friday, leaving four people dead and 11 wounded, state-run television reported, as the prime minister vowed to prosecute opposition officials after a week of bloody clashes between demonstrators and police.
Friday's casualties occurred in Bahar Dar, the second city of Ethiopia, the television reported. It was not possible to immediately verify the figures. Scattered gunfire and rioting was also reported in the capital, where doctors said at least two people were wounded.
Police have killed at least 40 people since violent confrontations began on Tuesday in the capital, following largely peaceful protests on Monday, medical officials said. Government officials have put the death toll over the week at 24 civilians and seven police officers.
Protests erupted on Friday in Dessie, Gondar, Bahar Dar, Arba Minch, Awassa, Dire Dawa -- towns that are pro-opposition north and south of the capital, according to Western diplomats, hotel owners and tour operators.
The protesters were calling for an independent investigation into the killings in the capital and the release of political prisoners, according to witnesses.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi told the state media that the main opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy was responsible for the damage and loss of life that occurred during the protests. Opposition officials would be charged in court, he said.
Protesters in Bahar Dar -- a tourist site northwest of Addis Ababa -- stopped a bus carrying 20 European tourists and tried to set it on fire using gasoline cans. Police fired in the air to disperse the rioters and the bus drove off, said Dario Morello of Greenland Tours.
"The tourists were terrified. The situation is not good," he said.
Diplomats from four European countries said on Friday they had reports from opposition members and other contacts of police rounding up suspected opposition supporters overnight.
An estimated 3,000 people had been detained, according to the diplomats. However, they acknowledged that it was not possible to verify the number.
The government later released a statement saying it had controlled the violence, adding that Addis Ababa "has become peaceful."
"On the other hand, similar but very limited violence has occurred in Bahar Dar, Awassa, Gondar, Dessie and Dire Dawa," according to the statement. "However, this was brought under control after a short while."
Ambassadors from 21 countries that donate large sums of money to Ethiopia issued a statement expressing concern at the violence, calling for an urgent investigation and recommending all political detainees be either charged or released.
Source: http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/world/archives/2005/11/06/2003278986
Ethiopia’s police arrest "several" opposition members in northwest
Ethiopia’s police arrest "several" opposition members in northwest
Sunday 6 November 2005 01:16.
Nov 5, 2005 (ADDIS ABABA) — The Amhara State Police Commission said it has put the street
violence erupted in Bahir Dar and other towns existing in Amhara State under control.
An Ethiopian woman cries as the wounded are brought to Black Lion Hospital in Addis Ababa. (AFP)The Commission also said it has been putting several members of the Coalition for unity and Democracy (CUD) and offenders under custody who put hands in the violence that claimed human lives and damaged property.
In a press conference he gave for the State’s mass media agency, Amhara State Police Commissioner, Yosef Abere said various offender organized under groups were arrested in Dessie, Bahir Dar and Gondar towns.
Though they had been repeatedly told to refrain from joining CUD’s violent moves, Yosef said, the offenders incited violence that caused loss of human life and property damage as well as affected the stability of the public.
Appropriate measures would be taken against the anti peace forces, the Commissioner said.
Chief of the Amhara State, Ayalew Gobeze on his part said the state government fights those forces attempting to destruct the constitutional order through violence.
Ayalew said those engaged in promoting the objectives of the CUD through street violence would be brought to justice.
The Amhara State mass media agency said police has been arresting street violence instigators and calm has been restored in towns where riot and violence were surfaced on Friday.
Related countries :Ethiopia :
Ethiopians demonstrate against Meles in Germany
Violence continues in northern Ethiopia
US official, Ethiopian PM discuss Ethiopia-Eritrea
Source: Sudan Tribune
Sunday 6 November 2005 01:16.
Nov 5, 2005 (ADDIS ABABA) — The Amhara State Police Commission said it has put the street
violence erupted in Bahir Dar and other towns existing in Amhara State under control.
An Ethiopian woman cries as the wounded are brought to Black Lion Hospital in Addis Ababa. (AFP)The Commission also said it has been putting several members of the Coalition for unity and Democracy (CUD) and offenders under custody who put hands in the violence that claimed human lives and damaged property.
In a press conference he gave for the State’s mass media agency, Amhara State Police Commissioner, Yosef Abere said various offender organized under groups were arrested in Dessie, Bahir Dar and Gondar towns.
Though they had been repeatedly told to refrain from joining CUD’s violent moves, Yosef said, the offenders incited violence that caused loss of human life and property damage as well as affected the stability of the public.
Appropriate measures would be taken against the anti peace forces, the Commissioner said.
Chief of the Amhara State, Ayalew Gobeze on his part said the state government fights those forces attempting to destruct the constitutional order through violence.
Ayalew said those engaged in promoting the objectives of the CUD through street violence would be brought to justice.
The Amhara State mass media agency said police has been arresting street violence instigators and calm has been restored in towns where riot and violence were surfaced on Friday.
Related countries :Ethiopia :
Ethiopians demonstrate against Meles in Germany
Violence continues in northern Ethiopia
US official, Ethiopian PM discuss Ethiopia-Eritrea
Source: Sudan Tribune
Two dead in fresh Ethiopia unrest - residents (Debre Markos)
Two dead in fresh Ethiopia unrest - residents
Sat Nov 5, 2005 2:33 PM GMT
By Tsegaye Tadesse and David Mageria
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Two people were reported killed in northern Ethiopia on Saturday after a fifth day of political unrest that has shaken confidence in the vast African nation's stability.
Residents in northern Amhara region said two students were killed in a clash between police and demonstrators in Debre Markos, 305 km (190 miles) north of the capital Addis Ababa.
Information Minister Berhan Hailu told Reuters: "So far it is not confirmed. We are not aware of any unrest anywhere else."
The worst unrest in months has fuelled fears of a possible relapse into authoritarian rule in the Horn of Africa's main power, prompting Washington, the European Union and the African Union to urge government and opposition to show restraint.
Addis Ababa was quiet but tense. Some residents ventured out for the first time since street battles erupted this week between police and opposition protesters, in which at least 42 people were killed.
Girma Teshome, a 30-year-old engineer stocking up on food at an Addis Ababa market, said he feared violence might flare anew.
"It is quiet now but it may start again after some time," he told Reuters. "It could be quiet for a month then erupt again."
On Friday, protests began to the north, east and south of the capital, with four people killed and 11 injured in the northern town of Bahir Dar, bringing the total of deaths to 46.
State television said the riots in the regions had been incited by opposition leaders but had been ended by the police without casualties or damage to property. There was no independent confirmation of the report.
The latest violence began in the capital, a stronghold of opposition groups who accuse Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of rigging his way back to power in polls in May.
Most shops in Addis Ababa remained shut on Saturday, but a few residents were out, suggesting a slow return of confidence.
"The government is preaching democracy but it doesn't know anything about democracy," said 24-year-old banker Senaye Lema.
"They lost power through elections but they are hanging on through the gun...They only know how to rule through gunfire. They are preaching false democracy."
The disturbances have coincided with fresh tension with neighbouring Eritrea, Ethiopia's foe in a 1998-2000 border war.
U.N. peacekeepers have warned that military moves by both countries had produced a crisis requiring urgent attention.
The United States, which sees sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country as an ally against terrorism, has urged Ethiopians to turn away from violence and, in a thinly-veiled jab at the opposition, has criticised those inciting violence.
INTOLERANCE
Most analysts blame the bloodshed on habits of political intolerance acquired over generations of dictatorship, saying the violence resulted from a mixture of heavy-handed policing and inflammatory opposition rhetoric.
Ethiopia is struggling to shake off the effects of centuries of feudalism followed by nearly two decades of Marxism under dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam, ousted in 1991 by guerrilla leader Meles Zenawi, now prime minister.
Residents and human rights groups say the crackdown has led to scores of arrests, including leading opposition figures.
Some people on the streets declined to talk to reporters, saying their feared retribution from the security services.
Others blamed the opposition for stirring up trouble.
"I hate these people. They cannot accept they were defeated," said Samuel, a taxi driver, referring to the main opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD).
"I do not support the government, but I do not like violence. Why do they have to damage my car? We need peace."
© Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved.
Sat Nov 5, 2005 2:33 PM GMT
By Tsegaye Tadesse and David Mageria
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Two people were reported killed in northern Ethiopia on Saturday after a fifth day of political unrest that has shaken confidence in the vast African nation's stability.
Residents in northern Amhara region said two students were killed in a clash between police and demonstrators in Debre Markos, 305 km (190 miles) north of the capital Addis Ababa.
Information Minister Berhan Hailu told Reuters: "So far it is not confirmed. We are not aware of any unrest anywhere else."
The worst unrest in months has fuelled fears of a possible relapse into authoritarian rule in the Horn of Africa's main power, prompting Washington, the European Union and the African Union to urge government and opposition to show restraint.
Addis Ababa was quiet but tense. Some residents ventured out for the first time since street battles erupted this week between police and opposition protesters, in which at least 42 people were killed.
Girma Teshome, a 30-year-old engineer stocking up on food at an Addis Ababa market, said he feared violence might flare anew.
"It is quiet now but it may start again after some time," he told Reuters. "It could be quiet for a month then erupt again."
On Friday, protests began to the north, east and south of the capital, with four people killed and 11 injured in the northern town of Bahir Dar, bringing the total of deaths to 46.
State television said the riots in the regions had been incited by opposition leaders but had been ended by the police without casualties or damage to property. There was no independent confirmation of the report.
The latest violence began in the capital, a stronghold of opposition groups who accuse Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of rigging his way back to power in polls in May.
Most shops in Addis Ababa remained shut on Saturday, but a few residents were out, suggesting a slow return of confidence.
"The government is preaching democracy but it doesn't know anything about democracy," said 24-year-old banker Senaye Lema.
"They lost power through elections but they are hanging on through the gun...They only know how to rule through gunfire. They are preaching false democracy."
The disturbances have coincided with fresh tension with neighbouring Eritrea, Ethiopia's foe in a 1998-2000 border war.
U.N. peacekeepers have warned that military moves by both countries had produced a crisis requiring urgent attention.
The United States, which sees sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country as an ally against terrorism, has urged Ethiopians to turn away from violence and, in a thinly-veiled jab at the opposition, has criticised those inciting violence.
INTOLERANCE
Most analysts blame the bloodshed on habits of political intolerance acquired over generations of dictatorship, saying the violence resulted from a mixture of heavy-handed policing and inflammatory opposition rhetoric.
Ethiopia is struggling to shake off the effects of centuries of feudalism followed by nearly two decades of Marxism under dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam, ousted in 1991 by guerrilla leader Meles Zenawi, now prime minister.
Residents and human rights groups say the crackdown has led to scores of arrests, including leading opposition figures.
Some people on the streets declined to talk to reporters, saying their feared retribution from the security services.
Others blamed the opposition for stirring up trouble.
"I hate these people. They cannot accept they were defeated," said Samuel, a taxi driver, referring to the main opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD).
"I do not support the government, but I do not like violence. Why do they have to damage my car? We need peace."
© Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved.
