October 31, 2007

URGENT ACTION Amnesty International

PUBLIC AI Index: AFR 54/057/2007
30 October 2007

Further Information on UA 190/07 (AFR 54/038/2007, 20 July 2007)
Forcible return/Fear of torture/ Arbitrary detention

SUDAN Several hundred Ethiopian and Eritrean nationals


The Sudanese authorities forcibly returned 15 refugees to Ethiopia on 27
September. They are now at risk of enforced disappearance, arbitrary and
incommunicado detention, torture and unfair trials. They were among the several
hundred Ethiopian and Eritrean nationals who were arrested by Sudanese
authorities in early July. (See UA 280/07, AFR 25/024/2007, 30 October 2007)

The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) announced on 11
October that the 15 had been part of a group of more than 30 Ethiopian refugees
arrested in early July 2007 by Sudanese intelligence officers in Khartoum and
Blue Nile state, and expressed fears that up to 20 more refugees still in jail
were facing forcible return. The UNHCR said that the Sudanese authorities had
not responded to its repeated appeals to provide information about the
remaining refugees in detention and prevent them being forcibly returned.

Amongst those who were returned and detained are reported to be alleged members
of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which is fighting the Ethiopian security
forces in the Oromia Region. Several thousand members of the Oromo ethnic group
have been arbitrarily detained and tortured in Ethiopia in recent years.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Hundreds of Ethiopian and Eritrean nationals were arrested in Sudan in early
July 2007. Many of those detained were asylum-seekers or recognized refugees.
Some were held in Omdurman prison in Khartoum, but the whereabouts of most is
not known. Some were taken to court in Khartoum, charged with illegal entry and
summarily sentenced to imprisonment or immediate deportation as "illegal
migrants".

Sudan is a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(ICCPR), the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967
Protocol, and the Organization of African Unity (OAU – now the African Union)
Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa, all of
which oblige the authorities not to forcibly return any person to a country
where they risk torture or other serious human rights violations.

The Sudan government has recently improved political relations with both the
Ethiopian and the Eritrean governments. The recent detentions of Ethiopians
came immediately after the Ethiopian foreign minister visited Sudan in June
2007. Many of the detainees have been living in Sudan as refugees since the
late 1970s, and others are opponents of the government of Prime Minister Meles
Zenawi in Ethiopia, who have been arriving in Sudan since the 1990s to seek
asylum.

*****************************************************************

URGENT ACTION
Ethiopia: Forcible return/ fear of torture or ill-treatment/incommunicado detention/
prisoner of conscienc
e

PUBLIC AI Index: AFR 25/024/2007

31 October 2007

UA 280/07 Forcible return/fear of torture or ill-treatment/incommunicado
detention/prisoner of conscience

ETHIOPIA Atanaw Wasie (m), aged 74, political activist
14 Ethiopian refugees

On 27 September, the Sudanese authorities forcibly returned 15 recognized
refugees to Ethiopia, handing them over at the Ethiopia-Sudan border. Their
whereabouts are now unknown and Amnesty International believes they are at risk
of enforced disappearance, arbitrary and incommunicado detention, torture and
unfair trials.

The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) announced on 11
October that the 15 had been part of a group of more than 30 Ethiopian refugees
arrested in early July 2007 by Sudanese intelligence officers in Khartoum and
Blue Nile state.

Among the 15 was Atanaw Wasie, who has chronic asthma for which he needs
medical treatment. He was a leader of the Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU)
political party, which opposed the Dergue government that was overthrown in
1991, but is no longer active. He was arrested on 7July 2007 in the eastern
town of Gedaref and held incommunicado.

Others who were returned and detained are reported to be alleged members of the
Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which is fighting the Ethiopian security forces
in the Oromia Region. Several thousand members of the Oromo ethnic group have
been arbitrarily detained and tortured in Ethiopia in recent years.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

The Ethiopian foreign minister visited Sudan in June 2007. Shortly afterwards,
in early July, hundreds of Ethiopian and Eritrean nationals living in Sudan
were arrested. Many were asylum-seekers or recognized refugees. Many of the
detainees had been living in Sudan as refugees since the late 1970s; others
were opponents of the Ethiopian government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who
have been arriving in Sudan since the 1990s to seek asylum

Ethiopia is a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(ICCPR) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, both of which
oblige the Ethiopian authorities not to torture individuals, detain them
arbitrarily or detain them incommunicado. Both also oblige the authorities to
allow detainees access to lawyers, relatives and all necessary medical
treatment.


AI Index: AFR 25/024/2007 30 October 2007

October 30, 2007

Wide spread arrest in all corners of Oromia continues unabated

The Advocacy for the Fundamental Rights of Oromos & Others (AFRO-O) would like to inform Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch about the ongoing mass arrests and torture of hundreds of Oromos in Ethiopia at the present time. Last week, when pressed by Oromo opposition parliament members the Ethiopian prime minister admitted that his government is arresting some Oromos because they were Oromo Liberation Front members and supporters. He went even further by accusing senior opposition MPs, including the honorable Bulcha Demeksa and the honorable Dr.Marara Gudina, of being OLF leaders themselves. He further threatened them by saying that “once the government had enough evidence the culprits would be arrested and put on trial.” This in itself is a clear breach of principle of any democratic governance, for the leader of the ruling party to threaten members of parliament with arrest.

The Advocacy for the Fundamental Rights of Oromos & Others has just received a list of a list of 148 Oromo men, women, students and farmers and their places of residences and locations of their detentions. We notice the fact that many individuals are brought to the famous Makelawi detention center in the capital, Addis Ababa, known to Oromos as Finfine. We strongly suspect that the reason for transporting these individuals to the Makelawi is to torture them. The Makelawi in Ethiopia is synonymous with torture to the people of Ethiopia. All the listed Oromo individuals are suspected of involvement with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). We believe that the list is a “tip of the Iceberg,” since the arrests are in the thousands according to news reaching us and are ongoing.

