November 30, 2009

Seena Nairobi xiqqoo ishee (Walaloo Suraa Dhugaa)

Seena Nairobi xiqqoo ishee


Suraa Dhugaa irraa

Mee wattii dubadhuu?
yoo kan na dhagesuu,
barri darbuu geessu
kan ati cufaa tessuu
firi nabarbadee eessaa ana haabaasuu?

Akkuma karchallee kessan si shoggorruu
hairan jedhaan kana akam baruu
hugaamoo ajadhaa ana kani ol nagurruu?
warrii achi jirtaan isiin haa bararruu
bishaan lafaa gurruu
hammii achii kessaa isaa walgurgurruu
du'aaf wal aburruu
waaqayyoo guddaan isiin haa bararruu!!

Wayyaa nairobii silaaf maalan godha
bakka dhoksaa kooti maafan siti dubbadha
baayyee baayyeen dannun si jaaladhaa
akka fedhee ba'ee akka fedhee yooman galee beekaa
kanan sirraa dhabee isa kana beekaa
polisiin na helmaa hunduu harka harkaa
wan qubuu qixxeedhaa yoo ta'aa na harka,

Kan mulangoo kubbaa
isaa fiqlachoo hiraani gubbaa
yemmuun sii yaadadhuu garaa koo naguba
basee himmachuu dhaf hinqabu ka abbaa!!!

Jabbadha lammii koo rakkoon hunduu ni darbbaa!!!!!

Oromo Union to Stage Protest Against Zenawi at the Copenhagen Climate Summit


Oromo Union to Stage Protest Against Zenawi at the Copenhagen Climate Summit

The oldest Oromo students organization, the Union of Oromo Students in Europe (UOSE), has announced its plans to stage a peaceful demonstration against Mr. Meles Zenawi’s unfair and unjust representation on the UN Global Climate Change Summit in Copenhagen, Denmark, on December 17, 2009. UOSE extends invitation to all to show up and voice their just opposition for the unjust participation and representation of Meles Zenawi, one of the most repressive dictators and violators of human rights in Africa. Founded in 1974, the Union of Oromo Students in Europe, (UOSE) or Tokkumma Barattoota Oromoo Awurooppaa (TBOA), is a student organization based in Germany. Today’s controversial politician and former Ethiopia’s president, Dr. Negasso Gidada, had served as the Union’s first president.

- – - – Article Continues Below – - – -

Gadaa.com

Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Mr. Zenawi, will travel to Copenhagen Climate Change Summit as Africa’s lead negotiator for a climate deal; however, powerful countries of the world are shying away from making any deal at that Summit. On behalf of Africa’s dictators, Ethiopia’s authoritarian ruler, Mr. Zenawi, has demanded a $40-billion-dollars per year compensation for the damage caused on Africa by global warning or else he has threatened to walk out, a human right he has denied to members of the opposition in Ethiopia. While there is no doubt that Africa has been on the receiving end of the adverse climate change from global warming and such compensation is appropriate, handing over billions of dollars to corrupt African dictators will worsen the environmental calamity in Africa rather than alleviate it.

Dictators and violators of human rights should not be supported by the developed countries. Besides, rulers who have such devastating records of environmental degradation should not get a place on such a global summit. Because the summit or conference is not for such dictators and violators of human rights, but it’s rather for those who care for the environment as well as the rights of human beings.

Particularly, politically, economically and environmentally blind Meles Zenawi has no moral high ground to get a chair on such a summit by representing the “Ethiopian People,” let alone African Nations. Mr. Zenawi should rather be brought to justice at the Hague! He should be at the court for his immoral human rights violations and environmental degradation in the country!

In January 2009, Mr. Zenawi declared that “Ethiopia will not slowdown its efforts to industrialise for fear of worsening the state of the environment and increasing carbon pollution.” Today, he has become a devious apostle of the Green Movement in order to blackmail the developed world into giving him and fellow African dictators billions of dollars.

The Union of Oromo Students in Europe is organizing the protest, which will be on Thursday, December 17, 2009 in Copenhagen, Denmark. UOSE asks all to come to the demonstration and disseminate this information to friends, families, and to all whom one thinks this demonstration concerns!

Contact Information:
- Website: http://tboa.multiply.com
- Email: uosetboa@gmail.com

Source: www.gadaa.com

November 29, 2009

Ethiopian Ex-President’s, Negasso Gidada’s, Political Move: Backward or Forward? (By Fayyis Oromia)

Ethiopian Ex-President’s, Negasso Gidada’s, Political Move: Backward or Forward?