Violence in Ethiopia spreads
Violence in Ethiopia spreads NICHOLAS CHRISTIAN
SPECIAL forces patrolled the streets of Ethiopia's capital yesterday after a week of bloody clashes between demonstrators and police left at least 44 people dead and thousands in police custody.
In a town outside Addis Ababa, sporadic gunfire broke out yesterday, a human rights group said. Late on Friday, diplomats said shooting erupted in one neighbourhood in the capital, where the violence started after protests last Monday over the disputed May 15 elections.
The vote - seen as a test of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's commitment to reform - gave his Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front control of nearly two-thirds of parliament.
Opposition parties have accused the ruling party of rigging the vote and said the election and vote count were marred by fraud, intimidation and violence. But while the protests were sparked by the election dispute, many Ethiopians believe they reflect growing frustration over abject poverty in this nation of at least 70 million.
"People are angry because they are poor." said Mikael Desta, a 24-year-old university graduate who is unemployed. He blamed the rebels led by Meles, who ousted former dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991. "There are no jobs in the city and more and more beggars."
A human rights group reported clashes between demonstrators and security forces in Debre Brahan, a town northeast of the capital. "There was shooting. We believe there may be casualties," said a group member who refused to be named for fear of arrest. No details were immediately available.
Security forces have been visible throughout the capital but residents said they feared more violence, noting that the government could not negotiate a political solution due to the fact that the main opposition's leadership has been detained.
Meles blamed the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy for the violence, and vowed that opposition officials would be prosecuted, according to state media on Friday.
An estimated 4,000 people have been detained, Western diplomats said.
SPECIAL forces patrolled the streets of Ethiopia's capital yesterday after a week of bloody clashes between demonstrators and police left at least 44 people dead and thousands in police custody.
In a town outside Addis Ababa, sporadic gunfire broke out yesterday, a human rights group said. Late on Friday, diplomats said shooting erupted in one neighbourhood in the capital, where the violence started after protests last Monday over the disputed May 15 elections.
The vote - seen as a test of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's commitment to reform - gave his Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front control of nearly two-thirds of parliament.
Opposition parties have accused the ruling party of rigging the vote and said the election and vote count were marred by fraud, intimidation and violence. But while the protests were sparked by the election dispute, many Ethiopians believe they reflect growing frustration over abject poverty in this nation of at least 70 million.
"People are angry because they are poor." said Mikael Desta, a 24-year-old university graduate who is unemployed. He blamed the rebels led by Meles, who ousted former dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991. "There are no jobs in the city and more and more beggars."
A human rights group reported clashes between demonstrators and security forces in Debre Brahan, a town northeast of the capital. "There was shooting. We believe there may be casualties," said a group member who refused to be named for fear of arrest. No details were immediately available.
Security forces have been visible throughout the capital but residents said they feared more violence, noting that the government could not negotiate a political solution due to the fact that the main opposition's leadership has been detained.
Meles blamed the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy for the violence, and vowed that opposition officials would be prosecuted, according to state media on Friday.
An estimated 4,000 people have been detained, Western diplomats said.
Bokkuu Araaraa
GUMII BILISUMMAA OROMIYAA(Oromiyaa Liberation Council)
BOKKUU ARAARAA:Walga'ii Waldaa Qoramaata Oromoo (OSA) Magaalaa Washington DCHoward University ti Hagayya (July) 29,2002, qophaawaame irratti kan dhiyaate
AUGUST 5, 2003
Presented by: Lubee Birru
Akkaataa Oromoon Tuulamaa akka seera Gadaa tti rakkina dhaloota Oromoo jiddutti dhalatuuf furmaata kennu gababatti ibsuuf.
Namoonni lamaas ta'an, gurmuuniis ta'an, gosaafii gosaaniis, lagaafii lagaaniis, waldhabbiin unuma jira. Kuni Oromoo qofa otoo hinta'in uumama Waaqqayyoon uumee addunyaarra facaase hunda irratti muldhata. Waldhabbiin namaa arrabaan yokaan barreechudhaan walitti dabruu irraa kaasee hamma lubbuu wal galaafachuutti deema. Kuniis bifa adda addaatiin muldhata. Kanaafu, namni erga uumamee calqabee hamma ammaatti meeshaa ittiin wal-lolu, bifa bifaan qopheeffataa jira.
Oromooniis hamma humna isaaniitti meeshaa (miya) lolaa tolfachu irraa adabatanii hinbeekan. Darbannaa dhakaa irraa kaasee, furrisa, futtaasaafii xiyya, shimalaafii eeboo, mancaafii billaawa, waantaa, (gaachena) gaaleefii kanneen kana fakkaatan tolfatanii, ittiin waliifii alagaaniis lolaa turan. Erga warri Europpaa meeshaa lolaa addunyaarra facaasan boodaas, Oromoon dandeettii qabaniifii haala aanjaween qawweefii bombii bifa adda addaa horuun diina, alagaafii waliiniis lolaa jiran.
Eegaa, rakkina dhalatu yo yeroon dafanii qabbaneechuu baatan, boodarra arraba afaanii bira dabree hamma dhiiga walii dhangalaasutti deema jechuudha. Takka dhiigni dhangalaanaan nagaa fiduun yo danda'amellee yeroo, beekumsaafii qarooma gaafata.
Dhugumaan ho ilaalle, Oromoota jiddutti arrabaan wal-xureechuun, oduu dharaatiin wal-ajeechuun, harkaan walitti fiiguun, shimalaan wal-madeechuun, alagaatti wal gurguruun, gita alagaa filatanii lammii ofii dabarsanii kennuun, tokkummaa Oromoo addaan diiguun, dhiiga lammii dhangalaasuun, walumaagalatti, badiileen akkasii kuni duriis waan ture, ammaas unuma jira.
Oromoonni biyyoota alagaa keecha jiraatanifii, kan Oromiyaa jiran, akkuma hawaasa uumama (people) biraatti namoota yaada hokaan amala adda addaa qaban qabna. Kana jechuun, hawaasa keenya keessa, warra dhugaa dubbataniifii,worra soba akka midhaanii alalfatan ; kan tokkummaa Oromoo dhugoomsuuf halkanii guyyaa dhama'aniifii, tokkummaa Oromoof diina ta'an; kan hundumaa caala Oromiyaa dursiifataniifii, warra Oromiyaa caalaa ganda itti dhalatan hokaan kutaa koloneeffataan moggaaseef faarfatantu argina. Dabalees, dhaloota (nation) keenya keecha, kan bilisummaa Oromiyaatiif of wareeganiifii, kan tokkummaa Xoophiyaatiif jecha lubbuu isaanii dhaban; kan bilissummaa malee jedhaniifii, warra karaa fedheen Xoophiyaa “demokratomte” keechatti angoof hixatan; kan qabeenyaaf firoota isaanii gatanii Oromiiyaa irraa baqataniifii, kanneen garaa isaanii guuttachuuf jecha diinaaf jilbiiffatanii ilmaan Abashaa jala fiigantu argama. Walumaagalatti, akkuma qabsaawoonni baayyeen qabeenya, beekkumsaafii yeroo isaanii bilissummaa Oromiyaatiifii tokkummaa Oromoof gumaachaa jiranitti, Oromoonni dhaloota gantu uftaasisanii,qawwee Abashaa baatanii, beekumsa, humnaafi yeroo isaanii diinaf gumeechanii, meeshaa Abashaaf tahuun ufii badanii, badii dhaloota Oromoo irratti hojjachaa jiran baayyeedha.
Kara biraatiin, rakkinni woldaa (dhaaba) Oromoo keechatti dhalatu yeroon furmaata dhugaa waan hin arganneef waldaan hokaan dhaabooliin Oromoo akka qurxummii Haroo Dambal baayyataa jiru. Akka amma agarrutti immoo, kutaan wal ijaarun, amantiin wal qooduun, gandummaan walii tumsuun, furmaata itti fakkaatee kanneen wixirfatan bayyetaa jiru. Amala akkanaatu yeroo bilissummaa keenyaa dheerechaa jira. Kuniis anaatu karaa dhugaarra deema jedha. Suniis anaatu dhugaa qaba jedha. Dhugaan dubbatamu garuu manguddoo Seera Gadaatiin laalamee hinbeeku. Kuni hundumtuu dogoggora. Kuniis karaa ittiin araarri dhufu, seeraafi heera abboolii keenyaa wallaalu, dagachuu, hokaan tuffachuu irraa kan maddu.
Yaa ilmaan Oromoo! Abbooliifii haawwan keenya rakkina akkanaa akkamitti furmaata arguufii turan? karaa kanaan qarooma akkamii nuuf dabarsanii dabran? jennee wal gaafachuun akkuma. Sababaa gabrummaa Abashaa jala jirruuf, alagoonni nun fira fakkaatanii Gadaa keenya nu harkkatti tuffatanii, akka Oromumma keenyatii qanoofnee kan isaanii fudhanu nu gorsaa turaan irraan kan ka'e, aadaan keenya qaqallachuun beekaamadha. Biyya Oromiyaa guutummaatti hojjaa irra hin oolin malee, rakkina dhalatuuf furmaata akkaa ta'uuf Luboonnii Oromiyaa hundumtuu akka naanno-ofii isaaniif tolutti Caffee isaaniitti tumatanii lafaa qabu.
Haata'u malee, uumama Oromoo keecha warri barmoota guddaa qabna ufiin jennu, waayee Gadaa abboolii keenyaa kan Caffee bara saddeet saddeetiin muramuu hammam beekna jennee wal gaafachuuniis barbaachisaadha. Jarana! kan beeknu wal barsiifnee, kan hin beekne manguddoo keenya gaafannee barannee wal barsiisuun rakkina waliin qabnu furuuf qoricha. Akkaan ani hubadhetti rakkina dhalateef furmaata nagaa fiduuf Caffeen Oromiyaa hundumtuu murtee Caffee Odaa Nabee irraa fageenya hinqaban. Ho xinnaate dhibba keechaa harka sagaltama wal-fakkaatu.
Caffeen Odaa Nabee handhura Oromiyaa keechatti argama. Akka seerri Odaa Nabee tumetti rakina hamma ammaa hasoofne kana furuuf Bokkuun hojjaa guddaa qabaa.
Bokkuun Maali?Duraan dursinee Bokkuun maal akka ta'e ibsuu baannaan akkuma barreesitoota tanaan duraa hurrii ijatti walmru hookan wal naqu ta'a. Bareesiitoonni baayyeen, jechuun ko kan alaga ta'anis, akkasuma Oromoonniis, mukicha Bokkuu jedhamee waamamu otoo hin ibsin, Abbaa Bokkuu Caffeetiin oto addaan hin basin; Bokkuuf Abbaa Bokkuu waliin waqaaranii ibsuu yaalu. Manguddoo lama kanaan ani haasofsiiseefii Alaqaa Atsmee kan bara 1900 barreeche malee, barreesitoonni kuun kan waayee Gadaa hokaan waayee Oromoo barreechan hundumtuu, Bokkuu Caffee Gadaatiif hiikkaa quufsaa kenuu isaanii an hin argine. Innumtuu taanaan, hiikkaan isaanii Abbaa Bokkuu ibsa malee Bokkuun waan ta'e, hojaan isaa maali? Ilmaan Oromoo akkamitti isa laalu? Gaaffii jedhuuf ibsa guutu hin kennine.