We appeal to Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch to follow up and investigate this new arrests and their plight to all peace loving people around the globe. We suspect that the real reason for these new arrests is to intimidate the electorate into supporting the ruling party of Prime Minister Zenawi.

Thank you for all your work in supporting those whose rights are denied

Sincerely,

Advocacy for the Fundamental Rights of

Oromos & Others (AFRO-O)

P.O. Box 422

Burtonsville, MD 20866

Website: www.afro-o.org

Partial List of Oromos Recently Detained by the Ethiopian Regime
NO Detainee's Name Place of Arrest Held At:
Profession

1 Chanalew Beliu Bedele FPCCF Businessman
2 Jiad Said Matu FPCCF Self employed
3 Tamrat Demise Bedele FPCCF Self employed
4 Ethiopia Temesgen Bedele FPCCF Self employed
5 Kalifa Jima FPCCF Student
6 Windimu Fiqire Bedele FPCCF Businessman
7 Sherif Ibrahim Jima FPCCF Businessman
8 Feqadu Bulti Jima FPCCF Development Agent D.A
9 Aduna Balcha Addis Ababa FPCCF Teacher
10 Germa Tesfaye Jima FPCCF Businessman
11 Dawit Kana'a Jima FPCCF Businessman
12 Mohammed Abanaga Jima FPCCF Businessman
13 Mohammed Siraji Jima FPCCF Businessman
14 Tola Chali Addis Ababa FPCCF Barber
15 Muzeyen Gudeta Bedele FPCCF Carpenter
16 Muzeyen Itana Bedele Bedele P.S Teacher
17 Ayana Zewude Bedele Bedele P.S Development Agent D.A
18 Meseret Binor Bedele P.S Bedele P.S Student
19 Naser Abamagal Bedele P.S Bedele P.S Self employed
20 Mitiku Gamta Bedele P.S Bedele P.S Farmer
21 Habtamu Waga Bedele P.S Bedele P.S Civil Servant
22 Solomon Tadese Bedele P.S Bedele P.S Student
23 Feqede Jifar Bedele P.S Bedele P.S Bedele Bear Factory employee
24 Mokonen Kanaa Bedele P.S Bedele P.S Bedele Bear Factory employee
25 Aliyi Waga Gachi Bedele P.S Farmer
26 Mintesenot Banti Bedele Bedele P.S Employee
27 Chala Teshome Bedele Bedele P.S Employee
28 Sefu Indashawu Bedele Bedele P.S Agri. Development Agent
29 Mohaba Abdir Gachi Bedele P.S Teacher
30 Itageny Kebede Gachi Unknown Self employed
31 Tadele Gorre Unknown Student
32 Abiot Hailu Matu Unknown Businessman
33 Alemayo Tola Urumu Unknown Employee
34 Dereje Alemu Dega Unknown Employee
35 Elias Naro Matu Unknown Employee
36 Gamachu Shambi Shashamane Unknown Employee
37 Kadir Waritu Shashamane Unknown Teacher
38 Umar Haji Abdirqadir Shashamane Shashamane P.S Farmer
39 Ahimed Aliye Shashamane Shashamane P.S Farmer
40 Shibru Tasisa Chawaka Bedele FPCCF
41 Desta Addis Shashamane Shashamane Job not specified
42 Jamal Nure Dodola Dodola P.S Job not specified
43 Lole Haji Titmo Dodola Dodola P.S Job not specified
44 Husen Shale Dodola Dodola P.S Job not specified
45 Mulugeta Tesfaye Dodola Dodola P.S Job not specified
46 Mohamed Ibrahim Dodola Dodola P.S Job not specified
47 Awal Bekele Dodola Dodola P.S Job not specified
48 Abera Deresa Dodola Arjo Police Station Job not specified
49 Mulugeta Barisisa Jima Arjo Arjo Police Station Job not specified
50 Abebe Wasane Jima Arjo Arjo Police Station Job not specified
51 Ashebeir Getacho Jima Arjo Arjo Police Station Job not specified
52 Amsalu Getacho Jima Arjo Arjo Police Station Job not specified
53 Fanta Tesema Jima Arjo Arjo Police Station Job not specified
54 Bedasa Chowaka Jima Arjo Arjo Police Station Job not specified
55 Luli Fekada Jima Arjo Arjo Police Station Job not specified
56 Kasahun Bekele Jima Arjo Arjo Police Station Job not specified
57 Dereje Fufa Jima Arjo Arjo Police Station Job not specified
58 Jirata Oljera Jima Arjo Arjo prision center Job not specified
59 Kidane Chala Jima Arjo Arjo prision center Job not specified
60 Bekuma Ragasa Jima Arjo Arjo prision center Job not specified
61 Mekonen Ifa Jima Arjo Arjo prision center Job not specified
62 Merga Ordofa Jima Arjo Arjo prision center Job not specified
63 Aduna Jalata Jima Arjo Arjo prision center Job not specified
64 Buli Tadese Jima Arjo Arjo prision center Job not specified
65 Galane Tadese Jima Arjo Arjo prision center Job not specified
66 Iticha Tadese Jima Arjo Arjo prision center Job not specified
67 Tadese Qadir;u Jima Arjo Arjo prision center Job not specified
68 Addisu Dinkayo Jima Arjo Arjo prision center Teacher
69 Abarash Rafisa Unknown Nekemte Businessman
70 Gamachis Wodajo Nekemte Nekemte Teacher
71 Workine Dinsa Nekemte Nekemte Businessman
72 Fekadu Nagari Nekemte Nekemte Job not specified
73 Tesfaye Burayu Nekemte Nekemte Job not specified
74 Kebede Nanara Nekemte Nekemte Job not specified
75 Jerena Kaba Nekemte Nekemte Job not specified
76 Akasa Wakene Nekemte Nekemte Job not specified
77 Waqshum Namosa Nekemte Nekemte Student
78 Tamerat Tadese Nekemte Nekemte Student
79 Tekalin Alemayo Nekemte Nekemte Teacher
80 Ashiqu Degefa Chawaka Bedele Student
81 Tufa Furi Chawaka Bedele Teacher
82 Duguma Firrsa Chawaka Bedele Teacher
83 Awalu Alemu Chawaka Bedele Job not specified
84 Darge Galata Chawaka Bedele Job not specified
85 Melkamu Chawaka Bedele Job not specified
86 Getacho Chawaka Bedele Job not specified
87 Ismael Husen Darimu Darimu Job not specified
88 Husen Ibrahim Darimu Darimu Job not specified
89 Alemayo Olana Darimu Darimu Job not specified
90 Gabbata Darimu Darlmu Job not specified
91 Ibrahim Husain Darimu Darimu Job not specified
92 Jamal Abdi Darimu Darimu Job not specified
93 Gelda Geso Akaki Dukem Police Station 80 year old farmer
94 Amana Korbe Kofele Kofle Police Station Farmer
95 Amana Korbe Kofele Kofle Police Station Farmer
96 Pawlos Gemechu Adama FPCCF Farmer
97 Bera Adama Adama Police Station Farmer
98 Desalegn Obse Adama Adama Police Station Farmer
99 Denkinesh Unka Shashamane Shashamane Farmer
100 Addisu Badasa Addis Ababa FPCCFID University Student
101 Demelash Taye Addis Ababa FPCCFID Job not specified
102 Desalegn Debela Addis Ababa FPCCFID Job not specified
103 Jirata Falmata Addis Ababa FPCCFID Job not specified
104 Amsalu Tolesa Shambu Shambu Police Station Government employee
105 Mosisa Jallata Shambu Shambu Police Station Pharmacist
106 Tesfaye Hordofa Shambu Shambu Police Station Government employee
107 Haile Hambisa Shambu Shambu Police Station Government employee
108 Seyum Girma Girar Jarso Fichee Farmer
109 Girma Tefera Girar Jarso Fichee Farmer
110 Selemon Tsega Girar Jarso Fichee Farmer
111 Fesiha Lema Girar Jarso Fichee Farmer
112 Berhanu Abera Girar Jarso Fichee Farmer
113 Dereje Janka Girar Jarso Fichee Farmer
114 Cheru Zewde Girar Jarso Fichee Farmer
115 Kara Zewde Girar Jarso Fichee Farmer
116 Negash Meko Girar Jarso Fichee Farmer
117 Fekadu Girar Jarso Fichee Farmer
118 Sibhatu Banja Addis Ababa Makelawi Employee
119 Berhanu Mulisa Addis Ababa Makelawi Employee
120 Hailagebriel Ararsa Addis Ababa Makelawi Employee
121 Kalbesa Abalu Addis Ababa Makelawi Employee
122 Dereje Yiheyis Addis Ababa Makelawi Employee
123 Furdisa Yadata Addis Ababa Makelawi Employee
124 Tewodros Mijena Lalo Asabi Unknown Job not specified
125 Fexene Imana Gaba Robi Gaba Robi Farmer
126 Raga Imana Gaba Robi Gaba Robi Teacher
127 Abiot Fekadu Bishoftu Unknown Student
128 Abdi Gari Bishoftu Bishoftu Student
129 Dadi Gallan Bishoftu Bishoftu Student
130 Kibru Bishoftu Bishoftu Student
131 Melka Tegenu Bishoftu Bishoftu Singer
132 Tuji Korjo Bishoftu Bishoftu Student
133 Efrem Lama Bishoftu Bishoftu Student
134 Abata Bekele Nakemte Makelawi Student
135 Dejeni Xasew Bishoftu Bishoftu Student
136 Asafa Mulat Bishoftu Bishoftu Student
137 Berhanu Tolera Bishoftu Bishoftu Student
138 Qatee Gidris Addis Ababa Makelawi Employee
139 Tamrat Abdo Bishoftu Bishoftu Student
140 Nanesa Lemu Yaya Gulele Yaya Gulele/Fital Farmer
141 Girma Gemeda Yaya Gulele Yaya Gulele/Fital Farmer
142 Kidane Girma Yaya Gulele Yaya Gulele/Fital Businessman
143 Tesfaye Gari Yaya Gulele Yaya Gulele/Fital Student
144 Ayelech Werku Yaya Gulele Yaya Gulele/Fital Student
145 Addis Bezaw Yaya Gulele Yaya Gulele/Fital Student
146 Dereje Hailu Yaya Gulele Yaya Gulele/Fital Businessman
147 Selemon Shumi Yaya Gulele Yaya Gulele/Fital Businessman
148 Teddi Berhanu Yaya Gulele Yaya Gulele/Fital Farmer