By Fayyis Oromia

I read the news about Negasso Gidada, the ex-president of Ethiopia, joining the opposition party, UDJ, with the feeling of ambivalence. Is his move constructive or destructive to the liberation movement of his own nation, Oromo? Is his current political development a backward move or a forward move? To answer these questions, we need to look at the conflict between the interest of the nation Oromo, to whom he belongs, and the interest of the region called Ethiopia composing many nations, in which the two Abyssinian nations were exchangeably dominant in the past about 150 years. In short, we need to look at the complementarity and contradiction between the Ethiopian “democratic movement” and the Oromian liberation movement.

When I was a university student some years back, I and one of my friends were sitting in a bus and looking through the window a nice city we were touring, and accidentally we saw one of our teachers (lecturers) walking. This lecturer was a bit elderly, with light coloured skin, had bald head till the back side and with full beard. My funny friend just watched and asked me, whether the teacher was walking forward or backward. Because of his bald head and full beard on his chin, we couldn’t differentiate his face from the back of his head. That was very funny indeed, so both of us laughed. Since then, this episode remained to be a joke among our circle of friends. As I read Negasso’s decision to join the “multi-national” UDJ instead of the national party OFC, I just remembered this joke and laughed at the measure taken by the ex-president. A question came to my mind was: is this backward or forward political move?

To look at the political career of the ex-president, first he was an OLF activist who used to believe in liberating Oromia from the Abyssinian colonialism; then he joined OPDO believing in ethnic federalism; after he left OPDO, I heard him demanding Oromo’s right to self-determination per referendum; now he joined a party which rejects the right of Oromo nation to self-determination and which even wants to dismantle Oromia with a pre-text of preferring xeqilaigizat-federalism in contrast to the kilil-federalism, which is supported by the Oromo people. Is this move a backward or a forward move for one Oromo intellectual, who wrote his dissertation on the Oromo history and who used to struggle for the right of the Oromo in the past 40 years?

No question the Oromo liberation movement is getting momentum, slowly but surely, so that many stakeholders in the region are in a big worry (firstly, Habesha elites; secondly, the Western allies of Habesha elites who used to support them in suppressing the Oromo; and thirdly, few elites of the small nationalities in the empire, who are mistakenly in fear of Oromo’s “future domination”). These anti-Bilisummaa (anti-freedom) forces are now doing every thing under the sky to inhibit and hinder the Oromo liberation’s forward movement. One of the “modern and 21st century” move to hinder Oromo from achieving Bilisummaa (freedom of) Oromo and Walabummaa (sovereignty of) Oromia is playing the game of the fake democratization of Ethiopia.

The opponents of the Oromo liberation movement know very well that genuine democratization of Ethiopia is the best MEANS to achieve the END of the Oromo liberation movement, that is why they only give lip service, but never allow it to happen. Conservative and old-mode (faaraa) Amhara elites with the mind of the 20th-century Nefxenya (rule using nefx or gun) already showed their alliance with the 21st Nefxenya TPLF now in power through the Zenawi-Shawel-handshake. The smart and modern (araadaa) em>Nefxenyas of both Habesha nations are re-organizing themselves in UDJ and G-7. That is why I am not surprised by the raised handshake of Siye Abraha with Gizachew Shiferraw, but the raised handshake of Negasso Gidada with Gizachew Shiferraw made me to be sad and at the same time to laugh, that is the ambivalence of emotion I had. Fact on the ground is that araadaa way or faaraa way, all the handshakes are about saving the empire! The faaraa Nefxenyas try to keep the empire with old method like talking about the “history” that Debteraa Bahirey and Aleqaa Taye wrote about Ethiopia and by demanding directly to dismantle Oromia. The araadas use totally other methods, for example, to reduce the danger of dismantling the empire domination system, which is coming from Oromo, they use the following theories as postmodern approaches now applied to fight against Oromo’s right to self-determination in order to save the empire from disintegration:

- “All Ethiopians including Tigrayans are Oromo, so the Oromo liberation in a form of Oromian autonomy or Oromian independence is not necessary”, this is the theory constantly preached by Habesha elites in different forums and PalTalks.

- “Oromos, as a majority, can rule Ethiopia, so let’s fight for democracy together, no need of the Oromo liberation movement”, this is an approach of the modern Habesha movement which tries to instrumentalize Oromo individuals like Birtukan Midhagsa, now joined by Negasso Gidada.

- “Every body in Ethiopia is blended with Oromo, so Ethiopia is Oromia and Ethiopian empire is in reality an Oromo empire”, Siye Abraha’s approach belongs here based on the speech he made as he toured North America.

- “Let’s focus on the development of Oromia; the majority of Oromo people need more food rather than freedom”, TPLF and its puppets in OPDO do approach this way to divert attention of the Oromo from struggle for liberation and to pacify Oromo.

- “Oromo need unconditional national independence without regional union, but OLF is the first enemy who abandoned this goal; so first let’s focus on bashing, cursing, demonizing, discrediting and vilifying OLF, specially its hitherto leaders”, Weyane cadres acting as the radical pro-Oromian-independence Oromo tried this method to divide and destroy the vanguard liberation front.

