December 30, 2005

ETHIOPIA FAMINE WARNING

ETHIOPIA FAMINE WARNING
30.12.2005. 12:09:51
More than a million Ethiopian cattle herders are facing extreme food shortages after rains failed to replenish water sources and sustain livestock, according to a famine early warning group. Drought also has triggered food shortages in neighbouring Kenya and Somalia, a country that has had no effective government since warlords overthrew dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in 1994. Pre-famine conditions have already emerged in Ethiopia's eastern Somali region, including escalating malnutrition and reports of child deaths; tribal conflicts over scarce resources; early and widespread human and livestock migration; slaughtering of calves to save cows and rising sorghum prices. The US-funded Famine Early Warning Systems Network says that a preliminary assessment showed more than a million people will face serious water, pasture and food shortages for the first half of 2006. The crisis will peak from January to March, according to the food security monitoring group. The Somali region, which is the size of Britain, is one of the driest and least hospitable areas in Ethiopia. The area was hit by catastrophic famine in 2000 that killed an estimated 50,000 people. An initial estimate from the regional Disaster Preparedness and Prevention Administration indicates Ethiopia needs more than $A54.7 million to provide emergency water, fodder and health care to people and animals affected by the drought.
SOURCE: World News

Yemen, Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia to conclude today

Yemen, Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia to conclude today
Yemen-Sudan, Politics, 12/29/2005
Works of the 4th session of the Sanaa summit on cooperation started in Aden city gathering Yemen, Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia.The summit which was established in 2002 was attended by the Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, the Somali President Abdullah Youssef Ahmad, Ethiopia prime minister Melis Zenawi, and the Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh.Saleh said in the inauguration of the summit on Wednesday morning that it will discuss during its two-day meeting several issues pertinent to the expansion of common trade and economic cooperation and fighting terrorism.He added that the summit will also discuss accelerating the establishment process of the free trade agreement between the countries of the gathering. Saleh called on Eritrea and Ethiopia to embark on the policy of dialogue in order to settle bilateral differences so as to avert the two countries to resort to power for settling their differences.A Yemeni official said that the four leaders held a close door session to be acquainted with the results of work of the security, political and economic committees. These include the establishment of several companies in economic, trade, industrial, investment and agricultural field, food security and the establishment of a free trade organization.He also indicated that the presidents will also discuss steps to be taken in order to expand the membership of the coalition in its being an open regional coalition in the service of its founding objective to enhancing trade, economic and security cooperation and in fighting terrorism among the countries of the African horn region and the south of the Red Sea. The foreign ministers of the countries of the Sanaa coalition held a meeting in Aden on Wednesday in which they agreed on an expected draft agreement to be signed today.

December 29, 2005

Africa's year of democratic reverses

Africa's year of democratic reverses
By Patrick Smith Africa Confidential editor
The winds of change blowing through Africa's palm trees have changed direction this year.

Ethiopia's disputed elections sparked White House protests
The political news out of Africa gets worse as the economic news improves.
After a decade of triumphs for Africa's democrats - the ending of apartheid in South Africa, the ousting of Congolese tyrant Mobutu Sese Seko and free multiparty elections in Ghana, Kenya and Senegal - several regimes have reverted to violent repression and election-rigging to cling to power.
Despite this, African economies are growing on average at 5 per cent a year, better than they have since the 1970s, say the IMF and the World Bank. National incomes may be rising but so is social inequality, fuelling political tensions.
The UN's Human Development index says incomes per head are stagnating and life expectancy rates are falling.
The fruits of higher growth are not going on social development.
Awkward questions
That raises more awkward questions as 2005 - the year of Africa - draws to a close.
The campaigners in Africa and the West who called for more aid, less debt and fairer trade for Africa and bolstered British government efforts to negotiate a better deal for Africa from the rich countries' G8 club have won important concessions.
But in most states, regime security trumps the development imperative.
It's a reversion to political relativism in Africa which tolerated the worst tyrants and kleptocrats on the principle that every regime has something to hide.
More than 30 African states have abandoned single party rule in favour of some variety of multiparty elections since 1990 but now the wind is blowing back.
After Ethiopia's disputed national elections in May, government forces shot more than 80 people dead and arrested 8,000 more after clashes with oppositionists in Addis Ababa.
In Tanzania, the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi was accused of rigging an election victory on the volatile islands of Zanzibar in October.
And in neighbouring Uganda, President Yoweri Museveni, in power for two decades, persuaded parliament to allow him to a third elected term, then presided over the arrest of leading opposition candidate Dr Kizza Besigye.
Tyrants unchecked
This embarrasses Britain's Africa enthusiasts: Ethiopia's Meles and Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa were appointed to British Prime Minister Tony Blair's Africa Commission, and Britain is the leading aid giver to the Museveni regime in Uganda.
More importantly, it's a reversion to political relativism in Africa which tolerated the worst tyrants and kleptocrats on the principle that every regime has something to hide.
The list goes on.
This year Gabon's President Omar Bongo, in power since 1967 won another seven-year term; Burkina Faso's President Blaise Compaore, ally of warlord Charles Taylor, circumvented the constitution to get another five-year term; Ivory Coast's Laurent Gbagbo unilaterally postponed elections which were to signal the end of the country's civil war; and Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe bludgeoned and starved the opposition Movement for Democratic Change into defeat.
Not all the blame should go to the incumbents.
Many opposition movements are weak and divided.
And Western governments' indignation is highly selective: oil-rich states such as Angola and Equatorial Guinea escape censure while resource-poor states are pilloried.
Sad end
But the biggest tests are in Africa's own institutions.
The African Union, set up in 2002, has been a huge improvement on the old Organisation for African Unity, known as the dictator's trade union.
The AU has adopted a credible development plan known as Nepad, and introduced a revolutionary system of peer review under which member states' commitments to democracy and human rights are measured by independent monitors.
The AU sent 5,000 African peacekeepers to the Darfur region where Sudan's Islamist regime has been accused in several high-level UN reports of mass murder and ethnic cleansing, as well as training and arming ethnic militias.

African Union forces have been stationed in Sudan
Although the Sudan government failed to block the deployment of AU troops in Darfur, it has persuaded the AU to hold its summit in Khartoum next month (January) to dampen growing criticism.
The UN Security Council has referred Darfur to the International Criminal Court in the Hague.
Several senior Sudanese officials, including President Omar al-Bashir, are under investigation but they refuse to recognise the ICC's jurisdiction.
Allowing Khartoum to host the AU summit and President Bashir to chair it blatantly contradicts the AU's avowed democratic ethos, Sudan oppositionists and human rights campaigners say.
For many, Bashir's leadership of the AU will resurrect the dog days of the OAU when it elected Uganda's Idi Amin as chairman while he organised the massacre of thousands of his fellow Ugandans.
A sad end to the year of Africa.

ETT OKÄNT KRIG OROMOFOLKETS BEFRIELSEFRONT





Torsdag 29 december 2005

ETT OKÄNT KRIG Oromofolkets Befrielsefront (OLF) hittar man någonstans på gränsen mellan Kenya och Etiopien. Under 30 års tid har de stridit för självständighet och ett eget land, ändå känner få till deras kamp.
Foto: MARTIN ADLER
I våras gick folket i Etiopien till val. I morgon får vi veta resultatet. Men samtidigt pågår ett okänt krig i landet. I 30 år har oromofolkets befrielsearmé slagits mot centralregeringen i Addis Abeba. 10 000-tals människor har dött i striderna. Aftonbladets medarbetare Martin Adler är den andre journalisten på tolv år som besökt gerillan, någonstans på gränsen mellan Kenya och Etiopien.
De offrar allt för ett fritt land
DEN NYA FAMILJEN Kraven på att gå med i OLF är höga, man måste bland annat ge upp nästan alla personliga tillhörigheter, acceptera att kanske aldrig mer se sin familj, avstå från sexuella relationer, vara villig att döda och själv dö för saken. ”Rörelsen är vår familj”, säger en medlem.

Foto: MARTIN ADLER
Har dödat Nuria Hassan är 23 år och kommer från en nomadfamilj. När Nuria var 20 gick hon med i OLF och i fjol var hon med om en attack mot en regeringsgarnison. ”Vi dödade många”, säger hon.
Foto: MARTIN ADLERAftonbladets Martin Adler träffar Afrikas kurder – oromofolket – i ett snårigt gränsland