October 29, 2007

Rep. Smith Speaks Out for Human Rights in Ethiopia

By Gary Feuerberg
Epoch Times Washington, D.C. Staff
29 October 2007

"NO ONE PUT ME UP TO IT": Congressman Christopher H. Smith (R-NJ) vigorously defends his human rights record and legislation he has written on Ethiopia to critics attending a special National Press Club "Newsmaker" program, Oct. 22 in Washington, D.C. Smith deplored the "systematic human rights abuse" of the Meles regime, including indiscriminate killing of civilians and the imprisonment without trial of regime opponents. (Gary Feuerberg / The Epoch Times)

WASHINGTON, D.C. – U.S. Rep. Chris Smith (Republican-NJ) spoke, Oct 22 at the National Press Club, of his efforts to advance human rights reform in Ethiopia. He vividly described his recent meeting in August 2007 with head of the Ethiopian government, Prime Minister Meles, whom he portrayed as blindly rejecting the fundamentals of human rights and democracy.

Following that meeting, Rep. Smith felt the need to write HR2003, "Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007," which is co-sponsored with Rep. Donald Payne (D-NJ). The bill would make certain forms of U.S. Government assistance conditional on the Ethiopian government meeting a list of human rights benchmarks. Earlier this month, the House passed and sent it to the Senate.