Be it they are faaraa or araadaa, till now there is no Amhara party, which came to the middle ground to accept and respect kilil-(”ethnic”)-federalism as a compromise solution for the conflict between the pro-unitarity Amhara elites and pro-independence Oromo elites. By the way, I personally don’t believe that there is any “multi-national (hibre-biher)” party in Ethiopian empire. One of the fake and fiction stories we are hearing from Ethiopia nowadays is that people try to divide political parties in that empire in to “ethnic based” and “hibre-biher”. All Amhara parties like AEUP, CUDP, EDP, EDUM, EPPF, EPRP, G-7, UDJ and UEDF-diaspora try to sell themselves as all inclusive political parties. And, they try to vilify others like OFC, SEPDC, OLF, ONLF, SLF, etc as “narrow minded national (ye biher)” organizations. For their justification, they try to show us that, for instance, UDJ is led by people from many different nationalities.

Here, I think there is no necessity to fool each other. People from other nationalities, who are active in Amhara parties are only hardware (biologically from other nations), but with Amhara software (Amhara mind pursuing to keep Amhara interset). Just look at those in UDJ and G-7: Birtukan Midhegsa is Amhara software in Oromo hardware (she is Amhara in mind and Oromo in blood); Hailu Araya is Amhara in mind and Tigaru in blood; Berihanu Nega is Amhara in mind and Gurage in blood; Muluneh Iyuel is Amhara in mind and Hadiya in blood, etc. Just look at their attempt of stressing to use only Amharinya by all parties, they never dare to use Afaan Oromo even though they try to get the support of Oromo. We can forget the other conservative “hibre-biher” parties like AEUP and EPRP, who talk only about one “Ethiopian people (ye Itiyophiya hizb)”, they never dare to say “Ethiopian peoples (ye Itiyophiya hizbooch)”! But let us all be aware of Amhara software in other’s hardware. Otherwise, I just want to add my observation regarding the form of expression used by two Oromo intelectuals, Merera Gudina and Negasso Gidada, in the last few weeks. They hitherto used to talk about “ye Itiyophiya hizboch” till a journalist from Addis-dimts confronted Merera few weeks back in one of his last interviews. Since then both of them talk only about “ye Itiyophiya hizb”, the expression which is loved by Habesha elites just to confirm their mantra of “only one people” in Ethiopia. To my understanding both expressions are not wrong, it only depends on the context. When they are talking in the context of Ethiopian government Vs Ethiopian people, it is right to use “ye Itiyophia hizb” i.e in relation to only one federal government, but when the discussion is about the right of nations in the empire, using the expression “ye Itiyophiya hizboch” is appropriate. So, I just encourage Oromo politicians to use both expressions depending on the context.

Regarding the move of Oromo nationalists nowadays, I think there is a consensus on the route of the journey to our END. We have to keep the status-quo (a limited cultural autonomy) from any setback; then we have to move together towards true Oromian autonomy, the goal set by OFC; lastly, we have to finish the journey to self-determination per referendum leading to one of the two outcomes (’independent Oromia with a union of nations in the region’ or ‘independent Oromia without such a union’). Besides this, it is good to know that according to my hitherto observation, Abyssinian elites and Oromian elites preach democracy for the sake of two different and opposite ENDs:

- for Abyssinian elites, democratization of Ethiopia is a means for decimation of Oromia into ten pieces. That is why they propagate geography-based or xeqilaigizat-federation on the contrary to the language-based or kilil-federation aka “ethnic” federalism. It is a move towards unitary Ethiopia, melting all nations into Amharic speakers. Is Negasso now preferring this move?

- for Oromians, democratization of Ethiopia is a means for liberation of Oromia from the empire domination system. That is why we want to convert the fake kilil-federation of Weyane to a genuine kilil-federation, which can be the best precondition to move to self-determination of Oromo.

Abyssinian elites theoretically preach democracy, but practically they walk against it. Oromo elites do have no fear from genuine democracy for it can lead us to liberated Oromia. At the same time, we do have no fear from union of nations in the empire or region if it is based on our free will for it is the best way to Oromo’s leadership in the region as Oromo is a biggest and strongest nation of the area. Based on the difference we do have among Oromo people in respect to the two possible outcomes of self-determination per referendum, I think “pro independence without union” Oromo individuals, who do cry foul against “pro independence within a union” Oromo’s dedication to democratize Ethiopia, should stop their lamenting. Democratization of Ethiopia is not the END per se, but the means to the END i.e to the liberation of Oromia. If we perceive it like this, then it is clear to see why Abyssinian elites get panic whenever genuine democratization is getting root in the empire!