Barruulee diigdama caalan kanneeniin qoradhe keechaa, kan nama afurii caalchifadhe hikkaa isaanii akka kanaa gaditti ibsuun barbaada. Dr. Nagaasoo Gidaadaa, “Bokku was made from an evergreen tree (usually Waddessa tree)”. Bokkuun muka Waddeessaa kan yaroo mara lalisaa taherraa tolfama jedha. History of the Sayyo Oromoo or South Western Ethiopia, 218. Obbo Anga'a Dhugumaa Bokkuuf hikkaa lama kenneef. Hiikkaan tokko, “…it is the assembly place for the decentralized constituency of the local parlimentarians composed of several Abba Gadaas”. Iddoo waltti qabama Lubootaafii Abbootii Gadaa naannoolee adda addaati jedha. [Asiratti hamman qubaa qabutii, hamman mangoddo Boorana, Tuulamaafii, Macca irraa dhagayeeti, Bokkuun hiikkaa akkasii hinqabu. Kanaaf fuulduratii (saranatti)qoranno ciima gochuun nu-erra egama] Hiikkaan lammataa, “This symbol “Bokku” is made out of Olive tree. Its use is mostely symbolic, and it is carried by the defense minister “Abaa Duula” at war front. It is also widely used by the administrator Abbaa Bokku as a symbol of power ,(Anga'a Dhugumaa 2000:8”). Jechun, Bokkun mallatoo muka Ijarsa irraa tolfame kan Abbaan Duulaa qabatee duulu, akkasumatti ammallee, mallattoo aangoo Abbaa Bokkuu kan mirga ittiin biyya bulchu agrsiisu jedha. Kana irratii rakko hinqabu, bakka hndumatuu akkum kanatii hiikama.. Qabbannee Waaqoo immoo, “Bokku the wooden Scepter symbolizing authority and law”. Bokkuun muka mallattoo mirgaafii seera ittiin biyya bulchuuti, jetti. The partition of theOromo women in the Gada System. Their slavery under Abyssinian Colonialism and Their active Role in the present struggle for National Independence. P,6. Alaqa Astmeen akkana jedha. “Bokkuu maalet qibee yexeggebe ye weyiraa Dullaa naw. Hayyuu barssuu teshuumoo yi merreqibetaal, Inde betira-mengist maalet naw”. Bokkuu jechuun ulee Ijarsaa kan dhedhaa quufe. Hayyuun isaan motummatti filamee, eebbifama, waan akka ulee-mootummaati jechuudha..Ye Gaalla taariik page 11.
Namootaan ani gaafadhe keechaa lama akkanatti ibsu. Obbo Gurmuu Badhaadhaa (lubbuu isaa Waaqayyo bakka gaarii haa kaa'u) nama ogga 77, kan Laga Hawaas qarqara, kiilo-meetira 50 Shaggar irraa fagaatee, lafa Caffee-Baldhoo jedhamtu tti dalatee guddatee, jiraatu ture. Bara 1971 waayee Gadaa irra qoradheen irraa waraabbadhee, Bokkuun maali jedhee gaafadheen ture, “Bokkuun muka Ijersarraa Ogeechi tolchu. Ogeechi tolcheeti Caffeetti eebifama, Bokkuun bakka saditti hirama,Tokko kan Hayyuuti, kan lammataa kan Qaalluuti, kan sadaffa kan Angafa gosaati. Sadeeniifuu akka seera Caffeetti kennama”. jedhe. Obbo Baayyisaa Guutamaa ji'a Waxabajjii (June) bara 2002 waayee Bokkuu irraa qordhe. Obbo Baayyisaan magaalaa Washington keecha jiraata. Gaaffii Bokkuun maali jedhu akkanatti deebise. “Bokkuu muka Ijarsaa irraa ogeechi tolcha. Bokkuun bakka sadiyitti hirama. Tokkoo Bokkuu Caffee Gadaati. Bara saddeet saddeetitti Hayyuu moofaa irraa Hayyuu haaraatti dabra. Bokkuun lammataa kan warra Qaalluuti. Bokkuun kuni mana Qaalluu Ayyaana baatutti argama. Abbaa irraa ilmotti hokaan nama Ayyaanni sun irra qubatetti dabra. Bokkuun sadaffaa Bokkuu warra Angafa Gosaati. Mana angafa gosaatti argama”. Qormaataan kanaa olitti agarsiise irratti hundeeffadhee kanaan ijaan arge itti dabalee Bokkuu akka kanaa gadiittan ibsa. Bokkuun ulee muka Ijarsarraa ogeechi ogummaan tolchu, kan dheerinni isaa meetira tokko hin caalle, kan mataa irratti dubumbulaati. Bokkuun ulee furdaa irra furdata, dullaa irra qaldhata. Jinfuun hokan dubumbulaan mataarraa xiqoo gar tokkotti micciiramaadha. Kanaaf Bokkuu jedhame. Yeroo baayyee bullukkoo Abbaa Bokkuu jala waan ooluuf dhadha quufee cululuqa. Bokkuun ulee ulfinaati. Itti hin waaqeffatamu. Garuu jaalatamaadha. Bokkuun hundumtuu wal fakkaatu. Akka Obbo Gurmuu Badhaadhaafi Baayyisaa Guutamaa ibsanitti Caffeen Odaa Nabee akkasumaas Caffeen Malkaa Baldhoo Bokkuu bakka Sadiyitti hiran. Bokkuun iddoo sadanittuu hojjaa adda addaa qaba. Gabaabatti yoon ibsee:
Bokkuu Caffee Gadaa :Bokkuun muka ijarssa irra tolfamee Caffee Gadaa tii Hayyuu Yuboome irra Hayyuu haraa Luboota haara keecha seeraan filamtti dabruudha. Bokkun kunis Hayyuun akka ittiin oggaa saddeetiif biyya bulchu Serrii (heerri) Gadaa kan kennuufidha . Akkasums bara saddeet booddee Hayyuu, hokaan Abbaa Bokkuu dullacha irraa isa haarawatti dabra. Kanaaf Hayyuun Bokkuu malee waan hin Hayyomneef ogaa sadeetif Abba Bokku jedhamee wamama. Bara saddeet booda Hayyu dullacha hokan Abba Bokku dullacha jedhamee waamama. Bokkun garu dullachuumma hinqabuu, yeroo isaa aegateet Hayyuu dullachaa irr Hayyuu haraatti dabraa jechuudha.
Bokkuun Caffee Gadaa abbaa iraa ilmattii hindabru, hin dhaalamu. Kan lammi hokaan kan Gosaatii miti. Kan warra Qaalluutiis miti. Kan Caffee Gadaatii. Kan Oromoo hundumaati. Abbaan Bokkuu hojjaa seerri Gadaa itti kenne bara saddeetiif hojjachuuf Bokkuu kana qabata. Harka isaatii hindhabamu. Aangoo Abbaa Bokkummaa qabaachuu isaa kan ittiin mirkaneeyfatu yo Bokkuu harkaa qabaate qofa. Isa harkatti qabatu malee biyya bulchuu hindanda'u.
Bokkuu Qaalluu:Bokkuun Qaalluu galma Qaalluutti argama. Qaalluun mirg Bokkuu qabaachu seera Gadaatu kenneef. Bokkuun kun bifaan Bokkuu Caffee fakkaata. Hayyuun Qaalluun bokkuu qabu dirriba galutti (du'utti) Bokkuun isa harka tura. Ho Qaalluun sun dirriba galee, nama ayyaanni irra qubattetu Bokkuu Qaalluu sana dhaala. Bokkuun Qaalluu, dalla'a warra Qaalluutii hin fagaatu. Achumaa sanyii warra saniit dabra. Dhaloota Oromoo biratti, Bokkuun Qaalluu ulfinaafii kabajaa guddaadha qaba.
Bokkuu Gosaa (Araaraa):Bokkuun Gosaa: Bokkuu angafoota Oromootiif seera Caffee Odaa Nabeetti tumamee kennameefidha. Fakeenyaaf, ilmaan Booranaa, ilmaan Bareentumaa, ilmaan Tuulamaa, ilmaan Maccaafii ilmaan Walloo Bokkuu gosaa qabu. Ammatti Bokkuun kun akka seera Gadaa Oromootti Gosoota Oromoo mara jiddutti hojjachaa jiraachuu isaa mirkaneeffachuuf qormaata barbaachisa. Haata'u malee, kanan beeku himuuf, Tuulama keechatti ar'allee taanaan akkuma gaaritti itti hojjatamaa jira. Hojjaan Bokkuu gosaa kuni maali inni yo jenne? Deebisaan, araara fiduudha. Kanaaf Bokkuu Araaraa jdhamee waamama.
Lolli ilmaan Oromoo jiddutti ho dhalate, lola kana qabaneechuuf Bokkuu Gosaatu mana angafaatii baha. Fakeenyaaf, lolli Bachoofii Sooddo jiddutti ho dhalate, araara fiduuf Bokkuu Sooddoo yokaan Bachootu mana angafaatii baha. Ammoo, gosinii Galaan lolaa kana hijiruu garuu lola kana dhagayee Bokkuu Gosaa manaa Galaanii baafnaan, Bokkuun duraan baye manatti deebi'ee kan Galaan waltajjii ta'ee araraa fida. Garuu Bokkuun waltajii bahu baannaan kan Sooddoo, ta'u hokan kan Bachoos ta'u kanuma dura baheen araaramu.
Gosa gurguddaa qofa otoo hin taane xixiqqaa walakkaattiis wal diddaan hoo dhalatee, waldhabbiin ho jabaate, Bokkuutu mana angafaatii ba'a. Oromoota dhiiga walii facaasuuf walitti gaman, abbaan Bokkuu Gosaa, Bokkuufii marga jiidhaa harka mirgaatti, faajjii Gadaa kan kuula diimaafii adii harka bitaatti qabatee Waaq bishaan roobi, Waaq qabbaneechi jechaa sodaa malee jarreen wal-lolaa jiranitti qajeela. Bokkuu, faajjiifii marga jiidhaa irreecha harkaatti arginaan lolli ogguma (yosuma) sana dhaabbata.