GRÄNSEN MELLAN KENYA OCH ETIOPIEN
Efter ett tag ser jag dem. Små grupper på två–tre soldater sitter i sina slitna kamouflagedräkter under träden och i buskagen. De viskar, rörelserna är sparsamma, en del har burriga afrofrisyrer, kanske en av fem är kvinnor. Totalt är de uppemot tvåhundra personer, spridda över ett område stort som ett par tre fotbollsplaner. Att det här skulle vara ett gerillaläger är svårt att se även när jag var mitt inne i det. Men de här människorna har tränat länge på att göra sig osynliga. Att göra saker i det tysta. De hade faktiskt varit så bra på det att efter 30 års krig och tiotusentals döda är deras kamp i praktiken helt okänd för omvärlden och nästan inga journalister har varit hos dem. Det hade inte heller varit lätt att ta sig hit. Två dagars bilresa genom en öken där banditer försörjer sig på att stjäla boskap och råna resenärer och sedan, flera timmar till fots genom tät snårskog där allt som växer har taggar. Vi hade gått vilse och väl framme i lägret höll vi på att missa det genom att gå ut på andra sidan in-nan vi märkt att vi var där. Jag fick en plats under ett träd där jag kunde rulla ut sovsäcken. Tolken Boro blev anvisad en likadan precis bredvid. Vi fick ris och getkött (en lyx förunnad gäster och ett fåtal andra) tre gånger om dagen och så mycket te vi kunde dricka. Jag fick röra mig fritt, men bara inom lägret. Det tog inte lång tid förrän jag förstod att gruppen jag hamnat hos inte var rövargerilla av somaliskt eller liberianskt snitt. Tvärtemot. Känsla av ”år noll”. Disciplinen här är extrem. Ibland får jag känslan av en sekt där individen offrar allt för kollektivet och där personligheten helt enkelt suddats bort. När jag intervjuar soldaterna, män eller kvinnor, är svaren ofta ett mantra. – Vi kämpar mot det koloniala förtrycket. – Rörelsen är vår familj, vår mor, vår far. – Vi ångrar inget. – Vi offrar allt för saken. Efter ett tag vet jag svaren in-nan jag ställt frågorna. Känslan av ”år noll” hänger hela tiden i luften. Jag är någonstans på gränsen mellan Kenya och Etiopien, i en gerillabas för oromofolkets befrielsearmé (OLF). Organisationen bildades på 1970-talet samtidigt med ett flertal andra befrielsefronter i regionen som anslöt sig till marxism eller den extrema albanska tolkningen av stalinism. OLF-ledningen menade att 1900-talets etiopiska kejsare, som var från folkgruppen amhara, hade koloniserat oromofolkets resursrika hemtrakter, samtidigt som de europeiska stormakterna koloniserat resten av Afrika. De andra länderna hade till sist fått sin självständighet men inte oromofolket – en av de största folkgrupperna i Afrika. Varför inte? Jo, eftersom det var en fråga om svarta som koloniserade svarta märktes det inte. Det internationella samfundet hade helt enkelt glömt bort dem, sa de. De var Afrikas kurder. De flesta i lägret rabblade alltså en läxa de lärt sig utantill. Men inte alla. Redan första dagen hade jag sett Nuria Hassan, 23, när hon gick omkring och trallade för sig själv. Hon bar plastsandaler, håret var fixat i en massa små flätor och över axeln bar hon ett granatgevär. Geväret var gammalt och slitet, hade tjänstgjort i ett flertal inbördeskrig och den gröna färgen på eldröret hade flagnat bort för länge sedan. Men Nuria tyckte om sin ”bazooka”. När hon inte bar på den låg den vid hennes sida, och om nätterna fanns den alltid tätt intill henne där hon sov på marken. Varje dag rengjorde hon den, torkade omsorgsfullt bort dammet och lindade sedan in den i oljiga trasor. Och nu när vi satt och pratade i den 36-gradiga skuggan av ett oansenligt men taggigt träd, låg den där på plats vid hennes sida på en gammal filt. Bredvid den hade någon ställt fram en termos med te och jag smuttade på det från en plastkopp, teet var sött och smakade ingefära. Nuria själv hade flätat håret på ett nytt sätt sedan jag sett henne första gången. Hon tycktes byta frisyr varje dag. Med en loj gest sveper hon bort en av tusentals insekter som surrar ihärdigt i luften omkring oss. Det var inte länge sedan hon gick i åttan, berättar hon på oromospråket. Hennes föräldrar var nomader, hade ingen fast boplats och satsade på sönernas skolgång i första hand. Nuria började skolan först när hon var tretton år. Men väl där tyckte hon om skolan. Hon var till och med rätt så duktig. Men en dag kom hon inte hem. – Soldaterna kom till skolan. De anklagade oss elever för att vara med i gerillan, OLF. De låste in oss på skolan och torterade oss. Det skulle dröja över en månad innan Nuria släpptes. Det första hon gjorde när hon var fri, berättar hon för mig, var att gå med i den gerilla som hon ursprungligen och felaktigt hade anklagats för att vara med i. Det kunde inte ha varit ett lätt beslut att fatta. Kraven för att gå med i Oromos befrielsefront lyder ungefär så här: acceptera att gå utan mat, ibland utan vatten, sova på marken, kanske aldrig se sin familj igen, ge upp nästan alla personliga tillhörigheter, inte få någon lön, inte ha pengar, avstå från sexuella relationer, vara villig att döda och att själv dö för saken. Nuria och de andra som trots detta gick med i rörelsen skulle snabbt lära sig att det fanns två grundbultar i tillvaron hos OLF: kalasjnikovs och svarta sopsäckar. Kalasjnikoven används i strid. De svarta sopsäckarna till nästan allt annat. Man sover och sitter på dem, använder dem som matbord, som skydd mot regnet och som tak. Soldaterna tvättar sina kläder genom att gräva en grop i marken där de sedan trycker ned sopsäcken, fyller på med vatten och vips så har de en tvättbalja. Och de använder de svarta sopsäckarna för att bära bort dem som dödats i strid. Jag frågar Nuria om hon någonsin var rädd och trodde att jag redan visste svaret. Jag hade fel. Hon var rädd en gång, säger hon. Det var förra året vid en plats som hette Bowku, inte så långt från staden där hon gick i skolan. Vid slutet av en isolerad väg låg en mindre regeringsgarnison som gerillan skulle anfalla. För att ta sig dit fick de gå i tre nätter. Om dagarna sov de i skogen. Väl framme gömde de sig i buskarna ett 30-tal meter från barackerna. Det knöt sig i magen på Nuria som aldrig tidigare hade varit i strid och ville kräkas. Men skräcken försvann sekunden efter att hon avlossat det första skottet. Sen lät hon och de andra gerillasoldaterna kulorna regna över lägret i flera timmar. Hon såg hur soldaterna sprang där inne. De hade inte en chans. – Vi dödade många, säger hon nu. Det var inga som gav upp.
Martin Adler
Publicerad: 2005-07-07
EtiopienYta: 1 133 380 km.Huvudstad: Addis Abeba.Antal invånare: 68 613 000 (2003).Statsskick: Republik, förbundsstat.Regeringschef: Meles Zenawi.BNP per invånare: 95 US dollar. Etniska grupper: I Etiopien uppemot ett 100-tal etniska grupper. Den största är oromo med uppskattningsvis 25–30 miljoner människor. Amhararn och tigreanerna har historiskt dominerat landet.
OLF gerillan OLF (Oromofolkets befrielsefront) bildas på tidigt 70-talet med syfte att skapa ett fritt land för oromofolket som länge förtryckts av regeringarna i Addis Abeba. En militärjunta under ledning av Mengistu Haile Mariam tar makten 1974. Militärregimen störtas 1991 och OLF är under en kort tid en del av den nationella övergångsregeringen som bildades. Inför lokalvalen 1992 bryter strider ut mellan regeringsstyrkor och OLF-förband och OLF flyr tillbaks till bushen. 1995 införs en form av etnisk federalism i Etiopien och oromofolket får sin egen region, ”Oromia”. 15 maj. Nationella demokratiska parlamentsval hålls i Etiopien. 8 juni skjuter säkerhetsstyrkor mot studenter i huvudstaden Addis Abeba som demonstrerade mot påstått valfusk. 36 människor dödas. Etiopiens regering stämplar OLF som en ”terroristorganisation”, en benämning som dock inga länder i väst accepterar.
Ändra textstorlek:

Donors to withdraw aid from Ethiopian government

Donors to withdraw aid from Ethiopian government
Move follows crackdown on opposition, diplomats say

Thursday, December 29, 2005; Posted: 8:48 a.m. EST (13:48 GMT)
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) -- International donors will withdraw $375 million in aid to Ethiopia's government following its recent crackdown on the main opposition party and the independent press, Western diplomats said Thursday.
The money will be reallocated the United Nations and aid agencies working to combat poverty among the bulk of Ethiopia's estimated 77 million people who live on less than a dollar a day.
Some of the money also could finance programs intended to strengthen democracy, the diplomats said on the condition of anonymity because they did not want to strain ties with officials.
Political unrest claimed the lives of at least 46 people in November. Another 42 died in June in similar protests, which began after the main opposition parties accused authorities of rigging May 15 polls that returned Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to power.
Thousands of people were detained in the subsequent crackdown. Among those seized were leaders of the main opposition group, editors, journalists, aid workers and human rights activists.
Meles has said the opposition deliberately stirred up the violence in a bid to topple the government.
Ethiopia receives some $1.9 billion in aid a year -- the largest recipient of foreign assistance in Africa. About $700 million is for emergency assistance while the rest is for development programs. Aid accounts for up to a third of the government's entire budget.
Britain, Canada, Ireland, Germany, Sweden, the World Bank, European Commission and African Development Bank provide direct budget support. They informed Ethiopian officials about two weeks ago that they would freeze aid to the government until the political situation improved, the diplomats said.
Britain announced earlier it planned to freeze 20 million pounds ($35.4 million) in new aid to Ethiopia, ranked the seventh poorest country in the world.
Copyright 2005 The Associated Press.
All rights reserved.This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

Languishing in Addis Embassy

Last Updated: Wednesday, 28 December 2005, 20:18 GMT

Languishing in an Addis embassy
By Peter Biles BBC News The Italian embassy in Addis Ababa lies in a peaceful quarter of Ethiopia's bustling capital.

Thousands were killed under the Marxist dictator's "Red Terror"
In the hills to the north-east, the vast, residential compound can be found at the end of a stony track, surrounded by woods filled with eucalyptus trees.
It seems almost idyllic, but it is not a place in which to spend 15 years.
On the night of 27 May, 1991, four members of the Dergue, the murderous regime of the Marxist dictator Col Mengistu Haile Mariam, slipped into the Italian embassy under the cover of darkness, and sought political asylum.
In the face of a rebel offensive, Mengistu had fled a country a week earlier.
His demoralised conscript army was on the point of collapse, and government ministers were hatching their escape plans.
Earlier that same day, the acting head of state, Tesfaye Gebre Kidan, who had held office for just seven days, told the US government that law and order was breaking down and he could no longer control the armed forces.
With peace talks underway in London, Washington then gave the fighters of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), led by Meles Zenawi, the green light to enter Addis Ababa and take over.
Unwanted guests
At the Italian embassy, Mr Tesfaye was joined by the foreign minister, Berhanu Bayeh, and two other officials, Addis Tedla and Hailu Yimenu.