Coming back to the raised handshake of Negasso with Gizachew and Siye, let’s look at the possible impact on our liberation movement. Just as Weyane cadres and their web-sites rejoiced and jumped because of the advantage they did get from the handshake between Meles Zenawi & Hailu Shawel, the handshake of Negasso Gidada with Gizachew Shiferraw also made pro-unitarity Amhara elites to sing and jump with joy. Why? Because they perceived it as a triumph of their movement of unitarity over Oromo movement for liberty. To their pleasure, surprisingly Negasso also made an analogy of a chicken in an egg-shell for “national movements,” such as Oromo liberation movement. He just failed to perceive the smart Amhara national movement, which is always covered with “Ethiopian multi-national movement”, in its true nature. Thus, in reality, he just moved from his own egg-shell (Oromo liberation movement) into the other one’s egg-shell (Amhara domination movement). Why did he do this? He already gave the answer himself: because of the “love and popularity” he got from Habesha elites! Interestingly, this is the smart method Habesha elites used till now in order to weaken Oromo nationalists, i.e make them “friends”, give them “love and recognition” as far as they are in line with Habesha elites’ domination move and the same Habesha elites do the opposite (hate, denounce, despise, denigrate, etc) whenever such Oromo elites start to emphasize the importance of Oromo liberation from Habesha elites’ domination.

Anyways, I hope that Oromo individuals in UDJ one day will wake up and smell the coffee. Unless Habesha elites in parties like UDJ and G-7 are ready to accept and respect the God-given and Man-made right of the Oromo people to self-determination, unless they at least decide to recognize the Oromian autonomy in Ethiopian context, no araadaa manipulation of Habesha elites will stop the Oromo people from pushing for the liberation struggle for our desired Kaayyoo (goal). But, for the sake of fighting against fascist Weyane at the moment, I dare to support the move of both Negasso and Siye to strengthen the currently viable opposition aka Medrek. If UDJ in Medrek is for the true kilil-federation, I think Negasso’s current political move is a forward move, but if UDJ continues to prefer xeqilaygizat-federation, which is a pre-text for dismantling Oromia, Negasso just moved politically backward. The only thing that all stakeholders in the empire/region have to have in mind is that they can not fool Oromo people, who do have no other wish and intention except securing our right to self-determination.

Galatooma!

November 28, 2009

TOAn (UOSE) Hiriira Nagaa Biyya Denmark, Copenhagen Waamicha Godhe

MALLAS SUMMAA’UU LAGA QOOQAAF ITTI GAAFATAMAA DHA!!

”Ijoollee 9n da’e, 6 du’anii 3 qofatu na waliin hafe, Abbaan warraa kiyyas ni du’e, maatii koo keessaa nama 7n awwaale, hunda isaanii dhiiga garaa kaasee ajjeese, mana yaalaa deemnee turre, rakkinni bishaan irraa akka ta’e nutti himan, halkan hirribaa ka’een maatii koo yaada, irra kan na yaaddessu garuu ijoolleen koo warri hafan kun ni jiraatuu dha, yoon irraa du’e attam ta’u? Abdiin tokko nu hafe hin jiru Waaqa male” jetti Adde Aminaan.

”Ijoolleen Aadde Amiinaa kan du’an muka irraafaa kufaniiti malee summaa’uu bishaaniin miti” jedhu jala deemtonni

Mallas gaaffii VOAn gaafateef deebii yeroo kennan. Qormaatni Laga Qooqaa irratti geggeeffame ragaa kan ba’u summaa’uu bishaan kanaaf sababni xurii warshaa Waayyaannee (Mootummaa Itihoophiyaa) keessaa gara bishaan kanaati dhangala’u akka ta’ee dha.

Magaalaa guddittii biyya Denmark, Copenhagen keessatti gaafa 7-18/12/2009 wal-ga’iin sadarkaa addunyaa dhimma Qilleensaa irratti mari’atutu adeemsifama. Akeekni wal-ga’ii kanaa “fala ittiin waannen qilleensa summeessa gadi xiqqeessan irratti mari’achuu dha”. Wal-ga’ii kana gama dhumaa, guyyaa17 fi 18 ji’a 12ffaa irratti matoota biyyaatu wal-ga’ii kana irratti argamuuf dhufa. Kanumaan wal qabatee mataan Waayyaannee Mallas Zeenaawiis walga’ii kana irratti argamuuf Africa bakka bu’ee dhufuuf akka deemu himamee jira. Asitti kan nama dhibu Mallas kan dhufu biyyooti guddatan Africaf $billionaan waggaa waggaan akka kennan gaafachuuf ykn akkuma amala isaa kadhachuuf malee dhimma qilleensaa irratti dubbachuun Ajandaa isaa keessa waan jiru hin fakkaatu.