Abbaan Bokkuu Gosaa, erga lola qabbaneesse booda araara buusuuf, jarreen wal-lolan, manguddoota waayee lolli kun itti ka'ee beekan gosa gosa isaanii keechaa nama shan shan filatanii, abbaan Bokkuu Gosaa waltajjii ta'eefii, inniis namoota dubbii harka keechaa hinqabne gosa sadaffaa irraa nama shan waammatee, Shanan-Gadaa keechaahiis Luba shananuu dabalatee jarssuumaa calqabsiisa.. Dubiin ho hammaattee, aariin qabbanaawu baate:
hadaraa bokkuu bayee, faajjii baatee:
irreessa baye irra hin tarkaanfatinaa ,
Seera Gadaa hin cabsinaa
Mana keechanitti nagaan galaa
Bulaa, bubbulaa
Aarii keechan qabbaneeffidhaa
Deebineeti dubbii tana laallaa
Dubbiin ammaaf yaa bultu:
jedheeti gosnii lamaanu nagayaan karaa mana isaaniitti akka galan taasisa. Erga jarreen wal-lolan aara qabbaneeffachuu isaanii qoratee mirkaneeffate booda deebisee qunnama. Iddo itti wal-gayan Odaa, malkaa, yokaan qa'ee angafaas ta'u, bakka hundumaafuu tahutti, yeroo hundumaaf tolutti deebi'anii jaarsumma taa'u. Sana booda, odoo tokkoofillee hin qoodin, handhura rakkoo argatanii kan balleeche sarbanii, kan miidhame garaa qulqulluun araarma jedhanii, rakkoo dhalatte akka Seera Gadaatti hiikuun araara dhumaati araarssu.
Lola walakkaatti wal ajjeechaalleen ho mudate akkaataa ajjeechaan itti ta'e laalamee, seerri kan ajjeese kan biyyaa isa baasisu tahee argamnaan, isa sana biyyaa baasanii gosti isaa gumaa akka baaftu itii muru(sarbu). Dubbiin Bokkuu, Faajiifii irreechi bayee, Luboonni Shanan iraatti argamanii bakka Abbaan Bokkuu Gosaa wal-tajjii taa'etti murteeffamte dura namuu hin dhaabbatu. Akka Seera Gadaa Oromootti waan murtaawamteef murtee sirriidha. Kanaaf namni wal-lole murtee jaarsa araaraa gammachuudhan fudhata.
Akkuma araarri guddaafii xiqqaa qabutti, Bukkoon Araaraatiis lola hundumaafi hinbahu. Bokkuun kan bahu lola gosoota Oromoo jiddutti dhalate qofaafi. Oromoofii Abashaan yo wal-lolan hokaan Oromoofii Soomaaleen yo namallee walirraa ajjeesan Bokkuun hin bahu. Mootummaa Abashaa kan nama keenya, namuma keenyaan ajjeesisaa jiruufii Saba Oromoo jidduu araara fiduuf Bokuun hin bahu. Alagaan ho Oromotti mogaafame malee Bokkuu irraa mirgaafii ulfinaas hin qabu. Caffeen Oromoo, Seerri Gadaa, alagaaf homaa miti.
Gara biraatiin ammoo, alagaan wal-fuudhuun, alagaa harma hoosisuun yokaan moggaafachuun karaa itti araarri argamu. Alagaa harma hodhuun garuu, Caffee Tuulamaatti dhoowwaadha. Oromoon alaga harma hin hodhu. Alagatti hin moggaafamu. Alagatti kooluu hin galu. Alagaa irra dubra inuma fuudhu. Garuu, dubra Oromoo nama Oromoo hin ta'initti hin heerumsiisan. Kuni seeruma Caffee Gadaa Oromooti. Oromoon alagaa firoomfatee karaa ittiin nagaan olluummaadhaan hokaan waliin jiraatan Caffeen Odaa Nabee murteessee jira. Seera kanaaniis ajjeechaaf walitti fiigu irraa wal qusatanii walii-galteedhaan wal cinaa jiraachuun dandaameeti jira. Ollootiifii, alagoonnii naanno Oromiyaa qubatan baayyee tahanillee, hamma mootummaa Wayyaanee dhufee kantti, nagayumaan walcinaa jiraatu turani. Ammaallee taanaan, rakkoon Wayyaaneen Oromoofii uumana alagaa jiddutti uumte qaroomaan qabnaan furmaanni isaa rakkisaa miti. Barri baranaa 2002 kun bara Gadaa Roobaleeti. Oromoon Tuulamaa, gosnii hundumtu, akkasuma Oromoon baha biftuu Macca fi warii Karrayyu hundumtuu akkuma dur godhan baranaas Caffee ganda ganda isaanitti, goodaansa seera ergaa xumuuranii booda waltajjii Caffee Odaa Nabeetti wal-argaanii filmaata godhtanii, murtee adda addaa dabarssnii nagaan hoffalanii addan galuu isaanii dhageenye. Gaddan kan milkii nuf hataatuu.
Eegaa, nuti Oromoonni biyya alaaga jirru rakkina Oromo walakkatti dhalate hookann dhalatu akkamiin furuu wayya? Akkaataa warri keeyna Seera Gadaatti irkachuun rakkina jiru dhugumaan hubatanii, otoo xinnaa gadi hinqabne, guddaaf irra hindabrre, dhugaa jirtu hin jallifne, kan dhugaa qabuuf murteechanii, kan rakiina uumetti sarbaniiti . Nuus biyya alagaatti Sirnaa akkana kana hordofuu dandeenyaa jennee walgaafannee jirraa? Ani gama kiyyaan unuma danda'ama natti fakkaata. Bokkuun jiraachuu baatullee beekaan hidda warra Bokkuu Gosaa qabu hindhabamu. Rakkina hokaan wal dhabbii dhalatu hundumaaf Bokkuu harkaa qabaachuun barbaacisaa miti. Kanaaf, akka Seera Gadaatti, akka Caffeen murtetti, akka warri angafaa rakkina jiruuf furmaata kennan sanatti hojjachuun unuma danda'ama.
Erga qabsoon bilisummaa Oromoo heeraan karoorfamtee kaasee hamma ammaatti, qabsaawota Oromoo jiddutti, baruma baraan lolli hokaan waldiddan dhalachaatuma adeemaa jira. Rakkina dhalateef furmaata fiduuf yokaan araarsuuf namoonni tokko tokko carraaqaa akka turan quba qabna. Garuu, akkaan dhagayuufii argutti, rakkina qabsaawota bilissumma jiddutti dhalatan kana akka seera Gadaatti dhimma bahanii furmaat waan hinsoqiniif, manguddummaan tanaan dura itti dhama'ame hundumtuu furmaata dhugaa argamsiisee hinjiru.
Gariin dhugaa jallisa, itti himaniis dhagawoo hin barbaadu. Kuun wal-ajjeesudhaan frumaata fidu fedha. Tokko karaa kan koo qofaatu sirri jedha.. Kaan argaafii dhageettii isa biraa hinfedhu. Waan haallan akkanaa kanaan liqimfamneef rakkoon dhalattu furmaata argachuu hanqattee guyya guyyaan wal horaa deemti. Haalli kuniis yaroo bilissumaa keenyaa caalatti fageeysaa jira. Oromoonni rakkina isaan jidduu jirtu ammaan furuu baannaan gabrummaan yeroo dheeraf ittuma fufa. Egaa Oromoota, hamma dhaabonni Oromoo kanneen bilisummaaf warraaqaa jir araaramanii waliin in hojjannetti bilisummaan hawwiifi abjuudha hin dhuftu. Alagaa waliin hojjachuuf tattaafachuu yokaan diinaa waliin haasawuuf mala dhawuu dura rakkina of keeysaa fixuutu dursa. Otoo dhaabonni Oromoo warri Oromiyaa irratti ilaalcha bilisummaa wal fakkaatu qaban dhugumaan hin araaramin kophaa kophaatti bilisummaa Oromiyaa dhugoomsuun rakkisaadha. Kanaafuu Oromiyaa bilisoomsuufii dhaabooleen bilisummaa Oromoo harka walqabachuun murteessaadha. Qorichi rakkoo keenyaa dhaabbooliin Oromoo walitti araaramuu qofa. Kana malee karaan dhugaa hi jiru. Araarri kuniis akka Seera Gadaatti, akka Bokkuu Araaraatti ta'u qaba. Waaqayyo hawwii kana haa dhugoomsu.
Araar! Araar! Waaqayoon Oromoo Afaan walitti haa mi'eechu!Oromiyaan Ni Bilisoomti!
Alaqaa Atsmee:
Burqaan Qormaata Kanaa History of the Galla and the Kingdome of Show, Volume I Amharic version Written in (Addis Ababa,1900) p,11
Anga'a Dhugumaa:
From the Revised Gadaa to Macca –Tuulama Association. (U.S.A. New York, New York, June 1998) p,7.
Nagaaso Gidaada:
History of Sayyoo Oromoo of Southwestern Wallaga, Ethiopia. 1730- 1886. PhD Desecration, Frankfurt am Main 1984), P.218.
Qabbannee Waaqo:
The Partition of Oromo Women in the Gadaa System, their Slavery Under Colonialism and their Active Role in the Present Struggle for National Independence. (UONA 1979), P 6
Bayisaa Gutamaa:
Oral Interview by Lubee Birru (Washington D.C June 24, 2002).
Gurmuu Badhadha:
Oral Interview by Lubee Birru, (About 50 KM West of Shaggar, at Hawaas Caffee Baldho, March 1971)
Lubee Birru:
Eyewitness and personally participant in the Gadaa System. (From 1950-1971).
:: Oromiya Liberation Council (OLC)/GBO ::
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BOKKUU ARAARAA:Walga'ii Waldaa Qoramaata Oromoo (OSA) Magaalaa Washington DCHoward University ti Hagayya (July) 29,2002, qophaawaame irratti kan dhiyaate
AUGUST 5, 2003
Presented by: Lubee Birru
Akkaataa Oromoon Tuulamaa akka seera Gadaa tti rakkina dhaloota Oromoo jiddutti dhalatuuf furmaata kennu gababatti ibsuuf.
Namoonni lamaas ta'an, gurmuuniis ta'an, gosaafii gosaaniis, lagaafii lagaaniis, waldhabbiin unuma jira. Kuni Oromoo qofa otoo hinta'in uumama Waaqqayyoon uumee addunyaarra facaase hunda irratti muldhata. Waldhabbiin namaa arrabaan yokaan barreechudhaan walitti dabruu irraa kaasee hamma lubbuu wal galaafachuutti deema. Kuniis bifa adda addaatiin muldhata. Kanaafu, namni erga uumamee calqabee hamma ammaatti meeshaa ittiin wal-lolu, bifa bifaan qopheeffataa jira.
Oromooniis hamma humna isaaniitti meeshaa (miya) lolaa tolfachu irraa adabatanii hinbeekan. Darbannaa dhakaa irraa kaasee, furrisa, futtaasaafii xiyya, shimalaafii eeboo, mancaafii billaawa, waantaa, (gaachena) gaaleefii kanneen kana fakkaatan tolfatanii, ittiin waliifii alagaaniis lolaa turan. Erga warri Europpaa meeshaa lolaa addunyaarra facaasan boodaas, Oromoon dandeettii qabaniifii haala aanjaween qawweefii bombii bifa adda addaa horuun diina, alagaafii waliiniis lolaa jiran.
Eegaa, rakkina dhalatu yo yeroon dafanii qabbaneechuu baatan, boodarra arraba afaanii bira dabree hamma dhiiga walii dhangalaasutti deema jechuudha. Takka dhiigni dhangalaanaan nagaa fiduun yo danda'amellee yeroo, beekumsaafii qarooma gaafata.