Meles Zenawi's rebels advanced into Addis in 1991
However, little did the four men realise then, that the embassy was to become a place of imprisonment for them, rather than salvation.
For nearly 15 years now, the Italian government has reluctantly played host to the unwanted guests.
No-one from outside the embassy is allowed access to them.
The Italians have always refused to surrender the men to the current Ethiopian government led by Mr Meles because Ethiopia still maintains the death penalty.
Two of the four Dergue officials in the embassy have died in circumstances that have never been fully explained.
Hailu Yimenu is reported to have committed suicide in 1993, and Tesfaye Gebre Kidan is rumoured to have been hit over the head with a bottle by one of his colleagues in 2004.
Embarrassment
So Berhanu Bayeh and Addis Tedla continue to lead a quiet life of long days, under Italian protection.
The two surviving Ethiopians have become a diplomatic embarrassment.
If they ever left the Italian embassy, they would almost certainly be arrested by the Ethiopian authorities and charged, like other members of the old regime.
On the streets of Addis Ababa, the younger generation is growing up with few memories of those dramatic events of May 1991.
So Mengistu's forgotten men sit tight, with plenty of time to reflect on the night they sought Italian hospitality all those years ago.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4565376.stm

December 28, 2005

Kenya Investigating Claims of Kidnapping By Ethiopia Agents

Kenya Investigating Claims of Kidnapping By Ethiopia Agents
By Cathy Majtenyi Nairobi28 December 2005
Majtenyi report - Download 267K Listen to Majtenyi report
Kenyan police are investigating allegations that Ethiopian government agents are kidnapping and harassing Ethiopian refugees of Oromo-origin living in Kenya, a charge the Ethiopian government denies.
An official with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Rosella Pagliuchi, tells VOA that the nervousness many Ethiopian refugees living in Kenya feel is a big problem.
"Obviously, the fact that they feel so insecure needs to be taken seriously and needs to be addressed," she said. "And this is what we're trying to do with the government of Kenya, trying to ensure that people can enjoy safety in asylum."
Hundreds of refugees from mostly the Oromia region of Ethiopia gathered outside the U.N. refugee agency's Nairobi offices Tuesday, saying that they are the target of spies sent by the Ethiopian government.
They claim that government agents kidnapped about 25 Oromo refugees living in Nairobi with the intention of bringing them back to Ethiopia. They say agents have even killed some of the Oromo refugees.
The chief of Gigiri Police Station, Patrick Lumumba, who was at the demonstration, tells VOA police are looking for the people accused of kidnapping the refugees, and has asked the refugees to come forward with specific information to aid the investigation.
The Oromo people, who are traditionally pastoralists, number some 30 million, a little less than half of Ethiopia's population.
For decades, they have been protesting what they say is domination and marginalization of their society by the northern ruling elite.
Many Oromos have been calling for an independent state. The Oromo Liberation Front was created in 1973 to lead a national liberation struggle.
Human rights groups have accused the Ethiopian government of repressing the Oromo people. For instance, in May of this year, the New York-based organization Human Rights Watch said that, in the run-up to national elections, authorities had tortured, imprisoned, and harassed many critics in Oromia.
Ethiopia's ambassador to Kenya, Murad Musa, would not take VOA's call.
He was quoted in Kenyan press as saying that the Oromo Liberation Front is responsible for the kidnappings, and that the function of an embassy is not to kidnap people.

To All American Citizens in Ethiopia: Warden Message - December 27, 2005


Warden Message - December 27, 2005
To all American Citizens in Ethiopia:
The U.S. Embassy in Ethiopia is issuing this Warden Message to alert U.S. citizens to security concerns prompted by recent events in Ethiopia. On Monday, December 26, local news sources reported there were unplanned civil disturbances near Ayer Tena, Addis Ketema, Kolfe, and Medhani-Alem high schools. Some policeman were injured and city bus windows broken by stones thrown by protesters. There are additional reports today, December 27, of civil disturbances near high schools in three areas of Addis Ababa.
The Embassy has received reports that unauthorized demonstrations may occur Wednesday, December 28 near Sidist Kilo in the area of the Federal High Court where a hearing will take place attended by jailed opposition leaders. The hearing is scheduled to begin at 9:30 a.m. Although violence is not expected, occurrences of violence during civil actions are unpredictable.
Americans should exercise prudence and caution in going about their normal activities and, as always, avoid public demonstrations and political rallies. Americans are advised to carry photo identification (such as your U.S. passport) with you at all times, and cooperate fully if confronted by law enforcement authorities.
Americans living or traveling in Ethiopia are encouraged to register with the U.S. Embassy through the State Department’s travel registration website, https://travelregistration.state.gov, and to obtain updated information on travel and security within Ethiopia. Americans without Internet access may register directly with the nearest U.S. Embassy or Consulate. By registering, American citizens make it easier for the Embassy or Consulate to contact them in case of emergency. The U.S. Embassy is located at Entoto Avenue, P.O. Box 1014, in Addis Ababa, telephone: 251-11-124-2424; emergency after-hours telephone: 251-11-124-2400; consular fax: 251-11-124-2435. For security updates, as well as more detailed travel and country specific information, visit the U.S. Embassy’s Consular Section website, http://addisababa.usembassy.gov/. American citizens who want to get an update on the security situation in Ethiopia, or report a problem should call the Embassy during normal business hours, 7:45 a.m. to 5:15 p.m., Monday through Thursday, and 7:45 a.m. to 12:45 p.m. on Friday. Americans with emergency needs after hours should call 251-11-124-2400.

http://ethiopia.usembassy.gov/warden122705.html

Ethiopian refugees protest "kidnapping" of 25 Oromos in Kenya

Ethiopian refugees protest "kidnapping" of 25 Oromos in Kenya
Wednesday 28 December 2005 00:07.

(NAIROBI) — Close to 1,000 Ethiopian refugees are camped at the offices of UN High Commission for Refugees in Westlands - Nairobi - protesting against the kidnapping of 25 of their members.
The refugees, all of Oromo origin, claim that the Ethiopian government has sent spies among their midst and is scheming to repatriate them back to Ethiopia.
But Ethiopian Ambassador Murad Musa blames the kidnapping on the Oromo Liberation Front militant group, some of whom are said to be operating in this country.
The refugees do not want to be associated with the group that opposes the Ethiopian government.
An Oromo elder, Geleta Aboye, told the enyan KTN TV "we have a community, there is the Oromo community in this country, in Nairobi and the government of Ethiopia has planted its spies from Oromo community."
Ambassador Musa said "I have sent my diplomat to verify this thing on what’s going on there. And this country as you know is a sovereign country, it has its own structures, security structures. It knows what’s going on here."
An embassy’s function is not kidnapping, embassy’s function is having a direct relationship with its community, Musa said.
(KTN TV/ST)

Ethiopians stage demo

Ethiopians stage demo

By Esther King'ori ( Wednesday, December 28, 2005)

Hundreds of refugees from Ethiopia Tuesday staged a demonstration at the United Nations High Commission for Refugees-UNHCR offices at Westlands to protest against alleged harassment by Ethiopian government agents. The refugeees mainly from the Oromo community said the unknown assailants had kidnapped and killed some of them in the recent past. A UNHCR official Rosella Pagliuchi said the commission had notified the Kenyan immigration officials and security agents to look into the matter. Gigiri police chief Patrick Lumumba who came to the scene later said police would investigate the alleged kidnappings and killings and intensify patrols in Eastleigh where most of the refugees reside.

Troop buildup brings Ethiopia, Eritrea back to the brink

Troop buildup brings Ethiopia, Eritrea back to the brink
Region fearing a renewal of war
By Emily Wax, Washington Post December 26, 2005
AKSUM, Ethiopia -- As an orange sun sank over the tin shacks of a new military base at this border city's airport last week, dozens of Ethiopian soldiers killed time playing soccer. They were waiting to be called to service as their country edged toward another conflict with Eritrea, just a short drive away.
The two countries fought a grisly, trench-style war between 1998 and 2000 over disputed slivers of the mountainous border. The fighting ended in a truce, but only after more than 70,000 lives were lost.
Now, there is a new standoff and a new buildup of forces. The troops in Aksum, diplomats said, are part of larger contingents positioned in freshly dug trenches along both sides of the 570-mile frontier. They estimated that there are about 130,000 on the Ethiopian side and 250,000 on the Eritrean side.
Officials in both countries have spoken on state television and radio, each presenting their country as the victim of aggression and making threats of retaliation. Analysts said the growing confrontation is distracting attention from internal problems in both impoverished countries and renewing fears of a rekindled war that would threaten regional stability.
In a report released last week, the Brussels-based International Crisis Group said foreign organizations must ''urgently reengage if a disastrous new war between Eritrea and Ethiopia is to be averted."
A resumption of conflict, the report said, would destabilize and rearm the entire Horn of Africa, ''rekindling a proxy war in Somalia and undermining the fragile peace process in southern and eastern Sudan."
In an interview last week in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi charged that Eritrean leaders ''will not hesitate for a moment to start another war if they think they will profit from it. Our military balance has to be such to dissuade them."
In Eritrea, President Isaias Afwerki has recently restricted helicopter flights by UN monitors along the border and expelled 180 UN peacekeepers sent to help maintain a cease-fire. He also refused to meet with a delegation sent by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan.
In a recent interview with state media representatives in Asmara, Eritrea's capital, Isaias accused Ethiopia's leaders of rushing to war to cement power at a time when Meles and his ruling party have been criticized for crushing political dissent.
''They are trying to escape forward from the crisis by any means," Isaias said, according to the Eritrean government website. ''They are deflecting and drawing attention away from the crisis present now in Ethiopia. . . . The intention of igniting the war comes from the Ethiopia regime's crisis and its despair."
Civic leaders from both countries say a return to war would be mutual suicide. In the previous conflict, each side suffered high casualties among both fighters and civilians. And the war cost each country an estimated $1 million a day.
Although largely confined to several border towns, the conflict was particularly bitter because of ties between the two countries. They have a common culture and have high rates of cross-migration and intermarriage.
A decade ago, Meles and Isaias were hailed by US officials as part of a new generation of progressive and democratic African leaders. Today, both are increasingly unpopular at home, where they are criticized for failing to reduce desperate poverty and high unemployment.
To curb unrest, both leaders have jailed opposition leaders and sent riot police with live bullets to quell protests. And both have used the prospect of another deadly border war as a way to unite the populace against a foreign foe.
''The fear of war makes people forget all these other problems. . . . But the truth is these leaders are playing with our lives," said Firdi Mekonen, 41, a historian in Aksum. During the last conflict, the town was a staging ground for Ethiopian troops and a refuge for wounded fighters and civilians fleeing fighting.
© Copyright 2005 Globe Newspaper Company.