Akka nuti yaannutti Mallas Zeenaawwii kan itti gaafatamummaan itti hin dhaga’amne, Kiisha isaa guuttachuu qofaaf Ilmaan Oromoo kumaaatamaan bishaan summaa’een ficcisiisaa jiru, ofiif utuu rakkina ta’ee jiruu rakkinaaf furmaata barbaaduun hin danda’u. Dhugaa lafa jiru, nuti hundi beeknu kana ammoo warri Mallasaa akka inni wal-ga’ii kana irraa qooda fudhatuuf afeeranis beekuu qabu jennee amanna. Yoo nuti Oromootni biyya alaa jirru sagalee tokkoon kaanee haala Aadde Amiin keessa jirtu kana addunyaatti hin iyyineef ishiinis ta’e ijoolleen ishii 3n hafan kan isaan eeggatu carruma maatii ishii warra dhumanii ti.

Kanaaf egaa gaafa 17/12/2009 tti hiriira mormii guddaan Magaalaa guddittii Denmark, Copenhagen, keessatti adeemsifamuuf qophiin xumuramee waan jiruuf kanneen xalayaan kun isin ga’ee fi kanneen Imimmaan Aadde Amiinaan cobsaa guyyaa du’a ishii fi kan ijoollee ishii 3n hafanii eeggattu isinitti dhaga’ame guyyaa jedhame kanatti akka argamtanii ”Mallasaan dhumiinsa maatii Aadde Amiinaaf itti gaafatamaa dha” jennee mootummoota addunyaatti sagalee Aadde Amiinaa waliin dhageessifnuuf afeerraa Oromummaa fi Namummaa isiniif goona. Hiriirri kun kan qophaa’u Tokkummaa Barattoota Awurooppaan.

Odeeffannoo dabalataaf: e-mail yomis99@yahoo.com kana quunnamaa.

Koree Qindeessituu

November 23, 2009

Britain and US urge probe on Ethiopian aid abuse

By ARGAW ASHINE
NATION Correspondent in Addis Ababa

The US and Britain have expressed concern over the alleged politicisation of humanitarian aid in Ethiopia ahead of elections and called for immediate investigation.

A week ago, Ethiopia’s main opposition group, the Forum for Democratic Dialogue accused the government of using its access to foreign-funded, anti-poverty programmes to gain support for the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front.

Ethiopia scheduled a general election for May 2010.

“We are very much concerned about it,” Mr Karl Wycoff, United Sates deputy assistant secretary of state, told reporters in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.

Aware of the reports

“We are aware of the reports and we take such reports very, very seriously.”

Mr Wycoff said the US will increase inspections of food aid deliveries to Ethiopians.

At the same time, Britain’s state minister for development, Mr Gareth Thomas who spent three days in Ethiopia last week said Ethiopia should investigate the allegation. “These allegations should be investigated thoroughly.” he told reporters in Addis Ababa.

Ethiopian authorities denied the allegation. Mr Mitiku Kassa Minister for disaster and emergency told the Nation his government was trying to investigate the issue however the allegation is ‘baseless’. “We are always doing our humanitarian work regardless of any discrimination” Mr Mitiku said.

Source: Daily Nation

Treatment of members of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), including members of their family

CORI Research Analysis
Date: 6th July 2009
Country: Ethiopia

Issues: Treatment of members of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), including members of their family
Query ID: HCR00006E

This CORI research analysis was commissioned by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Status Determination and Protection Information Section, Division of International Protection Services. CORI research analyses are prepared on the basis of publicly available information, studies and commentaries and are produced within a specified time frame. All sources are cited. Every effort has been taken to ensure accuracy and comprehensive coverage of the research issue, however as COI is reliant on publicly available documentation there may be instances where the required information is not available.The analyses are not, and do not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Any views expressed in the paper are those of the author and are not necessarily those of UNHCR.
Download the attached file to read more or visit
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher,CORI,QUERYRESPONSE,,4a803f862,0.html

"Yes I remember holding you hostage – come and stay"

Yes I remember holding you hostage – come and stay
When searching for an Ethiopian rebel who kidnapped him 33 years ago, a former Sunday Times reporter had an unexpected invitation

Jon Swain



I last saw Aregawi Berhe in the summer of 1976. The big news gripping Britain was the heatwave — back then, the hottest since records began — and the dramatic Israeli commando raid on Entebbe airport in Uganda to rescue 100 hostages held by pro-Palestinian hijackers.

My mind was focused on neither. Aregawi Berhe had kidnapped me, and I was concentrating on survival.

At the time, Aregawi was a fierce young guerrilla leader in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray province. I was a young reporter on assignment for The Sunday Times, covering Ethiopia’s separatist wars.

On June 1, 1976, I was on a local bus on a winding mountain road between the towns of Axum and Mkele when Aregawi’s men ambushed it. Finding me on board, they seized me on suspicion of being an “imperialist spy”. My protestations that I was a journalist came to nothing.

For three seemingly interminable months, from June to September, they held my life in their hands as they marched me under guard through the rugged hills and barren deserts of Tigray and through the breakaway province of Eritrea.