Rep. Smith is a senior member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and Ranking Republican of the Committee's Africa and Global Health Subcommittee.

Rep. Smith's legislative efforts are being strenuously opposed by the Ethiopian government and its embassy here which say that the U.S. should not criticize an ally on the war on terror. Getting the billed passed by the House of Representatives was no small task given the "furious lobbying by the Ethiopian Government," said Smith, who fears it may be doomed in the Senate or by the Bush Administration. A reason often heard for opposing the bill is that it does not recognize that the situation in Ethiopia has improved.

VOICE OF REASON: Alaile Mariam makes a comment at Chris Smith's press conference at the National Press Club on Oct 22 in Washington, D.C. Mr. Alaile, who represents the newsletter,

VOICE OF REASON: Alaile Mariam makes a comment at Chris Smith's press conference at the National Press Club on Oct 22 in Washington, D.C. Mr. Alaile, who represents the newsletter, "Ethiopian Voice of Reason," asked Rep. Smith to listen better to the government's side. (Gary Feuerberg / The Epoch Times)
At the press conference, Rep. Smith was harshly questioned by some supporters of the Ethiopian government. But there is little that they could say that would deter the congressman of 26 years. He has been a foremost proponent for human rights reforms around the globe, including the former Soviet Union, Romania, Vietnam, China, the Sudan, Cuba, and now Ethiopia. He has also written much legislation that has become law on human trafficking and torture victim relief. "I have tried to promote a culture that affirms the preciousness of all human life," says Smith on one of his Internet sites.

"When a dictatorship, even if that dictatorship that is a friend of the United States, we need to speak out on behalf of the victims… When you are in a torture cell, it matters little whether it is a right-wing dictatorship or left-wing... It hurts just as well," he said at the news conference in response to his critics.

Human rights abuses in Ethiopia, including the injuring and killing of hundreds of peaceful protesters and the detention of thousands, are well documented. Amnesty International reported that the government has subjected opposition party members to beatings, detention on trumped up charges, harassment and disappearances, according to 2007 report of Freedom House. Journalists and editors of the independent press routinely face harassment and prosecution for alleged violations of strict press laws in Ethiopia, according to the "findings" section in the bill HR2003.

Dozens of journalists have fled the country, and some are currently in exile fearing prosecution or harassment. "With at least two journalists imprisoned on press law violations and 14 held for treason, Ethiopia is now the third-leading jailer of journalists in the world after China and Cuba," says the Committee to Protect Journalists.

What triggered Smith's bill and the holding of this special press conference was the Ethiopian government's brutal repression of the protests following the May 2005 contested election and related violence in November 2005. In June, Ethiopian security forces killed 193 people who were protesting alleged election fraud in the May election, according to an "Independent Commission of Inquiry" ("The Commission") established by the Ethiopian Parliament. Later, in Nov 2005, the governments' response to the protests of the May election results led to approximately 53 deaths of protesters and seven policemen. Tens of thousands of people suspected of being opposition supporters have been detained over the past months, although many of these detainees have been released.

Measures were taken to intimidate and criminalize the leading opposition group. The chairman of the latter (Hailu Shawel), the newly elected Mayor of Addis Ababa (Berhanu Nega), and the founder of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (retired geography professor Mesfin Wolde Mariam), and many more political leaders, human rights activists, community leaders and journalists were arrested and charged with treason and genocide (capital crimes), according to the "findings" of HR2003. In one trial of 33 persons, some defendants complained in court that they had been tortured to make false confessions, says AI.

Independent Commission's Findings on the Slaughter of Protestors

The conduct of the elections of May 2005 was seen by observers to be relatively free and fair, especially compared to past elections. More than 90% of registered voters participated and dozens of political parties took part in the elections. Some international groups observed the elections, and unprecedented access to the mass media was given to the opposition. There were even televised debates between the government and the opposition. However, the government announced suddenly it would not allow trained local groups from observing the election. So, when the government delayed announcing the results and certain irregularities were observed, the opposition accused the government of stealing the election and called for civil disobedience, which resulted in the killing of scores of demonstrators. Additionally, the government detained opposition leaders and thousands of their followers, including 11 elected members of parliament and the elected mayor of Addis Ababa.

The Commission of Inquiry was tasked to investigate whether government security forces used excessive force or showed a lack of respect for human rights during the violence in June 8, 2005 and November 1-10, 2005. The Commission took the testimonies from 1,300 people. The Commission concluded that 763 civilians were injured and 193 killed, and also reported that 71 police officers were injured and 6 killed. The Commission stated that civilians did not use weapons. Congressman Smith referred several times at the news conference to the 193 killed as "shot to the head."

After the Commission reached its decision, the Ethiopian Government reportedly began to put pressure on Commission members to change their report. "The Chairman of the Commission, a former Supreme Court President of the Southern Region of Ethiopia, was told by a senior advisor of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to call for an emergency meeting of the Commission in order to change the Commission's report," says the bill. Several Commission members, including the Chairman and the Deputy Chair, fled the country with the final report, and other documents relevant to the investigation. It has been briefed to members of the U. S. Congress.

Congressman Smith's Talks with PM Meles

At the press conference, Rep. Smith recounted his efforts to reason with the Ethiopian head of government.

"I also had a lengthy meeting with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. I urged him to investigate the slaughter of the pro-democracy demonstrators, to punish those responsible, and to release all political prisoners. I raised my deep concerns regarding the lack of fairness—especially the intimidation tactics employed by his agents—during recent national elections… I also raised concerns regarding the egregiously flawed means by which contested election outcomes were being adjudicated."

Rep. Smith pleaded with PM Meles to bring back the International Republican Institute (IRI) and the National Democratic Institute that were monitoring the election and who he had kicked out of the country. He asked Meles to work with the opposition and show respect and tolerance for those with differing views on the challenges facing Ethiopia.