Dhugumaan ho ilaalle, Oromoota jiddutti arrabaan wal-xureechuun, oduu dharaatiin wal-ajeechuun, harkaan walitti fiiguun, shimalaan wal-madeechuun, alagaatti wal gurguruun, gita alagaa filatanii lammii ofii dabarsanii kennuun, tokkummaa Oromoo addaan diiguun, dhiiga lammii dhangalaasuun, walumaagalatti, badiileen akkasii kuni duriis waan ture, ammaas unuma jira.
Oromoonni biyyoota alagaa keecha jiraatanifii, kan Oromiyaa jiran, akkuma hawaasa uumama (people) biraatti namoota yaada hokaan amala adda addaa qaban qabna. Kana jechuun, hawaasa keenya keessa, warra dhugaa dubbataniifii,worra soba akka midhaanii alalfatan ; kan tokkummaa Oromoo dhugoomsuuf halkanii guyyaa dhama'aniifii, tokkummaa Oromoof diina ta'an; kan hundumaa caala Oromiyaa dursiifataniifii, warra Oromiyaa caalaa ganda itti dhalatan hokaan kutaa koloneeffataan moggaaseef faarfatantu argina. Dabalees, dhaloota (nation) keenya keecha, kan bilisummaa Oromiyaatiif of wareeganiifii, kan tokkummaa Xoophiyaatiif jecha lubbuu isaanii dhaban; kan bilissummaa malee jedhaniifii, warra karaa fedheen Xoophiyaa “demokratomte” keechatti angoof hixatan; kan qabeenyaaf firoota isaanii gatanii Oromiiyaa irraa baqataniifii, kanneen garaa isaanii guuttachuuf jecha diinaaf jilbiiffatanii ilmaan Abashaa jala fiigantu argama. Walumaagalatti, akkuma qabsaawoonni baayyeen qabeenya, beekkumsaafii yeroo isaanii bilissummaa Oromiyaatiifii tokkummaa Oromoof gumaachaa jiranitti, Oromoonni dhaloota gantu uftaasisanii,qawwee Abashaa baatanii, beekumsa, humnaafi yeroo isaanii diinaf gumeechanii, meeshaa Abashaaf tahuun ufii badanii, badii dhaloota Oromoo irratti hojjachaa jiran baayyeedha.
Kara biraatiin, rakkinni woldaa (dhaaba) Oromoo keechatti dhalatu yeroon furmaata dhugaa waan hin arganneef waldaan hokaan dhaabooliin Oromoo akka qurxummii Haroo Dambal baayyataa jiru. Akka amma agarrutti immoo, kutaan wal ijaarun, amantiin wal qooduun, gandummaan walii tumsuun, furmaata itti fakkaatee kanneen wixirfatan bayyetaa jiru. Amala akkanaatu yeroo bilissummaa keenyaa dheerechaa jira. Kuniis anaatu karaa dhugaarra deema jedha. Suniis anaatu dhugaa qaba jedha. Dhugaan dubbatamu garuu manguddoo Seera Gadaatiin laalamee hinbeeku. Kuni hundumtuu dogoggora. Kuniis karaa ittiin araarri dhufu, seeraafi heera abboolii keenyaa wallaalu, dagachuu, hokaan tuffachuu irraa kan maddu.
Yaa ilmaan Oromoo! Abbooliifii haawwan keenya rakkina akkanaa akkamitti furmaata arguufii turan? karaa kanaan qarooma akkamii nuuf dabarsanii dabran? jennee wal gaafachuun akkuma. Sababaa gabrummaa Abashaa jala jirruuf, alagoonni nun fira fakkaatanii Gadaa keenya nu harkkatti tuffatanii, akka Oromumma keenyatii qanoofnee kan isaanii fudhanu nu gorsaa turaan irraan kan ka'e, aadaan keenya qaqallachuun beekaamadha. Biyya Oromiyaa guutummaatti hojjaa irra hin oolin malee, rakkina dhalatuuf furmaata akkaa ta'uuf Luboonnii Oromiyaa hundumtuu akka naanno-ofii isaaniif tolutti Caffee isaaniitti tumatanii lafaa qabu.
Haata'u malee, uumama Oromoo keecha warri barmoota guddaa qabna ufiin jennu, waayee Gadaa abboolii keenyaa kan Caffee bara saddeet saddeetiin muramuu hammam beekna jennee wal gaafachuuniis barbaachisaadha. Jarana! kan beeknu wal barsiifnee, kan hin beekne manguddoo keenya gaafannee barannee wal barsiisuun rakkina waliin qabnu furuuf qoricha. Akkaan ani hubadhetti rakkina dhalateef furmaata nagaa fiduuf Caffeen Oromiyaa hundumtuu murtee Caffee Odaa Nabee irraa fageenya hinqaban. Ho xinnaate dhibba keechaa harka sagaltama wal-fakkaatu.
Caffeen Odaa Nabee handhura Oromiyaa keechatti argama. Akka seerri Odaa Nabee tumetti rakina hamma ammaa hasoofne kana furuuf Bokkuun hojjaa guddaa qabaa.
Bokkuun Maali?Duraan dursinee Bokkuun maal akka ta'e ibsuu baannaan akkuma barreesitoota tanaan duraa hurrii ijatti walmru hookan wal naqu ta'a. Bareesiitoonni baayyeen, jechuun ko kan alaga ta'anis, akkasuma Oromoonniis, mukicha Bokkuu jedhamee waamamu otoo hin ibsin, Abbaa Bokkuu Caffeetiin oto addaan hin basin; Bokkuuf Abbaa Bokkuu waliin waqaaranii ibsuu yaalu. Manguddoo lama kanaan ani haasofsiiseefii Alaqaa Atsmee kan bara 1900 barreeche malee, barreesitoonni kuun kan waayee Gadaa hokaan waayee Oromoo barreechan hundumtuu, Bokkuu Caffee Gadaatiif hiikkaa quufsaa kenuu isaanii an hin argine. Innumtuu taanaan, hiikkaan isaanii Abbaa Bokkuu ibsa malee Bokkuun waan ta'e, hojaan isaa maali? Ilmaan Oromoo akkamitti isa laalu? Gaaffii jedhuuf ibsa guutu hin kennine.
Barruulee diigdama caalan kanneeniin qoradhe keechaa, kan nama afurii caalchifadhe hikkaa isaanii akka kanaa gaditti ibsuun barbaada. Dr. Nagaasoo Gidaadaa, “Bokku was made from an evergreen tree (usually Waddessa tree)”. Bokkuun muka Waddeessaa kan yaroo mara lalisaa taherraa tolfama jedha. History of the Sayyo Oromoo or South Western Ethiopia, 218. Obbo Anga'a Dhugumaa Bokkuuf hikkaa lama kenneef. Hiikkaan tokko, “…it is the assembly place for the decentralized constituency of the local parlimentarians composed of several Abba Gadaas”. Iddoo waltti qabama Lubootaafii Abbootii Gadaa naannoolee adda addaati jedha. [Asiratti hamman qubaa qabutii, hamman mangoddo Boorana, Tuulamaafii, Macca irraa dhagayeeti, Bokkuun hiikkaa akkasii hinqabu. Kanaaf fuulduratii (saranatti)qoranno ciima gochuun nu-erra egama] Hiikkaan lammataa, “This symbol “Bokku” is made out of Olive tree. Its use is mostely symbolic, and it is carried by the defense minister “Abaa Duula” at war front. It is also widely used by the administrator Abbaa Bokku as a symbol of power ,(Anga'a Dhugumaa 2000:8”). Jechun, Bokkun mallatoo muka Ijarsa irraa tolfame kan Abbaan Duulaa qabatee duulu, akkasumatti ammallee, mallattoo aangoo Abbaa Bokkuu kan mirga ittiin biyya bulchu agrsiisu jedha. Kana irratii rakko hinqabu, bakka hndumatuu akkum kanatii hiikama.. Qabbannee Waaqoo immoo, “Bokku the wooden Scepter symbolizing authority and law”. Bokkuun muka mallattoo mirgaafii seera ittiin biyya bulchuuti, jetti. The partition of theOromo women in the Gada System. Their slavery under Abyssinian Colonialism and Their active Role in the present struggle for National Independence. P,6. Alaqa Astmeen akkana jedha. “Bokkuu maalet qibee yexeggebe ye weyiraa Dullaa naw. Hayyuu barssuu teshuumoo yi merreqibetaal, Inde betira-mengist maalet naw”. Bokkuu jechuun ulee Ijarsaa kan dhedhaa quufe. Hayyuun isaan motummatti filamee, eebbifama, waan akka ulee-mootummaati jechuudha..Ye Gaalla taariik page 11.
Namootaan ani gaafadhe keechaa lama akkanatti ibsu. Obbo Gurmuu Badhaadhaa (lubbuu isaa Waaqayyo bakka gaarii haa kaa'u) nama ogga 77, kan Laga Hawaas qarqara, kiilo-meetira 50 Shaggar irraa fagaatee, lafa Caffee-Baldhoo jedhamtu tti dalatee guddatee, jiraatu ture. Bara 1971 waayee Gadaa irra qoradheen irraa waraabbadhee, Bokkuun maali jedhee gaafadheen ture, “Bokkuun muka Ijersarraa Ogeechi tolchu. Ogeechi tolcheeti Caffeetti eebifama, Bokkuun bakka saditti hirama,Tokko kan Hayyuuti, kan lammataa kan Qaalluuti, kan sadaffa kan Angafa gosaati. Sadeeniifuu akka seera Caffeetti kennama”. jedhe. Obbo Baayyisaa Guutamaa ji'a Waxabajjii (June) bara 2002 waayee Bokkuu irraa qordhe. Obbo Baayyisaan magaalaa Washington keecha jiraata. Gaaffii Bokkuun maali jedhu akkanatti deebise. “Bokkuu muka Ijarsaa irraa ogeechi tolcha. Bokkuun bakka sadiyitti hirama. Tokkoo Bokkuu Caffee Gadaati. Bara saddeet saddeetitti Hayyuu moofaa irraa Hayyuu haaraatti dabra. Bokkuun lammataa kan warra Qaalluuti. Bokkuun kuni mana Qaalluu Ayyaana baatutti argama. Abbaa irraa ilmotti hokaan nama Ayyaanni sun irra qubatetti dabra. Bokkuun sadaffaa Bokkuu warra Angafa Gosaati. Mana angafa gosaatti argama”. Qormaataan kanaa olitti agarsiise irratti hundeeffadhee kanaan ijaan arge itti dabalee Bokkuu akka kanaa gadiittan ibsa. Bokkuun ulee muka Ijarsarraa ogeechi ogummaan tolchu, kan dheerinni isaa meetira tokko hin caalle, kan mataa irratti dubumbulaati. Bokkuun ulee furdaa irra furdata, dullaa irra qaldhata. Jinfuun hokan dubumbulaan mataarraa xiqoo gar tokkotti micciiramaadha. Kanaaf Bokkuu jedhame. Yeroo baayyee bullukkoo Abbaa Bokkuu jala waan ooluuf dhadha quufee cululuqa. Bokkuun ulee ulfinaati. Itti hin waaqeffatamu. Garuu jaalatamaadha. Bokkuun hundumtuu wal fakkaatu. Akka Obbo Gurmuu Badhaadhaafi Baayyisaa Guutamaa ibsanitti Caffeen Odaa Nabee akkasumaas Caffeen Malkaa Baldhoo Bokkuu bakka Sadiyitti hiran. Bokkuun iddoo sadanittuu hojjaa adda addaa qaba. Gabaabatti yoon ibsee:
Bokkuu Caffee Gadaa :Bokkuun muka ijarssa irra tolfamee Caffee Gadaa tii Hayyuu Yuboome irra Hayyuu haraa Luboota haara keecha seeraan filamtti dabruudha. Bokkun kunis Hayyuun akka ittiin oggaa saddeetiif biyya bulchu Serrii (heerri) Gadaa kan kennuufidha . Akkasums bara saddeet booddee Hayyuu, hokaan Abbaa Bokkuu dullacha irraa isa haarawatti dabra. Kanaaf Hayyuun Bokkuu malee waan hin Hayyomneef ogaa sadeetif Abba Bokku jedhamee wamama. Bara saddeet booda Hayyu dullacha hokan Abba Bokku dullacha jedhamee waamama. Bokkun garu dullachuumma hinqabuu, yeroo isaa aegateet Hayyuu dullachaa irr Hayyuu haraatti dabraa jechuudha.