We trudged at night under the stars to escape the unforgiving sun and to avoid being spotted and fired on by patrols of the Ethiopian army. In moonlight, we panted up steep, bare, eroded hills, scrabbled over rocks, pushed our way through thorn bushes.

On one occasion, worn out and parched in an area of desert, I had to suck water from cactuses to keep going. My 500-mile forced march under armed guard was the toughest thing I had ever done.

I was not alone. They had also kidnapped an entire British family, the Tylers. Lindsey Tyler was a veterinary surgeon working in Ethiopia on an aid project, vaccinating cattle against rinderpest. He was on a trip with his wife, Stephanie, and children, Robert, 8, and Sally, 5, when the guerrillas fired on their Land Rover. “We have children, for God’s sake ... we have little children,” Stephanie shouted as bullets ricocheted off the stones.

Ultimately, we were freed unharmed. But being kidnapped was a jarring experience — physically exhausting, mentally dispiriting and, above all, lonely.

After my release, I buried Aregawi in my memory. I wanted to forget the whole sorry experience. My life was the future, not the past. But some things one does not ever quite forget. Being kidnapped is one of them.

The tangled memories have come and gone over the years, sometimes so vivid that they hurt. Those three months as a prisoner in Ethiopia taunted and haunted me — until last week, when I met Aregawi again for the first time in more than three decades.

I had considered sometimes going back to Ethiopia to find and confront my captors; but in that vast land, I thought, I would never find them. In any case, I suspected most of them had been killed in their long struggle against the Derg, the Soviet-armed military committee that ruled Ethiopia after it overthrew Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974.

One of Africa’s worst military dictatorships, the Derg held onto power until it was itself toppled in 1991 by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the guerrilla organisation that had kidnapped me.

Back in 1976 the TPLF was still a ragtag group of about 130 fighters whose goal was autonomy for Tigray province. Over the years it grew in strength, numbers and ambition, until it became the backbone of a revolutionary movement that took over the country with between 60,000 and 70,000 fighters. Aregawi, a founder member who rose to army commander, played no small part in its success. Then he vanished.

In 2004 the Ethiopian driver of a taxi I hailed in Washington DC revealed that not only was Aregawi alive; he was living in exile somewhere in Europe, after losing out in an internal TPLF power struggle. Perhaps I could find him after all.

A few weeks ago a chance discussion with Martin Plaut, the BBC’s Africa editor, put me onto my quarry. Plaut had met Aregawi recently in Holland and said that he wanted to meet me to say sorry.

I did not hesitate. After all these years I wanted to meet Aregawi again and discover what made him tick. I wanted to believe that, somewhere, there was an honourable man. I think it is a basic instinct that one does not want one’s suffering to be in vain. I wanted there to be some purpose to the hardships he had put me through.

When I telephoned Aregawi, I recognised his voice immediately. But I was surprised by his next words: “Come and stay.”

We laughed at the absurdity of it. While I bore him no grudge now, I would have liked to choose whether to be his guest or not 33 years ago.

Last week I drove in a taxi through the tranquil streets of the Hague to confront him. I never dreamt I would find my old kidnapper in this lawabiding city where the international criminal courts are trying Radovan Karadzic and Charles Taylor, the former leader of Liberia, for crimes against humanity.

I felt a twinge of apprehension as the taxi approached Aregawi’s flat in a working-class district. I need not have worried. In 1976 Aregawi was a strange, taciturn man. A political science graduate at Addis Ababa University, he had become a fanatical Marxist. Tall and thin with a wispy beard, he spouted wooden communist jargon and fiercely defended kidnapping as a legitimate political weapon. He gave me the impression that the sacrifice of an innocent life was less important than his own political ideals. His opinion of Britain seemed to have been fashioned by the day he stood in a line of Boy Scouts and welcomed the Queen, opening Axum cathedral during her royal visit to Ethiopia.

Now, instead of the rabid revolutionary I remembered, an avuncular figure stood before me, his hand held out in friendship. He said he was genuinely sorry for the hardship and trouble he had put me through.

We talked in his flat. On the wall was a small reproduction of that famous portrait of Che Guevara in his beret. It was clear Aregawi could not quite bring himself to turn his back on the revolutionary hero of his youth, even if he had ditched communism and no longer believed in armed struggle as the way to change Ethiopia.

“If I calculate the cost benefit, I would say gradual change would have been better than revolutionary change when I look back,” he said. “Revolutionary change was meant to transform society quickly, abruptly. But we were naive. You cannot switch on change like electricity; it has its own dynamics. We were not mature enough to see these things.”

Later, as we walked on a windy Dutch beach — I used to dream wistfully of the sea while I was being held in the hot Ethiopian desert — I asked Aregawi to give me his side of the kidnapping story. He was anxious not to be put in the same league as the vicious kidnappers who behead their hostages today. These vile killings horrified him.