Smith quoted Meles answer: "I have a file on all of them. They are all guilty of treason."

Rep. Smith found the PM's answer repulsive and unacceptable. Meles was condemning his opponents without even a trial, said Smith. Pondering the intransigence of the Prime Minister, Rep. Smith wrote a draft Ethiopia human rights bill on the plane back to Washington. It is similar to other bills he has authored: the Belarus Democracy Act (signed into law in Oct 2004 by President Bush) and the Vietnam Human Rights Act, which passed the House most recently on Sep 17.

At the press conference, Smith was accused by some as not being even-handed in the stand-off between the government and coalition of opposition parties. One person mentioned the statement he attributed to the opposition of seeking to "overthrow the government" and said he did not address the seven policemen killed according to the independent Commission of the Ethiopian Parliament.

Congressman Smith defended his actions, explaining that the government's lethal response and incarceration of its legitimate opponents is way out of line and that it needs to respect human rights and democracy. Smith described his own experience of being in the minority as a Republican for 14 years, then the majority for 12 years, and at the last election, he is in the minority again. These are instances of a government being "overthrown," but by the ballot box, peacefully, he said, adding that he doesn't like being in the minority, but that is the way democracies should work.

"No one put me up to this bill," Smith said emphatically, to dispel any notion that he was not 100% sincere in his wish to help Ethiopia.

"No one is above the law. Everyone has to live under the law, including [Prime Minister] Meles," Smith said.


Epoch Times

Fixing To Fight Another Border War

October 29, 2007: It looks like the UN is seriously considering disbanding the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission. If that's the case, it will amount to a diplomatic admission that the dispute over the Badme area has reached a complete impasse. It remains to be seen if the UN observer mission will be withdrawn from the Temporary Security Zone (TSZ). As it is, the observers already operate under severe restrictions in the TSZ, most of the restrictions imposed by Eritrea. That noted, Eritrea agreed, after the ceasefire in 2000 to accept the EEBC's binding decision on border demarcation – and Ethiopia didn't. Ethiopia justifies its position by insisting that Eritrea supports guerrilla movements inside Ethiopia, particularly ethnic-Somali rebels in the Ogaden but also guerrilla groups in northern Ethiopia. Eritrea is now accusing Ethiopia of planning to launch an invasion.

October 28, 2007: There is some uncertainty over the extent of Eritrea's military capabilities. Ethiopia outguns Eritrea in terms of military equipment and manpower. The issue is whether or not the Ethiopian military is "too stretched" in its commitments. Ethiopia still has military forces in Somalia and recently committed 5,000 troops to serve in a peacekeeping mission in Darfur (Sudan). Eritrea knows how to count "bullets and noses" (equipment and numbers of soldiers), but Eritrea could conclude that Ethiopia is vulnerable to a "serious probe" on the Eritrea-Ethiopia border. This scenario has a lot of risks, but the goal would be to bloody Ethiopian troops on the border, gain ten to 20 kilometers of territory, then seek a UN-imposed ceasefire. Eritrea would be betting that Ethiopia lacks the immediate tactical reserves to respond to the Eritrean thrust and that it would take at least three to four weeks for Ethiopia to bring sufficient troops into the area for a counter-attack. During that time Eritrea would pull all of the diplomatic levers to get a ceasefire, including arguing that all it did with its attack was enforce the EEBC's "binding decision."

October 27, 2007: Ethiopian military units in Somalia battled an Islamist force in Mogadishu. Ten people reportedly died in a series of firefights that involved heavy machine gun fire and artillery shelling. Ethiopia appears to have moved 20 tanks (a company-plus) backed by armored cars, into Mogadishu late on October 26th.

October 23, 2007: The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) claimed that its fighters had killed at least 250 Ethiopian soldiers in several recent firefights in eastern Ethiopia. The ONLF claimed that it killed 140 soldiers in a battle that began on October 21. Ethiopia denied the claim of "mass casualties" caused by the ONLF.

Eritrea claimed that it had arrested several members of an anti-Eritrean government group that had planned to assassinate Eritrea's chief of security.

October 22, 2007: Eritrea's main opposition group, the Eritrean Peoples Democratic Front (EPDF), claimed that the Eritrean government had moved an additional 25,000 soldiers up to the Ethiopian border. The EPDF said that two divisions, identified as the 19th and 13th Divisions, had reached the Temporary Security Zone (TSZ) and deployed along it. Again, this is a claim by the opposition group. There has not been (so far) an independent confirmation of the claim.

Strategy Page

Somali prime minister steps down

Somali PM Ali Mohammed Ghedi (r); Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf (l)
Mr Yusuf (l) and his prime minister (r) have failed to secure peace
The prime minister of Somalia's transitional government, Ali Mohamed Ghedi, has resigned.

Mr Ghedi told MPs of his decision after handing in his resignation to President Abdullahi Ahmed Yusuf.

Mr Ghedi has been blamed for failing to quell the Islamist insurgency in Somalia and for bringing Ethiopian troops onto Somali soil.

On Sunday, thousands fled the capital, Mogadishu, after Ethiopian troops opened fire on protestors.

The BBC's East Africa correspondent Karen Allen says that the prime minister's political future has for some time hung in the balance.

She says that despite efforts to salvage his job during talks at the weekend in Ethiopia, he has agreed to step down after pressure from within Somalia and the international community, in particular from the US.

Clan rivalries

Mr Ghedi's resignation was swiftly accepted by President Abdullahi Yusuf.

The pair have had a fractured relationship fuelled by clan rivalries during the three years they have worked together in Somalia's transitional government.

Man wounded in explosion on Sunday 29 August 2007
Thousands have been fleeing violence in Mogadishu
Mr Ghedi is from the Hawiye clan, which is dominant in Mogadishu and is the largest in the country.

President Yusuf is from the breakaway northern state of Puntland and comes from the Darod clan, the country's second largest.