Bokkuun Caffee Gadaa abbaa iraa ilmattii hindabru, hin dhaalamu. Kan lammi hokaan kan Gosaatii miti. Kan warra Qaalluutiis miti. Kan Caffee Gadaatii. Kan Oromoo hundumaati. Abbaan Bokkuu hojjaa seerri Gadaa itti kenne bara saddeetiif hojjachuuf Bokkuu kana qabata. Harka isaatii hindhabamu. Aangoo Abbaa Bokkummaa qabaachuu isaa kan ittiin mirkaneeyfatu yo Bokkuu harkaa qabaate qofa. Isa harkatti qabatu malee biyya bulchuu hindanda'u.
Bokkuu Qaalluu:Bokkuun Qaalluu galma Qaalluutti argama. Qaalluun mirg Bokkuu qabaachu seera Gadaatu kenneef. Bokkuun kun bifaan Bokkuu Caffee fakkaata. Hayyuun Qaalluun bokkuu qabu dirriba galutti (du'utti) Bokkuun isa harka tura. Ho Qaalluun sun dirriba galee, nama ayyaanni irra qubattetu Bokkuu Qaalluu sana dhaala. Bokkuun Qaalluu, dalla'a warra Qaalluutii hin fagaatu. Achumaa sanyii warra saniit dabra. Dhaloota Oromoo biratti, Bokkuun Qaalluu ulfinaafii kabajaa guddaadha qaba.
Bokkuu Gosaa (Araaraa):Bokkuun Gosaa: Bokkuu angafoota Oromootiif seera Caffee Odaa Nabeetti tumamee kennameefidha. Fakeenyaaf, ilmaan Booranaa, ilmaan Bareentumaa, ilmaan Tuulamaa, ilmaan Maccaafii ilmaan Walloo Bokkuu gosaa qabu. Ammatti Bokkuun kun akka seera Gadaa Oromootti Gosoota Oromoo mara jiddutti hojjachaa jiraachuu isaa mirkaneeffachuuf qormaata barbaachisa. Haata'u malee, kanan beeku himuuf, Tuulama keechatti ar'allee taanaan akkuma gaaritti itti hojjatamaa jira. Hojjaan Bokkuu gosaa kuni maali inni yo jenne? Deebisaan, araara fiduudha. Kanaaf Bokkuu Araaraa jdhamee waamama.
Lolli ilmaan Oromoo jiddutti ho dhalate, lola kana qabaneechuuf Bokkuu Gosaatu mana angafaatii baha. Fakeenyaaf, lolli Bachoofii Sooddo jiddutti ho dhalate, araara fiduuf Bokkuu Sooddoo yokaan Bachootu mana angafaatii baha. Ammoo, gosinii Galaan lolaa kana hijiruu garuu lola kana dhagayee Bokkuu Gosaa manaa Galaanii baafnaan, Bokkuun duraan baye manatti deebi'ee kan Galaan waltajjii ta'ee araraa fida. Garuu Bokkuun waltajii bahu baannaan kan Sooddoo, ta'u hokan kan Bachoos ta'u kanuma dura baheen araaramu.
Gosa gurguddaa qofa otoo hin taane xixiqqaa walakkaattiis wal diddaan hoo dhalatee, waldhabbiin ho jabaate, Bokkuutu mana angafaatii ba'a. Oromoota dhiiga walii facaasuuf walitti gaman, abbaan Bokkuu Gosaa, Bokkuufii marga jiidhaa harka mirgaatti, faajjii Gadaa kan kuula diimaafii adii harka bitaatti qabatee Waaq bishaan roobi, Waaq qabbaneechi jechaa sodaa malee jarreen wal-lolaa jiranitti qajeela. Bokkuu, faajjiifii marga jiidhaa irreecha harkaatti arginaan lolli ogguma (yosuma) sana dhaabbata.
Abbaan Bokkuu Gosaa, erga lola qabbaneesse booda araara buusuuf, jarreen wal-lolan, manguddoota waayee lolli kun itti ka'ee beekan gosa gosa isaanii keechaa nama shan shan filatanii, abbaan Bokkuu Gosaa waltajjii ta'eefii, inniis namoota dubbii harka keechaa hinqabne gosa sadaffaa irraa nama shan waammatee, Shanan-Gadaa keechaahiis Luba shananuu dabalatee jarssuumaa calqabsiisa.. Dubiin ho hammaattee, aariin qabbanaawu baate:
hadaraa bokkuu bayee, faajjii baatee:
irreessa baye irra hin tarkaanfatinaa ,
Seera Gadaa hin cabsinaa
Mana keechanitti nagaan galaa
Bulaa, bubbulaa
Aarii keechan qabbaneeffidhaa
Deebineeti dubbii tana laallaa
Dubbiin ammaaf yaa bultu:
jedheeti gosnii lamaanu nagayaan karaa mana isaaniitti akka galan taasisa. Erga jarreen wal-lolan aara qabbaneeffachuu isaanii qoratee mirkaneeffate booda deebisee qunnama. Iddo itti wal-gayan Odaa, malkaa, yokaan qa'ee angafaas ta'u, bakka hundumaafuu tahutti, yeroo hundumaaf tolutti deebi'anii jaarsumma taa'u. Sana booda, odoo tokkoofillee hin qoodin, handhura rakkoo argatanii kan balleeche sarbanii, kan miidhame garaa qulqulluun araarma jedhanii, rakkoo dhalatte akka Seera Gadaatti hiikuun araara dhumaati araarssu.
Lola walakkaatti wal ajjeechaalleen ho mudate akkaataa ajjeechaan itti ta'e laalamee, seerri kan ajjeese kan biyyaa isa baasisu tahee argamnaan, isa sana biyyaa baasanii gosti isaa gumaa akka baaftu itii muru(sarbu). Dubbiin Bokkuu, Faajiifii irreechi bayee, Luboonni Shanan iraatti argamanii bakka Abbaan Bokkuu Gosaa wal-tajjii taa'etti murteeffamte dura namuu hin dhaabbatu. Akka Seera Gadaa Oromootti waan murtaawamteef murtee sirriidha. Kanaaf namni wal-lole murtee jaarsa araaraa gammachuudhan fudhata.
Akkuma araarri guddaafii xiqqaa qabutti, Bukkoon Araaraatiis lola hundumaafi hinbahu. Bokkuun kan bahu lola gosoota Oromoo jiddutti dhalate qofaafi. Oromoofii Abashaan yo wal-lolan hokaan Oromoofii Soomaaleen yo namallee walirraa ajjeesan Bokkuun hin bahu. Mootummaa Abashaa kan nama keenya, namuma keenyaan ajjeesisaa jiruufii Saba Oromoo jidduu araara fiduuf Bokuun hin bahu. Alagaan ho Oromotti mogaafame malee Bokkuu irraa mirgaafii ulfinaas hin qabu. Caffeen Oromoo, Seerri Gadaa, alagaaf homaa miti.
Gara biraatiin ammoo, alagaan wal-fuudhuun, alagaa harma hoosisuun yokaan moggaafachuun karaa itti araarri argamu. Alagaa harma hodhuun garuu, Caffee Tuulamaatti dhoowwaadha. Oromoon alaga harma hin hodhu. Alagatti hin moggaafamu. Alagatti kooluu hin galu. Alagaa irra dubra inuma fuudhu. Garuu, dubra Oromoo nama Oromoo hin ta'initti hin heerumsiisan. Kuni seeruma Caffee Gadaa Oromooti. Oromoon alagaa firoomfatee karaa ittiin nagaan olluummaadhaan hokaan waliin jiraatan Caffeen Odaa Nabee murteessee jira. Seera kanaaniis ajjeechaaf walitti fiigu irraa wal qusatanii walii-galteedhaan wal cinaa jiraachuun dandaameeti jira. Ollootiifii, alagoonnii naanno Oromiyaa qubatan baayyee tahanillee, hamma mootummaa Wayyaanee dhufee kantti, nagayumaan walcinaa jiraatu turani. Ammaallee taanaan, rakkoon Wayyaaneen Oromoofii uumana alagaa jiddutti uumte qaroomaan qabnaan furmaanni isaa rakkisaa miti. Barri baranaa 2002 kun bara Gadaa Roobaleeti. Oromoon Tuulamaa, gosnii hundumtu, akkasuma Oromoon baha biftuu Macca fi warii Karrayyu hundumtuu akkuma dur godhan baranaas Caffee ganda ganda isaanitti, goodaansa seera ergaa xumuuranii booda waltajjii Caffee Odaa Nabeetti wal-argaanii filmaata godhtanii, murtee adda addaa dabarssnii nagaan hoffalanii addan galuu isaanii dhageenye. Gaddan kan milkii nuf hataatuu.
Eegaa, nuti Oromoonni biyya alaaga jirru rakkina Oromo walakkatti dhalate hookann dhalatu akkamiin furuu wayya? Akkaataa warri keeyna Seera Gadaatti irkachuun rakkina jiru dhugumaan hubatanii, otoo xinnaa gadi hinqabne, guddaaf irra hindabrre, dhugaa jirtu hin jallifne, kan dhugaa qabuuf murteechanii, kan rakiina uumetti sarbaniiti . Nuus biyya alagaatti Sirnaa akkana kana hordofuu dandeenyaa jennee walgaafannee jirraa? Ani gama kiyyaan unuma danda'ama natti fakkaata. Bokkuun jiraachuu baatullee beekaan hidda warra Bokkuu Gosaa qabu hindhabamu. Rakkina hokaan wal dhabbii dhalatu hundumaaf Bokkuu harkaa qabaachuun barbaacisaa miti. Kanaaf, akka Seera Gadaatti, akka Caffeen murtetti, akka warri angafaa rakkina jiruuf furmaata kennan sanatti hojjachuun unuma danda'ama.