“These days kidnapping has been given a religious dimension. There is no reasoning at all,” he said. “Today’s kidnappers are broken, blinded by hatred, not even merciful for their own life. You cannot compare their kidnappings with ours, which were for publicity, for a bit of money.”

Aregawi was adamant that he wished no harm to me or the Tylers. Of course I did not see it like that at the time. I was concentrating on surviving from one day to the next, on building the sort of relationship with my captors that would make it harder for them to kill me if I outlived my purpose.

As we talked, he seemed mildly hurt at having read in a book I wrote after my release that being his prisoner had been a low point in my life. “Nothing bad happened except taking you against your will,” he said, with a plea in his voice. “I had rough words for you. We had a cause. We had certain objectives. But I felt we were handling you as best we could.”

He still did not see that there were moments when, as a prisoner, I had feared circumstances might arise, as the unexpected tends to do in guerrilla struggles, that meant I might not survive. I don’t think Aregawi realised how difficult it sometimes was to feel I could be struck from the book of life and nobody would ever know what had happened to me.

After that interminable march through the mountains, I ended up in a guerrilla encampment in the northern desert of Eritrea, living under a bush, still under guard, while Aregawi decided what to do with me.

There followed more weeks of despair, during which I exchanged hardly more than three sentences a day with my captors. But on that long march I had begun to appreciate the misery and injustices that had driven Aregawi to rise up in armed rebellion at great personal cost to himself.

One in three children born in the villages we passed through died in infancy from disease or malnutrition. The nearest health and educational services were at least two days’ walk away, the nearest well three miles.

As the son of a district judge, Aregawi had been brought up with a sense of right and wrong. His social conscience made him aware of these glaring inequalities, and he wanted to change them. The pity of it, as he now recognises himself, was that he chose to do it by armed struggle. Despite thousands of deaths and regime change, that part of Ethiopia is about as backward and impoverished now as it was then.

My captivity went on and on until one day, after a long camel ride through a sandstorm, I was finally freed into Sudan. Soon the Tylers were released too, after being held even longer than I was. The guerrillas did not collect the $1m ransom they had demanded from the British government.

So, after all these years, what is Aregawi’s story? In exile, unable to go back to Ethiopia for fear of losing his life at the hands of his former comrades, he wonders whether the huge sacrifices he and other young idealists made were worthwhile.

Ethiopia, Africa’s second most populous country, is still confronted by extreme poverty and massive rural starvation. Its leader is one of Aregawi’s old revolutionary comrades, Meles Zenawi. This former medical student has turned into a virtual dictator — little better, said Aregawi, than those he replaced.

The need to strive for a brighter future for his people still dominates Aregawi’s life, although the reasons “are not the same”. He is driven by the memory of those countrymen whom he brought into the struggle and who “paid with their lives” for something good to come. “I must not betray these people,” he said.

He and his comrades shared a fine, idealistic vision, but, he admitted, none had a clue how to implement it. For a while their politics was inspired by Enver Hoxha and his mad Albanian “road to socialism”. Soon there came years of infighting within the TPLF, and disillusionment set in.

In the mid-1980s, during one of those terrible famines that have gripped Ethiopia in the past 30 years, millions of dollars flowed from western donors into Rest, the so-called Relief Society of Tigray, which was purportedly the humanitarian wing of the TPLF.

Aregawi told me that, instead of using the money to save lives, Rest gave it to the TPLF. He remembers sitting with central committee members preparing a budget; they agreed that 95% of the Rest money should be used for the cause.

“It bought weapons, ammunition and clothes for the fighters and paid for TPLF propaganda work,” he said. “It was very depressing. It made me very angry. The leadership literally had no sympathy for the people.”

Aregawi noted that western aid organisations had allowed their money to be misappropriated and that massive armaments flowing into Ethiopia from outside made the conflict more deadly. No power had offered the help that, in Aregawi’s view, they really needed to “give them the correct orientation to help themselves to establish a stable government”.

When, after building up a secret power base of loyalists within the TPLF, Meles Zenawi seized control of it in an internal coup, Aregawi finally split from the movement he had helped to build. He had enough friends to be able to escape with his life, first to Sudan and then to Holland.

Others were not so fortunate. Shawit, the handsome young fighter who in 1976 had led the attack on my bus and made me a prisoner, was imprisoned and killed by Zenawi for opposing his control, Aregawi said.

The TPLF developed into the mighty military machine that took over Ethiopia, and now “again we are in a situation where another dictator is in power. Getting rid of one dictator does not mean bringing justice, fairness and democracy. In fact we ended up changing the face of the dictator only. That is a tragedy”.

By kidnapping me, Aregawi caught me up for a very short time in his struggle for Ethiopia. If I feel personally disappointed that the struggle has not led to something better, how much stronger must the feelings be of a man who has devoted his life to this cause?