Observers say the fear is that with Mr Ghedi gone, the Hawiye will now be even more united in their opposition to Mr Yusuf's transitional government.

Aides close to the president said that the resignation was part of a deal to end what he called the political confusion in Somalia.

The Ethiopians, seen as rivals by many Somalis, have been fighting alongside Somali troops to try and restore order to the fractured country, but many see them as inflaming tensions.

Somalia has been without an effective government since civil war began in 1991, but has seen a surge in violence since Ethiopian-backed government troops ousted Islamists last December.

The UN says some 400,000 people have fled the violence in Mogadishu in the past four months.

BBC

Red Cross sends home 835 Ethiopians from Eritrea

By Jack Kimball

ASMARA (Reuters) - More than 800 Ethiopians living in Eritrea have been repatriated across the militarised Eritrean-Ethiopian border, the Red Cross said on Monday, amid rising tensions between the two Horn of African neighbours.

Troop movements along the frontier and vitriolic rhetoric have heightened fears of renewed conflict between Addis Ababa and Asmara, seven years after a peace deal ended a bloody two-year border war killing some 70,000 people.

"On 26 October 2007, 835 civilians were repatriated from Eritrea to Ethiopia under the auspices of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)," a statement said.

"In the same operation, 50 civilians were repatriated from Ethiopia to Eritrea," the ICRC added.

The Red Cross says it has been repatriating Ethiopians and Eritreans to their home country since June 2000, but does not say why the nationals want to return home.

But some repatriated Ethiopians say they have faced a nightly curfew, a fine for living in Eritrea, or even prison.

The government denies that.

"I was snatched from the workshop where I used to work by some government agents, and arrested for a whole year just because I was Ethiopian," said an electrician and recent returnee.

"I would rather refuse to tell my name because for every word I speak here with you, consequences could happen to my family, who are left behind," he said by telephone from Adwa town in northern Ethiopia.

Eritrea, however, dismissed those accusations, saying the returnees were being used by the Ethiopian government for propaganda.

"That's not true. The Ethiopians and anybody in Eritrea have unlimited freedom," Information Minister Ali Abdu told Reuters.

"I don't think these people say that. This is the Ethiopian government's agenda to sow hatred among the two peoples."

Along the border, there has been no let up in tensions.

Last week, Eritrea said intelligence services had discovered a plot by Ethiopia to invade the Red Sea state ahead of a late November deadline by an independent boundary commission to mark on maps the nations' shared border.

Reuters

October 27, 2007

Eritrean asylum seekers face uncertain future

Image caption: Photo: There are around 2,500 Eritreans living in Switzerland (Netzwerk Asyl)

Eritreans fleeing the army have come under the spotlight after Swiss Justice Minister Christoph Blocher called for tougher measures against deserters seeking asylum.

People from Eritrea currently top the list for asylum applications. They accounted for more than 14 per cent of all asylum applications in the first nine months of 2007.


Blocher told the media earlier this week that Switzerland's generosity in granting deserters and contentious objectors refugee status had made it a target for Eritreans fleeing their homeland.

Eritrea is in involved in an ongoing border dispute with its neighbour Ethiopia, and men and women are liable for conscription into the tightly controlled Eritrean army.

Blocher – who is a leading figure in the rightwing Swiss People's Party - wants to tighten Swiss law to ensure that army desertion is no longer a valid reason for granting asylum.

However, the non-governmental organisation Swiss Refugee Council disputes the minister's reasoning.

It says the Swiss Asylum Appeal Commission decided two years ago that Eritreans who faced torture if sent home should be recognised as refugees. It is generally accepted that many will face such treatment upon their return.

The Council points out that refusing to serve in the army has in itself never been grounds for granting refugee status.

"What is certain is that Switzerland must give provisional admission to these deserters if they are at risk of torture or serious maltreatment," Council spokesman Yann Golay told swissinfo.


Switzerland must give provisional admission to these deserters if they are at risk of torture.

Yann Golay, Swiss Refugee Council

Situation of conscripts

Many human rights organisations, including Amnesty International and Freedom House, have detailed the situation of conscripts in Eritrea.

Conscription is universal; in theory it lasts 18 months, but the practice is different, they say.

Many conscripts have been kept in service indefinitely and security forces periodically round up thousands of suspected draft dodgers. Family members of deserters have been obliged to put up large bonds, or have been imprisoned to oblige their relatives to report for duty, say the organisations.

According to Amnesty International, asylum seekers sent back to Eritrea from Malta in 2002 were tortured on their return.

For her part, Regula Fiechter, from the Catholic charity Caritas, which has helped many Eritrean asylum seekers submit their applications to the Swiss authorities, disputes the view that many Eirtreans target Switzerland in particular.

While it is true that many of them want to join family members already in the country, others do not want to come to Switzerland at all, she explained. Many are simply in the hands of people smugglers, she said.

Switzerland – a target?

The Federal Migration Office has a different interpretation.

"The people smugglers are well informed about what's available in different countries," Jonas Montani, an office spokesman, told swissinfo. "If you grant people refugee status, this acts as a pull factor."

Refugees in Switzerland are given so-called B-residence permits. Although they must be renewed annually, after a certain number of years the permit can be converted to one that allows the holder to stay indefinitely. A provisional status is much more precarious.

"Where someone is accepted provisionally, we can keep checking if the situation in the country of origin has changed," said Montani.

Currently around 2,500 Eritreans live in Switzerland. Caritas' Fiechter says they are mostly highly disciplined, very keen to learn the language and to integrate.