Ethiopia to use Port Berbera, Port Sudan

Dec 26, 2005 (ADDIS ABABA) — Ethiopia is currently undertaking preparations to use the Berbera and Port Sudan as alternative roots, in addition to the Port of Djibouti, the Maritime and Transit Services Enterprise (MTSE) said.
The enterprise has secured over 16 million Birr during the first quarter of the current Ethiopian budget year from various services.
Enterprise General Manager, Ahmed Yassin told the state-run ENA that the Berbera and Port Sudan have begun providing trial services for Ethiopia in accordance with the port utilization agreement reached with the two sides.
The General Manager said the Enterprise has been providing computerized and efficient services since two years ago.
Ahmed said the Enterprise has been earning better revenue since Ethiopia started using the Djibouti Port.
Ahmed said the enterprise has secured over 16 million Birr revenue during the past three years by transferring 148,000 tons of import and export freight.
Shipping Agency, Freight Forwarding, Stevedoring and shore handling operations, Customs clearing, and Air cargo agency service are some of the major services the Enterprise has been rendering.
(ENA/ST)

Ethiopian refugees protest "kidnapping" of 25 Oromos in Kenya

nazret.com

December 28, 2005
Ethiopian News Portal

Post details: Ethiopian refugees protest "kidnapping" of 25 Oromos in Kenya
12/27/05
08:01:57 pm, Categories: Ethiopia News, Ethiopia, 197 words
Ethiopian refugees protest "kidnapping" of 25 Oromos in Kenya
Dec 26, 2005 (NAIROBI) — Close to 1,000 Ethiopian refugees are camped at the offices of UN High Commission for Refugees in Westlands - Nairobi - protesting against the kidnapping of 25 of their members.
The refugees, all of Oromo origin, claim that the Ethiopian government has sent spies among their midst and is scheming to repatriate them back to Ethiopia.
But Ethiopian Ambassador Murad Musa blames the kidnapping on the Oromo Liberation Front militant group, some of whom are said to be operating in this country.
The refugees do not want to be associated with the group that opposes the Ethiopian government.
An Oromo elder, Geleta Aboye, told the enyan KTN TV "we have a community, there is the Oromo community in this country, in Nairobi and the government of Ethiopia has planted its spies from Oromo community."
Ambassador Musa said "I have sent my diplomat to verify this thing on what’s going on there. And this country as you know is a sovereign country, it has its own structures, security structures. It knows what’s going on here."
An embassy’s function is not kidnapping, embassy’s function is having a direct relationship with its community, Musa said.
(KTN TV/ST)

Comments:
Comment from: Ayenew [Visitor]
so the oromos are settling down in Kenya?! Just dont take away the cows and the oxes with you! I mean we can live with out the gebse but..
12/27/05 @ 21:35
Comment from: GIBE [Visitor]
ayalew , i swear to god u CANT LIVE WITH OUT OROMO U KNOW THAT UR LAND IS DIRK
12/27/05 @ 21:48
Comment from: Roba [Visitor]
Ayenew,I just don't understand how racizt hateful you and your likes are. You are so blinded by your idiot and narrow mind that you are unable to share the grief of fellow Oromos. At least for your own cause of struggling againt the TPLF evil regime, you never dare to comdemn its crime across border, when it is against Oromo. But don't forget that your cousins will face the same chance so long as they insist on opposing Woyane.TPLF's act reveals how much it is frustrated. Woyane is biting whatever it gets on its way like mad dogs. This is only the beginning of the end of TPLF's tyranny.Victory for Oppressed people!
12/27/05 @ 22:22
Comment from: Grace [Visitor]
To Ayenew,I know this is not your name, but trying to creat division amongest Ethiopians is the master work of woyanes. This system of yours is going to back fire on. Just give it time. Stay tuned!!!To Gibe,Hang in there budy we are all in togather. The tide will turn around.
12/27/05 @ 22:23
Comment from: Roba [Visitor]
Ayenew,I just don't understand how racist and hateful you and your likes are. You are so blinded by your idiot and narrow mind that you are unable to share the grief of fellow Oromos. At least for your own cause of struggling againt the TPLF evil regime, you never dare to comdemn its crime across border, when it is against Oromo. But don't forget that your cousins will face the same chance so long as they insist on opposing Woyane.TPLF's act reveals how much it is frustrated. Woyane is bitting whatever it gets on its way like mad dogs. This is only the beginning of the end of TPLF's tyranny.Victory for Oppressed people
12/27/05 @ 22:24
Comment from: bilse [Visitor]
Ayenew: I think you are one of the member of kidnappers. This is not the first time for woyane regime to kidnapped the oromo ppl.But you have to know some points. Without the stability of oromo people, there is no peace in our country. And in Oromia state, everybody hates Woyane regime. Go and ask the ppl of Oromo. We don't want TPLF. period. Go back to your stony and sandy region. Then, Ethiopia will be the powerful country in Africa.
12/27/05 @ 22:26
Comment from: Biyoma [Visitor]
More than half population of Ethiopia( above 40 million) are oromos.By kidnapping 25 poor oromo refugees in kenya,Meles can not stop oromo strugle for their right and freedom.Meles,from minority ethinic group,14 years are enough for u.transfer the power to majority ethinic groups( oromo) through peaceful discussion.
12/27/05 @ 22:34
Comment from: victory for olf [Visitor]
ayenew is one of the enemy of oromo,s around the glob we don't need support people like ayenew we don't have ashortage of oromo supporters at all
12/27/05 @ 22:35