Erga qabsoon bilisummaa Oromoo heeraan karoorfamtee kaasee hamma ammaatti, qabsaawota Oromoo jiddutti, baruma baraan lolli hokaan waldiddan dhalachaatuma adeemaa jira. Rakkina dhalateef furmaata fiduuf yokaan araarsuuf namoonni tokko tokko carraaqaa akka turan quba qabna. Garuu, akkaan dhagayuufii argutti, rakkina qabsaawota bilissumma jiddutti dhalatan kana akka seera Gadaatti dhimma bahanii furmaat waan hinsoqiniif, manguddummaan tanaan dura itti dhama'ame hundumtuu furmaata dhugaa argamsiisee hinjiru.
Gariin dhugaa jallisa, itti himaniis dhagawoo hin barbaadu. Kuun wal-ajjeesudhaan frumaata fidu fedha. Tokko karaa kan koo qofaatu sirri jedha.. Kaan argaafii dhageettii isa biraa hinfedhu. Waan haallan akkanaa kanaan liqimfamneef rakkoon dhalattu furmaata argachuu hanqattee guyya guyyaan wal horaa deemti. Haalli kuniis yaroo bilissumaa keenyaa caalatti fageeysaa jira. Oromoonni rakkina isaan jidduu jirtu ammaan furuu baannaan gabrummaan yeroo dheeraf ittuma fufa. Egaa Oromoota, hamma dhaabonni Oromoo kanneen bilisummaaf warraaqaa jir araaramanii waliin in hojjannetti bilisummaan hawwiifi abjuudha hin dhuftu. Alagaa waliin hojjachuuf tattaafachuu yokaan diinaa waliin haasawuuf mala dhawuu dura rakkina of keeysaa fixuutu dursa. Otoo dhaabonni Oromoo warri Oromiyaa irratti ilaalcha bilisummaa wal fakkaatu qaban dhugumaan hin araaramin kophaa kophaatti bilisummaa Oromiyaa dhugoomsuun rakkisaadha. Kanaafuu Oromiyaa bilisoomsuufii dhaabooleen bilisummaa Oromoo harka walqabachuun murteessaadha. Qorichi rakkoo keenyaa dhaabbooliin Oromoo walitti araaramuu qofa. Kana malee karaan dhugaa hi jiru. Araarri kuniis akka Seera Gadaatti, akka Bokkuu Araaraatti ta'u qaba. Waaqayyo hawwii kana haa dhugoomsu.
Araar! Araar! Waaqayoon Oromoo Afaan walitti haa mi'eechu!Oromiyaan Ni Bilisoomti!
Alaqaa Atsmee:
Burqaan Qormaata Kanaa History of the Galla and the Kingdome of Show, Volume I Amharic version Written in (Addis Ababa,1900) p,11
Anga'a Dhugumaa:
From the Revised Gadaa to Macca –Tuulama Association. (U.S.A. New York, New York, June 1998) p,7.
Nagaaso Gidaada:
History of Sayyoo Oromoo of Southwestern Wallaga, Ethiopia. 1730- 1886. PhD Desecration, Frankfurt am Main 1984), P.218.
Qabbannee Waaqo:
The Partition of Oromo Women in the Gadaa System, their Slavery Under Colonialism and their Active Role in the Present Struggle for National Independence. (UONA 1979), P 6
Bayisaa Gutamaa:
Oral Interview by Lubee Birru (Washington D.C June 24, 2002).
Gurmuu Badhadha:
Oral Interview by Lubee Birru, (About 50 KM West of Shaggar, at Hawaas Caffee Baldho, March 1971)
Lubee Birru:
Eyewitness and personally participant in the Gadaa System. (From 1950-1971).
:: Oromiya Liberation Council (OLC)/GBO ::
postamble();
Anger, frustration as Ethiopians bury their dead
Anger, frustration as Ethiopians bury their dead
05 Nov 2005 15:15:41 GMT
Source: Reuters By David Mageria
ADDIS ABABA, Nov 5 (Reuters) - In a crowded, dingy room in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, women in traditional white veils sit on a wooden bench, crying uncontrollably. In a scene of grief replicated across the city, Felege Wolde Tsadik, 70, paces back and forth in front of her fellow mourners, clutching two black-and-white photographs and wailing. The two pictures announce a double tragedy for Felege, whose 18-year-old grandson Abyei Mulat was shot dead by police on Wednesday during almost a week of political unrest. Abyei was killed just two weeks after his father died of an illness, leaving Felege without a breadwinner. "I am as good as dead. How will I survive?" the sobbing woman asked Reuters. "I do not have anyone else to take care of me. Why should I live anymore?" Abyei -- described by friends and neighbours as gentle, humble and hardworking -- was a casual labourer and spent much of his meagre pay packet on caring for his grandmother. He was one of 46 killed so far in the violence, which broke out in the capital on Tuesday after opposition leaders accused Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of rigging his way back to power in an election last May.
Felege said the teenager was gunned down after he heard shooting near their home and went outside to investigate. She said the police had described him as a protester. "I pleaded with them to save him, but they pointed the gun at me," Felege said. "He was the only one I had." On Saturday, relatives and friends paid their last respects to Abyei before his bullet-riddled body was laid to rest in a graveyard behind the Urael Orthodox Church near his home. ANGER AND FRUSTRATION Women screamed, jumped up and down and beat their chests in sorrow as they viewed the corpse, which was left in the church's funeral room overnight because the smell of the corpse made it impossible to take home as tradition demands. There was consternation among mourners about the inability of the mortuary to preserve the body, but some suspected the extent of the wounds made such treatment extremely difficult. Elias Jemal Wolde, a family member who helped organise the burial, said the young man's chest had been ripped apart by gunfire.
"The body was spoilt. It was smelling ... We could not keep it in the house," he said. He accused government officials of trying to get the family to sign a statement that their boy was an opposition supporter and had been killed while protesting. He said they had refused, and eventually the officials relented and released the body. He said it was unlikely the family would sue the state for compensation because they were too poor to afford legal fees. The anger and frustration were clear outside the Menelik 2 hospital on Friday when more than 100 people queued to enter the mortuary in turns for the grim task of searching for loved ones. Critics of the government said the crackdown exposed Meles's authoritarian rule. But Information Minister Berhan Hailu laid the blame for the unrest squarely on the opposition's doorstep. "We are sorry for the deaths but the families should understand the reality of the situation," he told Reuters. "We are blaming the instigators of the violence. The police tried to minimise the damage. The government should not be blamed, it has tolerated a lot."
05 Nov 2005 15:15:41 GMT
Source: Reuters By David Mageria
ADDIS ABABA, Nov 5 (Reuters) - In a crowded, dingy room in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, women in traditional white veils sit on a wooden bench, crying uncontrollably. In a scene of grief replicated across the city, Felege Wolde Tsadik, 70, paces back and forth in front of her fellow mourners, clutching two black-and-white photographs and wailing. The two pictures announce a double tragedy for Felege, whose 18-year-old grandson Abyei Mulat was shot dead by police on Wednesday during almost a week of political unrest. Abyei was killed just two weeks after his father died of an illness, leaving Felege without a breadwinner. "I am as good as dead. How will I survive?" the sobbing woman asked Reuters. "I do not have anyone else to take care of me. Why should I live anymore?" Abyei -- described by friends and neighbours as gentle, humble and hardworking -- was a casual labourer and spent much of his meagre pay packet on caring for his grandmother. He was one of 46 killed so far in the violence, which broke out in the capital on Tuesday after opposition leaders accused Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of rigging his way back to power in an election last May.
Felege said the teenager was gunned down after he heard shooting near their home and went outside to investigate. She said the police had described him as a protester. "I pleaded with them to save him, but they pointed the gun at me," Felege said. "He was the only one I had." On Saturday, relatives and friends paid their last respects to Abyei before his bullet-riddled body was laid to rest in a graveyard behind the Urael Orthodox Church near his home. ANGER AND FRUSTRATION Women screamed, jumped up and down and beat their chests in sorrow as they viewed the corpse, which was left in the church's funeral room overnight because the smell of the corpse made it impossible to take home as tradition demands. There was consternation among mourners about the inability of the mortuary to preserve the body, but some suspected the extent of the wounds made such treatment extremely difficult. Elias Jemal Wolde, a family member who helped organise the burial, said the young man's chest had been ripped apart by gunfire.
"The body was spoilt. It was smelling ... We could not keep it in the house," he said. He accused government officials of trying to get the family to sign a statement that their boy was an opposition supporter and had been killed while protesting. He said they had refused, and eventually the officials relented and released the body. He said it was unlikely the family would sue the state for compensation because they were too poor to afford legal fees. The anger and frustration were clear outside the Menelik 2 hospital on Friday when more than 100 people queued to enter the mortuary in turns for the grim task of searching for loved ones. Critics of the government said the crackdown exposed Meles's authoritarian rule. But Information Minister Berhan Hailu laid the blame for the unrest squarely on the opposition's doorstep. "We are sorry for the deaths but the families should understand the reality of the situation," he told Reuters. "We are blaming the instigators of the violence. The police tried to minimise the damage. The government should not be blamed, it has tolerated a lot."
Ethiopia bids to quell violence
Ethiopia bids to quell violence
Troops have been out on the streets trying to prevent unrestSporadic violence was reported in Ethiopia on Saturday as police and troops tried to quell unrest blamed for at least 46 deaths this week.
Clashes continued on Saturday in the town of Debre Berhan, 150km (93 miles) north of the capital Addis Ababa, according to a human rights group.
Violence erupted on Tuesday after opposition parties accused the government of rigging elections.
Many shops in Addis Ababa are shut and there are no taxis on the streets.
'Stirred up'
Government forces surrounded university student compounds in the northern towns of Bahir Dar and Awassa in an attempt to prevent further unrest. Four people were killed in Bahir Dar in violence on Friday.
The protests came over the country's disputed 15 May elections, which saw Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front take control of two-thirds of the country's parliament.
The unrest is the worst disturbance in sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country since protests first ignited after the May elections, when some 36 people died and hundreds were arrested.
State television said this week's unrest was stirred up by opposition politicians, many of whom have been arrested.
Clashes took place in Debre Berhan on Saturday between security forces and opposition supporters on Saturday, a human right group member told AP under condition of anonymity.
"There was shooting. We believe there may be casualties," they said. No casualties had been confirmed.
Residents of Addis Ababa feared more unrest despite calmness on the streets. Gunshots had been reported overnight in the district of Mercato.
"It is quiet now but it may start again after some time," engineer Girma Teshome, 30, told Reuters. "It could be quiet for a month then erupt again."
The unrest has sparked fears the country may be moving into a period of more authoritarian rule.
Ambassadors from 21 countries which have given aid to the drought-ravaged country issued a statement expressing dismay at the violence, and calling for an urgent investigation.