"We are looking for peace, security and education," a young Eritrean told a gathering organised by a support group in the northern town of Aarau in September. "We don't want to be a burden to anyone. We are not criminals, we want to work."

swissinfo, Julia Slater

October 25, 2007

Alaabaan ABO Gaara Kolomanjaaroo Gubbaatti Sabbontotaan Fannifame



Hawwii fi dheebuu bilisummaa qabaataanii eenyummaa Oromoo fi biyya isaanii Oromiyaa adduunyaa guutuu fi ardii Africa irratti mul’isuuf jedhcha alaabaan Oromoo hangaatee ol baatee gaara ardii Africatti tokkooffaa fi guddicha kan tahe irratti fannisuun hawwii isaanii kan ture dargaggoon Oromo lama gaara kana gubbaa yaabuun alaabaa Oromoo fannisan.
Suuraa: Urji i fi Dargaggoo Eebbaa Taddasaa Uhuru Peak, tulluu Kilimanjaro irratti alaabaa ABO ennaa fannisan

Obboleeyyan lameen durbee Urjii fi dargaggoo Eebbaa Taadasaan emla dheertuu deemuun gaara biyya Africa keessatti guddinaan beekamaa tahe Kilomanjaaroo yaabanii alaabaa Oromo fannnisuun jaalala sabaa fi biyyaa qaban addunyaan akka arguu fi ardiin African akka beektu hawwii isaanii fi kan maatii isaanii tahuu ibsanii jiru.

“Do’attoonni adduunyaa hedduun ardii Africa dhufanii gaara kana gubbaa waan yaabanii do’ataniif alaabaa Oromo achi irratti arguun saba Oromoo fi Oromian akkasumas dhaaba keenya ABOn maal akka tahe akka baraniif jedhcha imala dheertuu fi hifachiistuu taate kana deemnee alaabaa eenyummaa keenya ibsitu achi irra yeroo keenyu Oromo tahuu fi sabboonnummaa keenyattis hedduu boonne. Alaabaa har’a gaara kana gubbaa fannifne kun booru guyyaan bilisummaa Oromootaa gaafa gahu dachee Oromia irratti ol kaatee hangaatee fannifamtee gammachuu saba keenyaa yeroo ibisutu nutti mul’ata”jedhu Ebbaa fi Urjiin.

Dargaggoonni kun abbaan isaanii Dr Taaddasaa Ebbaan hoganaa fi bu’urressaa ABO yeroo tahu baroota dheeraaf maatii isaanii dhiisanii yeroo qabsootti turan. Haati isaanii harmeen Urjii adde Adisee Gannatiin yeroo dargaggoonni kun xiqqummatti turan faashistiin dargii Oromummaan yakkee waggaa 12f hidhaa keessatti dararaa kan ture dha.


Gaarri Kilomanjaaroo biyya Africa irratti guddichaa fi adunyaa irratti beekamaa 756 sq km / 75,353ha, 19,340ft/5,89m kan tahe naannoon isaa bosonaan marfamee, walakkeessa biyya Kenyaa fi Tanzaanitti jidduutti argama.Maqaan Kilomanjaaro jedhu bakka adda addaatti akka adda addaatti haamogaafamu malee afaan ummata naannoo sani jiraatu warra Kswaalii fi Chaggaa,Machaameen gaara guddicha,gaara addaatu, gaara dhifamaa jedhanii akka adda addaatti yaamu.Garuu akka hiikkaa afaan Kiswaalii dhaanis “Kilmaa” jedhchuun gaara baddaa ykn irra keessa gaaraa jedhchuudha, nijaro jedhchuun ammo “cabbii” jedhchuun beekama.

T65 : Facts and figures

Facts

: the highest peak in Africa

: the highest freestanding peak in the world

: the highest 'walkable' mountain in the world

Protection

: 1921 : forest reserve established

: 1973 : park established

: Park HQ Opened : 1977 (by President Nyerere)

: Unesco World Heritage : 1989

Location

: Northern Tanzania : East Africa

: 2 50' / 3 20'S : 37 00 / 37 35'E

Areas

: Park : 756 sq km / 75,353ha

: Forest reserve : 929 sq km / 92,906ha

Altitudes

: Marangu Gate : 1,830m

: Summit : 5,895m

Dimensions

: Kibo Crater : diameter : 1.9 x 2.7 km

: Kibo Ash Pit : diameter : 350m

Rainfall at altitudes

: Forest Belt : 1800m : 2300mm

: Mandara Hut : 2740m : 1300mm

: Horobo Hut : 3718m: 525mm

: Kibo Hut : 4630m : 200mm

Temperature

: Generally falls 1C with every 200m increase in altitude

: Marangu Gate : 10C to 30C

: Summit : -20C to 10C


The US’s War In Darfur

By Keith Harmon Snow

October 25th, 2007

“The humanitarian tragedy in Darfur revolves around natural resources… Given current realities, no intervention in Darfur will proceed, and if it did it would fail.”

So opined the authors of the September 2006 OPED “Keeping Peacekeepers out of Darfur” [GN1](DHG, 9/15/06). Now, over a year later, the situation in Sudan is grimmer than ever, the Darfur conflict remains widely mischaracterized, and many of the predictions of that OPED have come true. Meanwhile, the “Save Darfur” advocates pressing military intervention in Darfur as a “humanitarian” gesture have escalated pressure in the face of mounting failures, including allegations that millions of “Save Darfur” dollars fundraised on a sympathy for victims platform have been misappropriated.

The Darfur region of western Sudan has been a hotbed of clandestine activities, gunrunning and indiscriminate violence for decades. The Cold War era saw countless insurgencies launched from the remote deserts of Darfur. Throughout the 1990’s factions allied with or against Chad, Uganda, Ethiopia, Congo, Libya, Eritrea and the Central African Republic operated from bases in Darfur, and it was a regular landing strip for foreign military transport planes of mysterious origin. In 1990, Chad's Idriss Deby launched a military blitzkrieg from Darfur and overthrew President Hissan Habre; Deby then allied with his own ethnic group against the Sudan government. Sudanese rebels today have bases in Chad, and Chadian rebels have bases in Darfur, with Khartoum’s backing.[GN2] When the regime of Ange-Félix Patassé collapsed in the Central African Republic in March 2003, soldiers fled to Darfur with their military equipment. Khartoum supported the West Nile Bank Front, a rebel army operating against Uganda from Eastern Congo, commanded by Taban Amin, the son of the infamous Ugandan dictator, Idi Amin, who heads Uganda’s dreaded Internal Security Organization. Darfur is the epicenter of a modern-day international geopolitical scramble for Africa’s resources.