December 27, 2005

De offrar allt för ett fritt land

More info is available at http://www.aftonbladet.se/vss/nyheter/story/0,2789,669467,00.html
ETT OKÄNT KRIG Oromofolkets Befrielsefront (OLF) hittar man någonstans på gränsen mellan Kenya och Etiopien. Under 30 års tid har de stridit för självständighet och ett eget land, ändå känner få till deras kamp.
Foto: MARTIN ADLER
I våras gick folket i Etiopien till val. I morgon får vi veta resultatet. Men samtidigt pågår ett okänt krig i landet. I 30 år har oromofolkets befrielsearmé slagits mot centralregeringen i Addis Abeba. 10 000-tals människor har dött i striderna. Aftonbladets medarbetare Martin Adler är den andre journalisten på tolv år som besökt gerillan, någonstans på gränsen mellan Kenya och Etiopien.
De offrar allt för ett fritt land
DEN NYA FAMILJEN Kraven på att gå med i OLF är höga, man måste bland annat ge upp nästan alla personliga tillhörigheter, acceptera att kanske aldrig mer se sin familj, avstå från sexuella relationer, vara villig att döda och själv dö för saken. ”Rörelsen är vår familj”, säger en medlem.
Foto: MARTIN ADLER
Har dödat Nuria Hassan är 23 år och kommer från en nomadfamilj. När Nuria var 20 gick hon med i OLF och i fjol var hon med om en attack mot en regeringsgarnison. ”Vi dödade många”, säger hon.
Foto: MARTIN ADLERAftonbladets Martin Adler träffar Afrikas kurder – oromofolket – i ett snårigt gränsland
GRÄNSEN MELLAN KENYA OCH ETIOPIEN
Efter ett tag ser jag dem. Små grupper på två–tre soldater sitter i sina slitna kamouflagedräkter under träden och i buskagen. De viskar, rörelserna är sparsamma, en del har burriga afrofrisyrer, kanske en av fem är kvinnor. Totalt är de uppemot tvåhundra personer, spridda över ett område stort som ett par tre fotbollsplaner. Att det här skulle vara ett gerillaläger är svårt att se även när jag var mitt inne i det. Men de här människorna har tränat länge på att göra sig osynliga. Att göra saker i det tysta. De hade faktiskt varit så bra på det att efter 30 års krig och tiotusentals döda är deras kamp i praktiken helt okänd för omvärlden och nästan inga journalister har varit hos dem. Det hade inte heller varit lätt att ta sig hit. Två dagars bilresa genom en öken där banditer försörjer sig på att stjäla boskap och råna resenärer och sedan, flera timmar till fots genom tät snårskog där allt som växer har taggar. Vi hade gått vilse och väl framme i lägret höll vi på att missa det genom att gå ut på andra sidan in-nan vi märkt att vi var där. Jag fick en plats under ett träd där jag kunde rulla ut sovsäcken. Tolken Boro blev anvisad en likadan precis bredvid. Vi fick ris och getkött (en lyx förunnad gäster och ett fåtal andra) tre gånger om dagen och så mycket te vi kunde dricka. Jag fick röra mig fritt, men bara inom lägret. Det tog inte lång tid förrän jag förstod att gruppen jag hamnat hos inte var rövargerilla av somaliskt eller liberianskt snitt. Tvärtemot. Känsla av ”år noll”. Disciplinen här är extrem. Ibland får jag känslan av en sekt där individen offrar allt för kollektivet och där personligheten helt enkelt suddats bort. När jag intervjuar soldaterna, män eller kvinnor, är svaren ofta ett mantra. – Vi kämpar mot det koloniala förtrycket. – Rörelsen är vår familj, vår mor, vår far. – Vi ångrar inget. – Vi offrar allt för saken. Efter ett tag vet jag svaren in-nan jag ställt frågorna. Känslan av ”år noll” hänger hela tiden i luften. Jag är någonstans på gränsen mellan Kenya och Etiopien, i en gerillabas för oromofolkets befrielsearmé (OLF). Organisationen bildades på 1970-talet samtidigt med ett flertal andra befrielsefronter i regionen som anslöt sig till marxism eller den extrema albanska tolkningen av stalinism. OLF-ledningen menade att 1900-talets etiopiska kejsare, som var från folkgruppen amhara, hade koloniserat oromofolkets resursrika hemtrakter, samtidigt som de europeiska stormakterna koloniserat resten av Afrika. De andra länderna hade till sist fått sin självständighet men inte oromofolket – en av de största folkgrupperna i Afrika. Varför inte? Jo, eftersom det var en fråga om svarta som koloniserade svarta märktes det inte. Det internationella samfundet hade helt enkelt glömt bort dem, sa de. De var Afrikas kurder. De flesta i lägret rabblade alltså en läxa de lärt sig utantill. Men inte alla. Redan första dagen hade jag sett Nuria Hassan, 23, när hon gick omkring och trallade för sig själv. Hon bar plastsandaler, håret var fixat i en massa små flätor och över axeln bar hon ett granatgevär. Geväret var gammalt och slitet, hade tjänstgjort i ett flertal inbördeskrig och den gröna färgen på eldröret hade flagnat bort för länge sedan. Men Nuria tyckte om sin ”bazooka”. När hon inte bar på den låg den vid hennes sida, och om nätterna fanns den alltid tätt intill henne där hon sov på marken. Varje dag rengjorde hon den, torkade omsorgsfullt bort dammet och lindade sedan in den i oljiga trasor. Och nu när vi satt och pratade i den 36-gradiga skuggan av ett oansenligt men taggigt träd, låg den där på plats vid hennes sida på en gammal filt. Bredvid den hade någon ställt fram en termos med te och jag smuttade på det från en plastkopp, teet var sött och smakade ingefära. Nuria själv hade flätat håret på ett nytt sätt sedan jag sett henne första gången. Hon tycktes byta frisyr varje dag. Med en loj gest sveper hon bort en av tusentals insekter som surrar ihärdigt i luften omkring oss. Det var inte länge sedan hon gick i åttan, berättar hon på oromospråket. Hennes föräldrar var nomader, hade ingen fast boplats och satsade på sönernas skolgång i första hand. Nuria började skolan först när hon var tretton år. Men väl där tyckte hon om skolan. Hon var till och med rätt så duktig. Men en dag kom hon inte hem. – Soldaterna kom till skolan. De anklagade oss elever för att vara med i gerillan, OLF. De låste in oss på skolan och torterade oss. Det skulle dröja över en månad innan Nuria släpptes. Det första hon gjorde när hon var fri, berättar hon för mig, var att gå med i den gerilla som hon ursprungligen och felaktigt hade anklagats för att vara med i. Det kunde inte ha varit ett lätt beslut att fatta. Kraven för att gå med i Oromos befrielsefront lyder ungefär så här: acceptera att gå utan mat, ibland utan vatten, sova på marken, kanske aldrig se sin familj igen, ge upp nästan alla personliga tillhörigheter, inte få någon lön, inte ha pengar, avstå från sexuella relationer, vara villig att döda och att själv dö för saken. Nuria och de andra som trots detta gick med i rörelsen skulle snabbt lära sig att det fanns två grundbultar i tillvaron hos OLF: kalasjnikovs och svarta sopsäckar. Kalasjnikoven används i strid. De svarta sopsäckarna till nästan allt annat. Man sover och sitter på dem, använder dem som matbord, som skydd mot regnet och som tak. Soldaterna tvättar sina kläder genom att gräva en grop i marken där de sedan trycker ned sopsäcken, fyller på med vatten och vips så har de en tvättbalja. Och de använder de svarta sopsäckarna för att bära bort dem som dödats i strid. Jag frågar Nuria om hon någonsin var rädd och trodde att jag redan visste svaret. Jag hade fel. Hon var rädd en gång, säger hon. Det var förra året vid en plats som hette Bowku, inte så långt från staden där hon gick i skolan. Vid slutet av en isolerad väg låg en mindre regeringsgarnison som gerillan skulle anfalla. För att ta sig dit fick de gå i tre nätter. Om dagarna sov de i skogen. Väl framme gömde de sig i buskarna ett 30-tal meter från barackerna. Det knöt sig i magen på Nuria som aldrig tidigare hade varit i strid och ville kräkas. Men skräcken försvann sekunden efter att hon avlossat det första skottet. Sen lät hon och de andra gerillasoldaterna kulorna regna över lägret i flera timmar. Hon såg hur soldaterna sprang där inne. De hade inte en chans. – Vi dödade många, säger hon nu. Det var inga som gav upp.
Martin Adler
Publicerad: 2005-07-07
EtiopienYta: 1 133 380 km.Huvudstad: Addis Abeba.Antal invånare: 68 613 000 (2003).Statsskick: Republik, förbundsstat.Regeringschef: Meles Zenawi.BNP per invånare: 95 US dollar. Etniska grupper: I Etiopien uppemot ett 100-tal etniska grupper. Den största är oromo med uppskattningsvis 25–30 miljoner människor. Amhararn och tigreanerna har historiskt dominerat landet.
OLF gerillan OLF (Oromofolkets befrielsefront) bildas på tidigt 70-talet med syfte att skapa ett fritt land för oromofolket som länge förtryckts av regeringarna i Addis Abeba. En militärjunta under ledning av Mengistu Haile Mariam tar makten 1974. Militärregimen störtas 1991 och OLF är under en kort tid en del av den nationella övergångsregeringen som bildades. Inför lokalvalen 1992 bryter strider ut mellan regeringsstyrkor och OLF-förband och OLF flyr tillbaks till bushen. 1995 införs en form av etnisk federalism i Etiopien och oromofolket får sin egen region, ”Oromia”. 15 maj. Nationella demokratiska parlamentsval hålls i Etiopien. 8 juni skjuter säkerhetsstyrkor mot studenter i huvudstaden Addis Abeba som demonstrerade mot påstått valfusk. 36 människor dödas. Etiopiens regering stämplar OLF som en ”terroristorganisation”, en benämning som dock inga länder i väst accepterar.

December 23, 2005

'World must prevent new Ethiopia-Eritrea war'
Nairobi, Kenya
22 December 2005 03:57
The world's major powers and the United Nations must move urgently to prevent a new border war between arch-rival Horn of Africa neighbours Ethiopia and Eritrea that could further destabilise the volatile region, a leading international policy institute warned on Thursday.

With tensions soaring amid increasingly belligerent statements, troop movements on both sides and Eritrean restrictions on UN peacekeepers monitoring the frontier, immediate action is needed to calm the situation, the Crisis Group (CG) said.

"The stakes could hardly be higher," said CG president and former Australian foreign minister Gareth Evans. "Neither side appears eager for a second war, but the situation is very fragile and to dismiss current tensions as mere sabre-rattling would be a serious mistake."

"Resumption [of war] would destabilise the entire Horn, fuelling flows of weapons to armed groups throughout the region, rekindling a proxy war in Somalia and undermining the fragile peace process in southern and eastern Sudan," he said.

The Brussels-based group called on the UN Security Council, the United States, the European Union, the African Union and individual guarantors of a 2000 peace deal that ended Ethiopia and Eritrea's bloody two-year war to re-engage with both sides to avert what it said would be a "disastrous" new conflict.

These parties must "move urgently" to adopt a "3-Ds" strategy -- concurrent de-escalation, demarcation and dialogue -- the CG said in a report released a day after Addis Ababa and Asmara both claimed victory in a series of rulings from a commission assessing damage claims from the war.

Key to a final resolution is to get Ethiopia to accept a binding 2002 border delineation it has thus far rejected, the group said, stressing, however, that other matters need to be addressed simultaneously if a repeat of the 1998-2000 conflict that claimed about 80 000 lives is to be avoided.

It said the so-called "Algiers Group" of witnesses to the 2000 peace accord -- the UN, US, EU and AU -- should demand immediate implementation of the deal, including the new border demarcation, and appoint a senior US diplomat as a special envoy to mediate.

At the same time, the UN Security Council should use an upcoming January review of Ethiopian and Eritrean compliance with demands to withdraw troops from the border to give the two countries 30 days to comply or face automatic and specific mandatory sanctions, including an arms embargo, the CG said.

The council must also press Eritrea further to remove restrictions it has imposed on the UN peacekeeping mission, urge it to address issues of port access for landlocked Ethiopia and support for Ethiopian rebel groups, it said.

In addition, the council must make clear to Ethiopia that it will face sanctions unless it accepts the border delineation that it now insists must be revised, said the CG, which this year shortened its name by dropping the first word "International".

Eritrea has warned repeatedly that new conflict is looming because Ethiopia has rejected the demarcation and has angrily accused world powers of ignoring Addis Ababa's non-compliance.

In recent months, Asmara has demonstrated that displeasure by ramping up restrictions on the UN mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea, which monitors the 1 000km frontier, culminating with its expulsion of US, Canadian, European and Russian peacekeepers last week.

On Monday, the Ethiopia-Eritrea Claims Commission ruled that Eritrea had violated international law when it attacked the flashpoint border town of Badme in 1998, sparking the war.

The commission said Eritrea is liable to pay compensation for damage caused in the attack but also ruled that Ethiopia should pay damages for the mistreatment of Eritrean civilians and property damage caused by its troops. --
Sapa-AFP

December 22, 2005

The Leader of revolution, president Afworki Assaias of Eritrea, held meeting

The Leader of revolution, president Afworki Assaias of Eritrea, held meeting 2005-12-22/ The Leader of revolution has received president Afworki Assaias of Eritrea, a member of the Conference of Leaders and Head of States of the Sahal and Sahara Community ( Cen-Sad ).