Source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4410216.stm
Troops have been out on the streets trying to prevent unrestSporadic violence was reported in Ethiopia on Saturday as police and troops tried to quell unrest blamed for at least 46 deaths this week.
Clashes continued on Saturday in the town of Debre Berhan, 150km (93 miles) north of the capital Addis Ababa, according to a human rights group.
Violence erupted on Tuesday after opposition parties accused the government of rigging elections.
Many shops in Addis Ababa are shut and there are no taxis on the streets.
'Stirred up'
Government forces surrounded university student compounds in the northern towns of Bahir Dar and Awassa in an attempt to prevent further unrest. Four people were killed in Bahir Dar in violence on Friday.
The protests came over the country's disputed 15 May elections, which saw Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front take control of two-thirds of the country's parliament.
The unrest is the worst disturbance in sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country since protests first ignited after the May elections, when some 36 people died and hundreds were arrested.
State television said this week's unrest was stirred up by opposition politicians, many of whom have been arrested.
Clashes took place in Debre Berhan on Saturday between security forces and opposition supporters on Saturday, a human right group member told AP under condition of anonymity.
"There was shooting. We believe there may be casualties," they said. No casualties had been confirmed.
Residents of Addis Ababa feared more unrest despite calmness on the streets. Gunshots had been reported overnight in the district of Mercato.
"It is quiet now but it may start again after some time," engineer Girma Teshome, 30, told Reuters. "It could be quiet for a month then erupt again."
The unrest has sparked fears the country may be moving into a period of more authoritarian rule.
Ambassadors from 21 countries which have given aid to the drought-ravaged country issued a statement expressing dismay at the violence, and calling for an urgent investigation.
Source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4410216.stm
Two dead in fresh Ethiopia unrest - residents
Two dead in fresh Ethiopia unrest - residents
Sat Nov 5, 2005 2:33 PM GMT
Ethiopian unrest begins to settle
By Tsegaye Tadesse and David Mageria
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Two people were reported killed in northern Ethiopia on Saturday after a fifth day of political unrest that has shaken confidence in the vast African nation's stability.
Residents in northern Amhara region said two students were killed in a clash between police and demonstrators in Debre Markos, 305 km (190 miles) north of the capital Addis Ababa.
Information Minister Berhan Hailu told Reuters: "So far it is not confirmed. We are not aware of any unrest anywhere else."
The worst unrest in months has fuelled fears of a possible relapse into authoritarian rule in the Horn of Africa's main power, prompting Washington, the European Union and the African Union to urge government and opposition to show restraint.
Addis Ababa was quiet but tense. Some residents ventured out for the first time since street battles erupted this week between police and opposition protesters, in which at least 42 people were killed.
Girma Teshome, a 30-year-old engineer stocking up on food at an Addis Ababa market, said he feared violence might flare anew.
"It is quiet now but it may start again after some time," he told Reuters. "It could be quiet for a month then erupt again."
On Friday, protests began to the north, east and south of the capital, with four people killed and 11 injured in the northern town of Bahir Dar, bringing the total of deaths to 46.
State television said the riots in the regions had been incited by opposition leaders but had been ended by the police without casualties or damage to property. There was no independent confirmation of the report.
The latest violence began in the capital, a stronghold of opposition groups who accuse Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of rigging his way back to power in polls in May.
Most shops in Addis Ababa remained shut on Saturday, but a few residents were out, suggesting a slow return of confidence.
"The government is preaching democracy but it doesn't know anything about democracy," said 24-year-old banker Senaye Lema.
"They lost power through elections but they are hanging on through the gun...They only know how to rule through gunfire. They are preaching false democracy."
The disturbances have coincided with fresh tension with neighbouring Eritrea, Ethiopia's foe in a 1998-2000 border war.
U.N. peacekeepers have warned that military moves by both countries had produced a crisis requiring urgent attention.
The United States, which sees sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country as an ally against terrorism, has urged Ethiopians to turn away from violence and, in a thinly-veiled jab at the opposition, has criticised those inciting violence.
INTOLERANCE
Most analysts blame the bloodshed on habits of political intolerance acquired over generations of dictatorship, saying the violence resulted from a mixture of heavy-handed policing and inflammatory opposition rhetoric.
Ethiopia is struggling to shake off the effects of centuries of feudalism followed by nearly two decades of Marxism under dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam, ousted in 1991 by guerrilla leader Meles Zenawi, now prime minister.
Residents and human rights groups say the crackdown has led to scores of arrests, including leading opposition figures.
Some people on the streets declined to talk to reporters, saying their feared retribution from the security services.
Others blamed the opposition for stirring up trouble.
"I hate these people. They cannot accept they were defeated," said Samuel, a taxi driver, referring to the main opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD).
"I do not support the government, but I do not like violence. Why do they have to damage my car? We need peace."© Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved.
Sat Nov 5, 2005 2:33 PM GMT
Ethiopian unrest begins to settle
By Tsegaye Tadesse and David Mageria
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Two people were reported killed in northern Ethiopia on Saturday after a fifth day of political unrest that has shaken confidence in the vast African nation's stability.
Residents in northern Amhara region said two students were killed in a clash between police and demonstrators in Debre Markos, 305 km (190 miles) north of the capital Addis Ababa.
Information Minister Berhan Hailu told Reuters: "So far it is not confirmed. We are not aware of any unrest anywhere else."
The worst unrest in months has fuelled fears of a possible relapse into authoritarian rule in the Horn of Africa's main power, prompting Washington, the European Union and the African Union to urge government and opposition to show restraint.
Addis Ababa was quiet but tense. Some residents ventured out for the first time since street battles erupted this week between police and opposition protesters, in which at least 42 people were killed.
Girma Teshome, a 30-year-old engineer stocking up on food at an Addis Ababa market, said he feared violence might flare anew.
"It is quiet now but it may start again after some time," he told Reuters. "It could be quiet for a month then erupt again."
On Friday, protests began to the north, east and south of the capital, with four people killed and 11 injured in the northern town of Bahir Dar, bringing the total of deaths to 46.
State television said the riots in the regions had been incited by opposition leaders but had been ended by the police without casualties or damage to property. There was no independent confirmation of the report.
The latest violence began in the capital, a stronghold of opposition groups who accuse Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of rigging his way back to power in polls in May.
Most shops in Addis Ababa remained shut on Saturday, but a few residents were out, suggesting a slow return of confidence.
"The government is preaching democracy but it doesn't know anything about democracy," said 24-year-old banker Senaye Lema.
"They lost power through elections but they are hanging on through the gun...They only know how to rule through gunfire. They are preaching false democracy."
The disturbances have coincided with fresh tension with neighbouring Eritrea, Ethiopia's foe in a 1998-2000 border war.
U.N. peacekeepers have warned that military moves by both countries had produced a crisis requiring urgent attention.
The United States, which sees sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country as an ally against terrorism, has urged Ethiopians to turn away from violence and, in a thinly-veiled jab at the opposition, has criticised those inciting violence.
INTOLERANCE
Most analysts blame the bloodshed on habits of political intolerance acquired over generations of dictatorship, saying the violence resulted from a mixture of heavy-handed policing and inflammatory opposition rhetoric.
Ethiopia is struggling to shake off the effects of centuries of feudalism followed by nearly two decades of Marxism under dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam, ousted in 1991 by guerrilla leader Meles Zenawi, now prime minister.
Residents and human rights groups say the crackdown has led to scores of arrests, including leading opposition figures.
Some people on the streets declined to talk to reporters, saying their feared retribution from the security services.
Others blamed the opposition for stirring up trouble.
"I hate these people. They cannot accept they were defeated," said Samuel, a taxi driver, referring to the main opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD).
"I do not support the government, but I do not like violence. Why do they have to damage my car? We need peace."© Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved.
Ethiopia bids to quell violence
Ethiopia bids to quell violence
Troops have been out on the streets trying to prevent unrestSporadic violence was reported in Ethiopia on Saturday as police and troops tried to quell unrest blamed for at least 46 deaths this week.
Clashes continued on Saturday in the town of Debre Berhan, 150km (93 miles) north of the capital Addis Ababa, according to a human rights group.
Violence erupted on Tuesday after opposition parties accused the government of rigging elections.
Many shops in Addis Ababa are shut and there are no taxis on the streets.
'Stirred up'
Government forces surrounded university student compounds in the northern towns of Bahir Dar and Awassa in an attempt to prevent further unrest. Four people were killed in Bahir Dar in violence on Friday.
The protests came over the country's disputed 15 May elections, which saw Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front take control of two-thirds of the country's parliament.
The unrest is the worst disturbance in sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country since protests first ignited after the May elections, when some 36 people died and hundreds were arrested.
State television said this week's unrest was stirred up by opposition politicians, many of whom have been arrested.
Clashes took place in Debre Berhan on Saturday between security forces and opposition supporters on Saturday, a human right group member told AP under condition of anonymity.
"There was shooting. We believe there may be casualties," they said. No casualties had been confirmed.
Residents of Addis Ababa feared more unrest despite calmness on the streets. Gunshots had been reported overnight in the district of Mercato.
"It is quiet now but it may start again after some time," engineer Girma Teshome, 30, told Reuters. "It could be quiet for a month then erupt again."
The unrest has sparked fears the country may be moving into a period of more authoritarian rule.
Ambassadors from 21 countries which have given aid to the drought-ravaged country issued a statement expressing dismay at the violence, and calling for an urgent investigation.
Source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4410216.stm
Troops have been out on the streets trying to prevent unrestSporadic violence was reported in Ethiopia on Saturday as police and troops tried to quell unrest blamed for at least 46 deaths this week.
Clashes continued on Saturday in the town of Debre Berhan, 150km (93 miles) north of the capital Addis Ababa, according to a human rights group.
Violence erupted on Tuesday after opposition parties accused the government of rigging elections.
Many shops in Addis Ababa are shut and there are no taxis on the streets.
'Stirred up'
Government forces surrounded university student compounds in the northern towns of Bahir Dar and Awassa in an attempt to prevent further unrest. Four people were killed in Bahir Dar in violence on Friday.
The protests came over the country's disputed 15 May elections, which saw Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front take control of two-thirds of the country's parliament.
The unrest is the worst disturbance in sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country since protests first ignited after the May elections, when some 36 people died and hundreds were arrested.
State television said this week's unrest was stirred up by opposition politicians, many of whom have been arrested.
Clashes took place in Debre Berhan on Saturday between security forces and opposition supporters on Saturday, a human right group member told AP under condition of anonymity.
"There was shooting. We believe there may be casualties," they said. No casualties had been confirmed.
Residents of Addis Ababa feared more unrest despite calmness on the streets. Gunshots had been reported overnight in the district of Mercato.
"It is quiet now but it may start again after some time," engineer Girma Teshome, 30, told Reuters. "It could be quiet for a month then erupt again."
The unrest has sparked fears the country may be moving into a period of more authoritarian rule.
Ambassadors from 21 countries which have given aid to the drought-ravaged country issued a statement expressing dismay at the violence, and calling for an urgent investigation.
Source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4410216.stm
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