Conflict in Darfur escalated in 2003 after in parallel with negotiations “ending” the south Sudan war. The U.S.-backed insurgency by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), the guerilla force that fought the northern Khartoum government for 20 years, shifted to Darfur, even as the G.W. Bush government allied with Khartoum in the U.S. led “war on terror.” The Sudan Liberation Army (SLA)—one of some 27 rebel factions mushrooming in Darfur—is allied with the SPLA and supported from Uganda. Andrew Natsios, former USAID chief and now US envoy to Sudan, said on October 6, 2007 that the atmosphere between the governments of north and south Sudan “had become poisonous.” This is no surprise given the magnitude of the resource war in Sudan and the involvement of international interests.

Darfur is reported to have the fourth largest copper and third largest uranium deposits in the world. Darfur produces two-thirds of the world’s best quality gum Arabic—a major ingredient in Coke and Pepsi. Contiguous petroleum reserves are driving warfare from the Red Sea, through Darfur, to the Great Lakes of Central Africa. Private military companies operate alongside petroleum contractors and “humanitarian” agencies. Sudan is China's fourth biggest supplier of imported oil, and U.S. companies controlling the pipelines in Chad and Uganda seek to displace China through the US military alliance with “frontline” states hostile to Sudan: Uganda, Chad and Ethiopia.

Israel reportedly provides military training to Darfur rebels from bases in Eritrea, and has strengthened ties with the regime in Chad, from which more weapons and troops penetrate Darfur. The refugee camps have become increasingly militarized. There are reports that Israeli military intelligence operates from within the camps, as does U.S intelligence. Eritrea is about to explode into yet another war with Ethiopia.

African Union (AU) forces in Darfur include Nigerian and Rwandan troops responsible for atrocities in their own countries. While committing 5000 troops for a UN force in Darfur, Ethiopia is perpetrating genocidal atrocities in Somalia, and against Ethiopians in the Ogaden, Oromo and Anuak regions. Uganda has 2000 U.S.-trained troops in Somalia, also committing massive atrocities, and the genocide against the Acholi people in northern Uganda proceeds out of sight. Ethiopia is the largest recipient of U.S. “Aid” in Africa, with Rwanda and Uganda close on its heals. France is deeply committed to the Anglo-American strategy, which will benefit Total Oil Corp.

AU troops receive military-logistic support from NATO, and are widely hated. Early in October 2007, SLA rebels attacked an AU base killing ten troops. In a subsequent editorial sympathetic to rebel factions (“Darfur’s Bitter Ironies,” Guardian Online, 10/4/07) Smith College English professor Eric Reeves espoused the tired rhetoric of “Khartoum’s genocidal counter-insurgency war in Darfur,” a position counterproductive to any peaceful settlement. To minimize the damage this rebel attack has done to their credibility Reeves and other “Save Darfur” advocates cast doubt about the rebels’ identities and mischaracterized the SLA attackers as “rogue commanders.” However, there is near unanimous agreement, internationally, that rebels are “out of control,” committing widespread rape and plundering with impunity, just as the SPLA did in South Sudan for over a decade.

Debunking the claims of a “genocide against blacks” or an “Islamic holy-war” against Christians, Darfur’s Arab and black African ethnic groups have intermarried for centuries, and nearly everyone is Muslim. The “Save Darfur” campaign is deeply aligned with Jewish and Christian faith-based organizations in the United States, Canada, Europe and Israel. These groups have relentlessly campaigned for Western military action, demonizing both Sudan and China, but they have never addressed Western military involvement—backing factions on all sides. By mobilizing constituencies sympathetic to the “genocide” label and the cries of “never again” they do a grave disservice to the cause of human rights.

There is growing dissent within the “Save Darfur” movement as more supporters question its motivations and the Jewish/Israeli link. “Save Darfur” leaders have been replaced after complaints surfaced about expenditures of funds. Many rebel leaders reportedly receive tens of thousands of dollars monthly, and rebels emboldened by the “Save Darfur” movement commit crimes with impunity. There is a growing demand to probe the accounts of “Save Darfur” to find out how the tens of millions collected are being spent due to allegations of arms-deals and bribery—rebel leaders provided with five-star hotel accommodations, prostitutes and sex parties.

“Save Darfur” is today the rallying cry for a broad coalition of special interests. Advocacy groups—from the local Massachusetts Congregation B’Nai Israel chapter to the International Crises Group and USAID—have fueled the conflict through a relentless, but selective, public relations campaign that disingenuously serves a narrow policy agenda. These interests offer no opportunity for corrective analyses, but stubbornly press their agenda, and they are widely criticized for inflaming tensions in Darfur. Rhetoric, aggression and propaganda do not make a strong foreign policy, and the African people suffering from this brutal international conflict involving China, Saudi Arabia, France, Britain, Canada, the United States and Israel cannot eat good intentions foolishly delivered under the banners of “humanitarian aid” and a poorly cloaked militarism.

The West is desperate to deploy a “robust peacekeeping” mission in Darfur, to press the Western agenda, but United Nations forces will only deepen the chaos. The UN forces will cost billions of dollars and will achieve nothing positive. Indeed, the results will be disastrous, creating another Iraq and Afghanistan—only increasing the chaos and devastation already apparent. The United States is hated for this kind of aggression and posturing, and the U.S. economy will continue to suffer.


Keith Harmon Snow is an independent human rights investigator and war correspondent who worked with Survivors Rights International (2005-2006), Genocide Watch (2005-2006) and the United Nations (2006) to document and expose genocide and crimes against humanity in Sudan and Ethiopia. He has worked in 17 countries in Africa, and he recently worked in Afghanistan.