The Leader of revolution and president Afworki Assaias have held meeting in which they reviewed the progress of African Union (AU) and Community ( Cen-Sad ).

The meeting were attended by The general coordinator of people’s social Leadership in the Great Jamahiriya and assistant Secretary of the General People's committee for foreign liaisons and International cooperation.

ETHIOPIA: Concerns about opposition activists' trials

ETHIOPIA: Concerns about opposition activists' trials
22 Dec 2005 09:58:44 GMT
Source: IRIN
ADDIS ABABA, 22 December (IRIN) - Rights groups have expressed concern over the trial of 131 Ethiopian politicians, journalists and civil society members for crimes ranging from treason to genocide, and called for the trials to be monitored by an independent body.The statements were made as Ethiopian prosecutors formally lodged charges against the defendants on Wednesday.The defendants, who include 10 elected parliamentarians and leaders of the country's main opposition party, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), have been given until 28 December to enter their pleas.Charges include conspiracy, causing armed uprising, trying to subvert the constitution, high treason and genocide. Bail was denied."These charges are shocking and outrageous," said Ann Cooper, executive director of the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). "They strike at the heart of Ethiopia's journalist community by criminalizing essential work of the press."The trials arise from post-election violence in November in which at least 46 people were killed in clashes between demonstrators and security forces. In June, another 42 died in similar protests over the country's 15 May parliamentary elections.Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has insisted the trials are neither politically motivated, nor an attempt to silence the press, adding they will be conducted in accordance with Ethiopian law.The maximum sentences for the crimes are 25 years in prison and the death penalty, according to Ethiopia's criminal code, with minimum sentences of three years. Among those charged were five journalists who work for the Washington DC-based Voice of America's Amharic-language service, the CPJ said. All five will be tried in absentia.Media watchdog Reporters without Borders called for the United Nations to monitor the ongoing trials. "We call on the Ethiopian government to show the utmost transparency in these cases," the Paris-based group said. The NGO, ActionAid, has also called for the release of two anti-poverty activists who are among those charged. Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demessie did nothing illegal and were not involved in any unconstitutional activities, the organisation said.Opposition leaders say the polls that returned the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front to power were rigged. The CUD won 109 seats in the 547-member parliament but is boycotting the legislature.

IRIN news

December 21, 2005

As Deadline Approaches, Tensions Flare Along Eritrea-Ethiopia Border

As Deadline Approaches, Tensions Flare Along Eritrea-Ethiopia Border

By Arnaud Camu and Sarah Cook
Epoch Times Canada and London Staff
Dec 21, 2005

DISPUTED BORDER: An Ethiopan soldier mans a position less than a mile away from the Eritrean border. Tensions between the two Horn of Africa nations have escalated in recent months over a border demarcation, which was fixed by an international panel in 2002 after a bloody two-year war ended with 80,000 dead. AFP PHOTO / MARCO LONGARI (Photo credit should read MARCO LONGARI/AFP/Getty Images)
High-res image (3504 x 2336 px, 300 dpi)

In another escalation of the border dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea, the latter issued an unusual order last week: that all United Nations (UN) peacekeeping personnel from Western countries be expelled.

"In my five years as the head of peacekeeping, I have not been confronted with a similar situation," said Jean-Marie Guéhenno, UN Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, during a press briefing in the Eritrean capital Asmara. "I would stress that we are at a critical time … never has there been such a great crisis for the Mission."

The present crisis is the latest in a series of ongoing tensions that have escalated in recent months over border demarcation between the two African nations. As both sides have been amassing troops along the disputed border, Eritrea has placed increasing limits on the UN peacekeeping mission appointed to monitor a cease-fire agreement signed in 2000.

Late last month, Eritrea demanded that the blue helmets cease their helicopter patrols and later also prohibited nocturnal ground patrols. In response, the UN Security Council passed a resolution on November 23 calling on both armies to redeploy outside of a buffer zone along the frontier and to end all restrictions on UN operations within 30 days.

As the deadline approaches, Eritrea has instead added new restrictions. On December 6, Asmara demanded that the members of the UN peacekeeping mission (UNMEE) from the United States, Canada and Europe leave the country within ten days. While Western personnel represent only a small portion of the armed forces, they dominate important logistical posts. According to UNMEE, the decision will affect 180 military observers, administrative personnel, and volunteers.

UNMEE, counting almost 3,300 people, has been present in the Temporary Security Zones between the two countries since 2000 in order to secure a cease fire. The agreement was reached after a two-year war over a border dispute that killed tens of thousands of people. That conflict was itself an extension of a 30 year war that ended in 1993 when Eritrea obtained its independence from Ethiopia.

In both cases, a consensus was never reached regarding the placement of the border, which has therefore remained a sensitive question. To resolve the matter, an international boundary commission issued a ruling last year, by which both countries had initially agreed to abide.

Despite such promises, however, Ethiopia has been slow to implement the decision, awarded Eritrea a town that had previously been under the former's jurisdiction. Eritrea's recent aggression has thus been interpreted as an expression of frustration over Ethiopia's inaction in withdrawing to the allotted boundary.

Mission Failure?

Despite the prevailing tensions and restrictions, head of UN peacekeeping Guéhenno insists that the mission has not been a failure because the presence of UN troops has nonetheless provided reassurance that is important for peace. At the same time, he expressed disappointment at a press briefing last week over Ethiopia's lack of progress toward implementing the Boundary Commission's ruling for the establishment of a permanent border.

Guéhenno also criticized Eritrea's response and the restrictions it has placed on the UNMEE.

"The Mission is doing a favor actually to the country at a great cost for the international community," he said. "So letting the Mission do its work is not a favor to the Mission; it's the least that the Mission can expect from a country where it is deployed."

Guéhenno also raised the dangers posed to mission personnel as a result of the constraints on helicopter patrols. For instance, the restriction renders it impossible to employ a rapid evacuation in an emergency, such as a serious car accident or a snake bite, realistic situations that the mission has already encountered.

With regard to the recent expulsion order, he conveyed the feelings of the personnel being forced to depart.

"[They] are attached to this country because they see the courage of the Eritrean population, its energy, so there is a certain sadness to leave", he said. "There is also a sadness at seeing the work they did, the work for peace… being endangered at this moment."

Claims body rules Eritrea started 1998 border war

Claims body rules Eritrea started 1998 border war
21 Dec 2005 09:14:52 GMT
Source: Reuters
AMSTERDAM, Dec 21 (Reuters) - Eritrea violated international law with an attack on Ethiopia on May 12, 1998 that triggered a border war, a claims commission in The Hague ruled this week. "Given the absence of an armed attack against Eritrea, the attack that began on May 12 cannot be justified as lawful self-defence under the U.N. charter," the commission based in The Hague said in a document published on its Web site. Tensions along the unmarked Ethiopia-Eritrea border have grown in recent months with military manoeuvres on both sides of the 1,000 km (620 mile) frontier fuelling fears of a repeat of a 1998-2000 border war that killed 70,000 people.

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Senior Eritrean opposition leader dies in Ethiopia

Senior Eritrean opposition leader dies in Ethiopia

Wednesday 21 December 2005 20:01.

Dec 21, 2005 (ADDIS ABABA) — Seyoum Ogbamichael, the chairman of opposition Eritrean Liberation Front-Revolutionary Council (ELF-RC), died Saturday 17 December in a hospital in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, after a sudden heart failure.

A veteran fighter, Seyoum Ogbamichael’s membership and leadership of Eritrea’s struggle for independence and democracy dates back to Eritrea’s student movement of the 1960s which produced many of Eritrea’s political leadership, including President Isayas Afewerki.

In the early 1970s, Seyoum and others were arrested in Asmara and given a ten-year sentence by the Emperor Haileselassie regime. The activists, who were imprisoned in Adi Kwala, in southern Eritrea, and Asmara, were freed in an Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) raid.

In August 2002, he was elected as the Chairman of the ELF-RC to which he was again re-elected in June 2003 and held it till his death on 17 December 2005.

International court: Eritrea liable to compensate Ethiopia for war

International court: Eritrea liable to compensate Ethiopia for war
"Given the absence of an armed attack against Eritrea, the attack that began on May 12 cannot be justified as lawful self-defence under the U.N. charter," the commission based in The Hague said.
Eritrea violated international law when it attacked Ethiopia on May 12, 1998, triggering a border war, a claims commission in The Hague ruled, in a decision welcomed by Ethiopia on Wednesday.

"Given the absence of an armed attack against Eritrea, the attack that began on May 12 cannot be justified as lawful self-defence under the U.N. charter," the commission based in The Hague said in a document published on its Web site.

"The Commission holds that Eritrea violated ... the Charter of the United Nations by resorting to armed force to attack and occupy Badme ... and is liable to compensate Ethiopia for the damages caused by that violation of international law.

"Tensions along the unmarked Ethiopia-Eritrea border have risen in recent months, and military manoeuvres on both sides of the 1,000 km (620 mile) frontier have fuelled fears of a repeat of the 1998-2000 border war which killed 70,000 people.

12/21/2005 - 13:27: Ethiopia War:The Hague's Claims Commision,full text

-Ethiopia War: The Hague's Claims Commision, full text
This is the full report the Claims Commission unveiled in The Hague, on December 19, in reference to the conflict between the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and The State of Eritrea.
ERITREA ETHIOPIA CLAIMS COMMISSIONPARTIAL AWARDJus Ad BellumEthiopia’s Claims 1–8 between The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and The State of EritreaThe Hague, December 19, 2005By the Claims Commission, composed of:Hans van Houtte, PresidentGeorge H. AldrichJohn R. CrookJames C.N. PaulLucy ReedI. INTRODUCTION1. This Claim (included as a component of all of Ethiopia’s Claims 1–8) has been brought to the Commission by the Claimant, the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (“Ethiopia”), pursuant to Article 5 of the Agreement between the Government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and the Government of the State of Eritrea of December 12, 2000 (“the Agreement”).The Claimant asks the Commission to find the Respondent, the State of Eritrea (“Eritrea”), liable for loss, damage and injury suffered by the Claimant, including loss, damage and injury suffered by the Claimant’s nationals, as a result of the alleged use of force against the Claimant in violation of the rules of international law regulating the resort to force, the jus ad bellum, in May and June 1998.1 The Claimant requests monetary compensation.2. The Respondent asserts that it fully complied with international law in its resort to military operations.II. JURISDICTION3. Eritrea asserted that the Commission has no jurisdiction over this issue, because the Agreement, in Article 3, assigns the responsibility to address it to another body. The Commission finds that argument unpersuasive. Article 3 provides for the creation of an “independent and impartial body” to be appointed by the Secretary-General of the Organization of African Unity in consultation with the Secretary-General of the United Nations, and defines its task in the following terms:In order to determine the origins of the conflict, an investigation will be carried out on the incidents of 6 May 1998 and on any other incident prior to that date which could have contributed to a misunderstanding between the parties regarding their common border, including the incidents of July and August 1997.The Commission understands that the independent body authorized by Article 3 has never been constituted.4. The terms “origins of the conflict” and “misunderstanding between the parties regarding their common border” are not the same as the legal issue posed by Ethiopia for adjudication in this Claim, that is, whether Eritrea’s actions in May and June 1998 involved the unlawful resort to force against Ethiopia resulting in liability in accordance with applicable rules of international law. Determination of the origins of the conflict and the nature of any misunderstandings about the border, had they been made by the impartial body. Both Parties utilized the terminology of jus ad bellum to describe the law governing the initial resort to force between them could have been helpful in promoting reconciliation and border delimitation, but they certainly would not have answered the question of the legality of Eritrea’s resort to force.This Commission is the only body assigned by the Agreement with the duty of deciding claims of liability for violations of international law.5. Upon first reading, the last sentence of Article 5 of the Agreement might well be thought to exclude the Commission’s jurisdiction over rules of international law regulating the resort to force.That sentence provides that “he Commission shall not hear claims arising from the cost of military operations, preparing for military operations, or the use of force, except to the extent that such claims involve violations of international humanitarian law” (emphasis added).However, at an early stage of the proceedings, the Parties agreed upon an interpretation of that sentence limiting it to claims solely for the costs of the enumerated activities, and the Commission agreed to respect that interpretation. That agreed interpretation was recorded in point 5 of the Commission’s letter to the Parties of July 24, 2001.2 Consequently, the Commission has jurisdiction pursuant to Article 5 over Ethiopia’s jus ad bellum Claim.III. THE MERITS6. Ethiopia claimed that Eritrea carried out a series of unlawful armed attacks against it, beginning on May 12, 1998, in violation of the jus ad bellum, and made this an element of all eight of the Claims it submitted to the Commission.3 The Commission, in ordering filing schedules, decided to hear that Claim along with Ethiopia’s Claims concerning alleged violations of applicable international law, including the jus in bello, in the Western and Eastern Fronts (Ethiopia’s Claims 1 and 3). Consequently, this Claim was heard in the Commission’s April 11–15, 2005 hearings on liability.7. The Commission informed the Parties on August 29, 2001 that it intended to conduct proceedings in Government-to-Government claims in two stages, first concerning liability, and second, if liability is found, concerning damages. Ethiopia filed its Statement of Claim on December 12, 2001, Eritrea’s Statement of Defense was filed on December 16, 2002, 2 Point 5 of the Commission’s July 24, 2001 letter to the Parties states:The Commission notes the agreement of the Parties that the last sentence of Article 5, paragraph 1 of the Agreement of 12 December 2000, despite its wording, was intended to mean that claims of compensation for all costs of military operations, all costs of preparing for military operations,and all costs of the use of force are excluded from the jurisdiction of the Commission, without exception. Consequently, the Commission shall respect that interpretation of the provision.3 See, e.g., Partial Award, Central Front, Ethiopia’s Claim 2 Between the the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and the State of Eritrea (April 28, 2004), para. 4 [hereinafter Partial Award in Ethiopia’s Central FrontClaims]. Ethiopia’s Memorial on November 1, 2004, Eritrea’s Counter-Memorial on January 17, 2005, and Ethiopia’s Reply on March 10, 2005.8. In essence, Ethiopia contended that Eritrea planned and carried out these attacks against Ethiopia in violation of its obligations under international law, including notably the requirement of Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter of the United Nations (“UN Charter”) that all Members refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State. Ethiopia alleged that, between May 12 and June 11,1998, Eritrea launched a “full scale” invasion of Ethiopia at many points along their mutual border from Badme in the west to Bure in the east.9. In addition to its jurisdictional objections, dealt with above, Eritrea denied Ethiopia’s allegations on the merits. In its written pleadings, Eritrea made the following three main defensive assertions:(a) that Ethiopia was unlawfully occupying Eritrean territory in the area around Badme, which was the area of much of the initial hostilities in May 1998, citing the decision of the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission of April 13, 2002.(b) that Ethiopian armed militia near Badme carried out forcible incursions into Eritrea in early May 1998 and fired on Eritrean forces on May 6 and 7, killing eight Eritrean soldiers and setting off fighting between small units in the area during the next several days; and (c) that it was Ethiopia that declared war on Eritrea on May 13, 1998. On the last day of the hearing, Eritrea argued that its actions in taking Badme and adjacent areas on May 12, 1998 were lawful measures of self-defense, consistent with Article 51 of the UN Charter, taken in response to the fighting near Badme that began on May 6 and 7, 1998.While Eritrea asserted that these incidents occurred within Eritrean territory, Ethiopia asserted that they occurred within Ethiopian territory.10. The Commission cannot accept the legal position that seems to underlie the first of these Eritrean contentions – that recourse to force by Eritrea would have been lawful because some of the territory concerned was territory to which Eritrea had a valid claim.It is true that the boundary between Eritrea and Ethiopia in the area of Badme was never marked in the years when Eritrea was an Italian colony, during Eritrea’s subsequent incorporation into Ethiopia, or after Eritrean independence in 1993, and it is clear that the Parties had differing conceptions of the boundary’s location. However, the practice of States and the writings of eminent publicists show that self-defense cannot be invoked to settle territorial disputes.11. The Commission turns next to Eritrea’s second line of argument. In general, recourse to the use of armed force by one State against another is unlawful unless it is used in selfdefense or occurs with the sanction of the Security Council pursuant to Chapter VII of the UN Charter.6 As the text of Article 51 of the Charter makes clear, the predicate for a valid claim of self-defense under the Charter is that the party resorting to force has been subjectedto an armed attack. Localized border encounters between small infantry units, even those involving the loss of life, do not constitute an armed attack for purposes of the Charter. In that connection, the Commission notes that Eritrea did not report its use of armed force against Ethiopia on May 12, 1998 to the Security Council as measures taken in self-defense, as it would be obligated to do by Article 51 of the Charter in case of self-defense against armed attack.12. With respect to the events in the vicinity of Badme that occurred during the period from May 6–12, 1998, the Commission takes note of the sharply different accounts offered by the Parties as to the precise location of the incidents of May 6 and 7 and of the numbers and types of forces involved.It need not resolve these differences, because it is clear from the evidence that these incidents involved geographically limited clashes between small Eritrean and Ethiopian patrols along a remote, unmarked, and disputed border. The Commission is satisfied that these relatively minor incidents were not of a magnitude to constitute an armed attack by either State against the other within the meaning of Article 51 of the UN Charter.13. The Parties agreed that a joint body met in Addis Ababa on May 8, 1998 to discuss border problems.Ethiopia asserted, and Eritrea did not dispute, that the head of the Eritrean delegation to that meeting was its Minister of Defense and that, following the meeting on May 8, its delegation left Addis Ababa during the night. Ethiopia asserted that it had expected the meeting to continue on May 9 and that it was surprised by the departure of the Eritrean delegation.Eritrea asserted in response that its delegation left because the meeting had concluded. Ethiopia also asserted that the meeting had been cordial and that agreement had been reached that both sides should avoid border crossings by armed personnel and that the two sides would meet again in two months in Asmara to seek agreement on border issues.Eritrea did not respond in the present proceedings to those assertions.14. The evidence showed that, at about 5:30 a.m. on May 12, 1998, Eritrean armed forces, comprised of at least two brigades of regular soldiers, supported by tanks and artillery, attacked the town of Badme and several other border areas in Ethiopia’s Tahtay Adiabo Wereda, as well as at least two places in its neighboring Laelay Adiabo Wereda. On that day and in the days immediately following, Eritrean armed forces then pushed across the flat Badme plain to higher ground in the east. Although the evidence regarding the nature of Ethiopian armed forces in the area conflicted, the weight of the evidence indicated that the Ethiopian defenders were composed merely of militia and some police, who were quicklyforced to retreat by the invading Eritrean forces. Given the absence of an armed attack against Eritrea, the attack that began on May 12 cannot be justified as lawful self-defense under the UN Charter.15. The areas initially invaded by Eritrean forces on that day were all either within undisputed Ethiopian territory or within territory that was peacefully administered by Ethiopia and that later would be on the Ethiopian side of the line to which Ethiopian armed forces were obligated to withdraw in 2000 under the Cease-Fire Agreement of June 18, 2000.In its Partial Award in Ethiopia’s Central Front Claims, the Commission held that the best available evidence of the areas effectively administered by Ethiopia in early May 1998 is that line to which they were obligated to withdraw in 2000.In the same Partial Award, the Commission explained why it must hold Eritrea liable for violations of international humanitarian law committed by it within such territory and why such holdings concerning conduct during the war have no effect on the international boundary as subsequently determined by the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission. The same principle governs application of the jus ad bellum.16. Consequently, the Commission holds that Eritrea violated Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter of the United Nations by resorting to armed force to attack and occupy Badme, then under peaceful administration by Ethiopia, as well as other territory in the Tahtay Adiabo and Laelay Adiabo Weredas of Ethiopia, in an attack that began on May 12, 1998, and is liable to compensate Ethiopia, for the damages caused by that violation of international law.The evidence included references to other high-level contacts and conversations between the Parties in the days prior to May 12, 1998, as well as suggestions of military preparations on both sides of the boundary during this period. However, these matters were not clarified during the proceedings, and the Commission is constrained to act on the basis of the record available to it.17. This leaves Eritrea’s third line of argument, based on Ethiopia’s alleged declaration of war. On May 13, 1998, the Ethiopian Council of Ministers and Parliament passed a resolution that condemned the May 12 invasion and demanded the unconditional and immediate withdrawal of Eritrean forces from Ethiopian territory. This resolution was not, as Eritrea has asserted, a declaration of war.In international law, the essence of a declaration of war is an explicit affirmation of the existence of a state of war between belligerents.Nevertheless, the resolution made clear that Ethiopia would not accept Eritrea’s advances as a fait accompli and was determined to act in self-defense until the Eritrean forces withdrew or were compelled to leave the areas they had occupied. Ethiopia so notified the United Nations Security Council, pursuant to Article 51 of the UN Charter. Moreover, the Commission notes that the Parties subsequently maintained diplomatic relations and some economic relations, both of which would appear inconsistent with a formal declaration of war.18. Ethiopia also contended that the unlawful armed attack by Eritrea that began on May 12 included all of Eritrea’s subsequent attacks in May and June 1998 into Ethiopian territory along other parts of the border between the two States, as it considered those attacks to be a continuous second phase of a “30-day offensive” by Eritrea. It alleged that those attacks occurred across the Mareb River and at Zalambessa on the Central Front and at Adi Murug and Bure on the Eastern Front.In essence, Ethiopia contended that Eritrea carried out a program of pre-planned and coordinated armed attacks in multiple locations in violation of international law. This contention, however, has not been proved.19. The evidence indicated that Eritrea’s armed forces were more fully mobilized than those of Ethiopia and thus had the initiative in the first several months of the war, but that does not prove that Eritrea’s actions, other than those in the areas of what became known as the Western Front addressed in this Partial Award, were predetermined. Based on the evidence before it, the Commission cannot resolve whether the Eritrean military operations from mid-May to mid-June 1998 in what became the Central and Eastern Fronts were preplanned attacks, as Ethiopia contends, or were determined by developing military demands as both Parties sought to control key corridors of attack and defense after it became clear thatEthiopia would not acquiesce in Eritrea’s captures of territory on the Western Front. What is clear is that, once the armed attack in the Badme area occurred and Ethiopia decided to act in self-defense, a war resulted that proved impossible to restrict to the areas where that initial attack was made20. In view of these holdings establishing Eritrea’s liability for the unlawful armed attack on the Western Front that began on May 12, 1998, the Commission will request further briefing in the damages phase concerning the scope of the damages for which Eritrea is liable because of the fundamental role of the UN Charter in relation to the issues presented, this Partial Award does not consider these additional claims in detail by reason of that attack, in addition to those damages following from the Commission’s other Partial Awards.IV. AWARDIn view of the foregoing, the Commission determines as follows:A. Jurisdiction1. The Commission has jurisdiction over the Claimant’s jus ad bellum Claim.B. Findings on Liability for Violation of International Law1. The Respondent violated Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter of the United Nations by resorting to armed force on May 12, 1998 and the immediately following days to attack and occupy the town of Badme, then under peaceful administration by the Claimant, as well as other territory in the Claimant’s Tahtay Adiabo and Laelay Adiabo Weredas.2. The Claimant’s contention that subsequent attacks by the Respondent along other parts of their common border were pre-planned and coordinated unlawful uses of force fails for lack of proof.3. The scope of damages for which the Respondent is liable because of its violation of the jus ad bellum will be determined in the damages phase of these proceedings.The Hague, December 19, 2005*This text could have some kind of mistake due to the passage from pdf format to word.Source: Permanent Court of Arbitration. The Hague. (http://www.pca-cpa.org)

December 20, 2005

Europarliamentarians Urge Action Against Violence

Europarliamentarians Urge Action Against Violence
Stefania Bianchi

BRUSSELS, Dec 20 (IPS) - European parliamentarians are calling for ''targeted sanctions" against the Ethiopian government unless the current human rights situation in the country improves significantly.

Members of the European Parliament are urging the European Commission, the executive arm of the European Union (EU), and the European Council, made up of European heads of government and state, to consider imposing targeted sanctions against members of the Ethiopian government following the recent political violence that has gripped the country.

In a landmark 15-point resolution passed unanimously in Brussels last week (Dec. 16), EU lawmakers called for ''the immediate establishment of an independent international commission of inquiry, under UN responsibility, to investigate the human rights abuses and to identify and bring to justice those responsible".

The resolution is the third voted by the European Parliament since last July. MEPs expressed their concerns about the situation in Ethiopia and the violations of human rights against those who survived the massacres committed by the regime security forces in June and early November.

The parliament said it was ''disturbed by recent news of large-scale human rights abuses following a massive and unprecedented crackdown, in which political leaders, human rights defenders, independent journalists, NGO workers and young people were arrested in Addis Ababa and in different parts of the country".

Some 131 detained opposition leaders, reporters and aid workers have been charged with crimes ranging from treason to genocide.

The charges relate to last month's protests over alleged fraud in May elections which saw Meles Zenawi's Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front take control of two-thirds of the country's parliament. Under Ethiopian law, some of the offences carry the death penalty.

Since the country's first free elections, there have been two major riots, which left over 80 people dead.

Up to 130 people, mainly from the country's opposition party, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, as well as journalists and aid workers are still being detained following the latest bout of fighting in November.

In spite of international condemnation at the Ethiopian government's move to charge many of the prisoners with treason, the authorities have said charges will proceed and they will appear in court on Dec. 21.

The resolution said MEPs were also disturbed by ''unsubstantiated allegations of treason against members of parliament, journalists, civil servants, lawyers, aid workers and members of NGOs". It expressed disquiet over the mass detention of youths at Dedessa in degrading conditions and the failure of the government to disclose the total number of detainees and their whereabouts.

It urged the Ethiopian government to ''immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners and journalists and discharge its obligations with respect to human rights, democratic principles and the rule of law".

The MEPs requested that detainees be given access to their families, legal counsel and any medical care that their health situation may require.

The European Parliament also called on the EU to channel humanitarian aid for the population of Ethiopia primarily through non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and UN agencies in order to provide direct assistance to the population.

Socialist MEP Ana Gomes, the head of the EU observation election mission to Ethiopia, says European leaders have neglected Ethiopian people.

''Despite elected by the Ethiopian people, they are now in jail, in hunger strike, facing possible death penalty, and yet neglected by European leaders. That despite the fact that early in September I warned European governments and the Commission, the American government and the UN secretary-general that selective repression of Ethiopian opposition leaders might be in preparation by the regime," she told IPS Monday (Dec. 19).

''How can European leaders fail to act upon repeated appeals of this Parliament when lives of Ethiopian prisoners are in danger? How can European governments fail so miserably those who trusted the EU? Those who fought and fight for democracy in Ethiopia?" she asked.

Gomes also fears that such failure to impose stricter conditions on Ethiopia may fuel increasing tensions in the region.

''How can the UN secretary general and the security council continue to turn a blind eye to massive human rights violations inside Ethiopia, neglecting how this might contribute to instigate another devastating war with neighbouring Eritrea?" she said.

Last week EU foreign ministers agreed to send an urgent EU diplomatic mission to Ethiopia and Eritrea aimed at cooling border tensions and averting a new war between the two East African nations.

International concerns have been mounting in recent weeks that an armed conflict could again erupt between the two African nations, which fought a 1998-2000 war for territory that claimed tens of thousands of lives.

Their competing territorial claims were never resolved and in recent months both countries have been massing troops near the border and Eritrea has been restricting the work of UN peacekeepers. (END/2005)

Man off Ethiopia flight held in London over failed bomb bid

Man off Ethiopia flight held in London over failed bomb bid
5 minutes ago
LONDON (AFP) - Police in London have arrested a passenger on a flight from Ethiopia in connection with a failed bid to repeat the July 7 bombings in the British capital, the Metropolitan Police said.
In a brief statement, it said the 23-year-man, who lives in Tottenham, north London, was apprehended at Gatwick airport on Tuesday "as he disembarked ... off an inbound flight originating from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia".
He was detained under Britain's main anti-terrorist law "in connection with the ongoing investigation into the alleged attempted bomb attacks on the London transport network on July 21".
"It is believed he had been out of the country since June 2005," the police added.
Five people have already been charged over the failed attempt on July 21 to repeat the bombings on three London subway trains and a double-decker bus which left 56 dead including four apparent Islamic extremist suicide bombers.
The July 7 attacks -- coinciding with a Group of Eight leaders' summit in Scotland and a day after a euphoric London won the 2012 were the worst terrorist attack ever on British soil.
Police said the man arrested Tuesday was being held at a central London police station "on suspicion of the commission, preparation or instigation of acts of terrorism under the Terrorism Act 2000".
Ethiopian Airlines runs a thrice-weekly non-stop service from Addis Ababa to London that would have been the one used by the detained men.

Tony Blair's government has ruled out an inquiry into the July 7 attacks, though his home secretary Charles Clarke is considering what intelligence could be released to the public.
The Sunday Times newspaper reported last weekend that British intelligence services had warned of a "high priority" attack on London's subway network more than two years before the July 7 attacks.
Four of the men accused in the July 21 attempt have been charged with attempted murder directed at London public transit passengers, while the fifth is accused along with the others of conspiracy to murder.