He confessed he had no real family life as such. He had had a fiancée when he was fighting in the bush, “but we couldn’t agree on many things so we separated”. He married much later in life, but the woman he calls the “mother of my kids” lives separately in Geneva with his two children. He visits regularly, but it is clear that family takes second place to Ethiopia.

He still harbours a strong vision for his country and a driving sense of duty to see this vision through.

The last time Aregawi and I parted — in 1976 — neither of us knew what the future held, but both of us had hope. Mine was immediate and selfish: I wanted to be free to get back to my own life. His was generous: he wanted democracy for his people and was prepared to make tremendous personal sacrifices for them.

Our parting this time was different. I am glad to have met him again. Hearing his side of the story helped to lay my old ghosts to rest. At the same time there was something sad about this goodbye.

He hopes his dream of a better future for the Ethiopian people can still be realised, and as I walked away I hoped so too. But the world, I felt, had let him down. It has, over the years, backed wrong-minded rulers in Ethiopia, set on repression and dictatorship, instead of supporting those who reject violence.

It is my strong wish that this ageing revolutionary, who once held my life in his hands, should be able eventually to go back to Ethiopia in peace. That would be a clear sign that one of Africa’s many shameful scars had begun to heal.

Source: Times Online

November 19, 2009

At Least 5 Arrested and Under Severe Torture in Eastern Wollega, Ebantuu District (Woreda)

At Least 5 Arrested and Under Severe Torture in Eastern Wollega, Ebantuu District (Woreda)

(OLF News, November 18, 2009)

The brutal Wayyaanee regime, who is engaged in intensifying the arrest of Oromo nationalists all over Oromia, has arrested and is severely torturing at least 5 Oromos from Eastern Wollega zone, Ebantuu district (woreda), Qeelloo town and is reportedly beating in prison cells for their alleged relations with OLF, our correspondents reported from Oromia. The arrested individuals are:

1) Warquu Tarrafaa (a teacher at Qeelloo Middle School),
2) Habtaamuu Baqqalaa (an 11th grade student of Hindee High school),
3) Qalbeessaa Dhufeeraa (a 9th grade student of Hindee High school),
4) Taarikuu Galataa (a 10th grade student of Hindee High school),
5) Zalaalam Abdiisaa (an 11th grade student of Hindee High school),

The above named students and a teacher and many others have been abducted, taken to Hindee police, and are reportedly beaten intensively day and night for an alleged support and relation with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) units which the cadres of the regime claim are operating in the area.

It is to be recalled that OLF News have been continuously reporting the abduction, arrest, torture, and brutal killings of Oromo nationals by the regime accusing them of having relation with OLF and OLA units, including the recent arrest and torture of rising star Oromo artists, Dirribee Gadaa and Haacaaluu Hundeessaa of September 2009, which have been beaten in Mai’kelawi prison for allegedly “glorifying Oromo fighters”.

Source: OLF News

HRLHA URGENT ACTION No. 7 November 2009

HRLHA URGENT ACTION No7 November 2009
Written by Administrator
Thursday, 19 November 2009 09:27

Refugees Are Entitled to Safety and Protection

Appeal To: The President of Puntland State of Somalia

November 19, 2009

His Excellency President .Dr.Abdirahman Mohamed Mohamud (Farole),

President of the Puntland State of Somalia
Garoowe

Tel: + 2525 844151, or + 2525454764
Fax: + 2525 4 54764

Your Excellency,

First of all, Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) would like to express its appreciation to the people of the Puntland State of Somalia and to its government for their hospitality and kindness towards thousands of Oromo and other refugees who have fled their homes to escaped government persecutions in Ethiopia; and now living in Puntland State of Somalia. Especially since they TPLF Government came to power, thousands of Oromo and other nationals have run away from arbitrary detentions, degrading tortures and violent killings in Ethiopia to save their lives by seeking refuge in Puntland State of Somalia and other neighboring countries

However, HRLHA recently received a disheartening report with which it was deeply shocked, the cold-blooded murder of Mr. Tanna Kabballe, an Oromo refugee from Western Oromia, in Ethiopia. Mr. Tanna Kabballe, age 30, was gunned down with five bullets shot at him by yet unidentified gunmen on November 5, 2009 at around 6:30 PM in the town of Garoowe in Putland State of Somalia. It is difficult to imagine of any thing that is more saddening than refugees who fled their home lands to escape persecutions and other forms of human rights violations being met with a similar fate in host countries.

Unless there is an absolute lawlessness reigning in the country, it is also difficult to imagine how such helpless and defenseless refugees are shot and killed so cruelly. HRLHA’s expectation is that persons, be they refugees or not, are legally apprehended, tried and punished in law-abiding countries if they are suspected of committing a crime or caught red-handed.

Mr. Tanna Kaballe Mr. Issa Mohammed

In a related development, Mr. Issa Mohammed Osman, another Oromo refugee from Eastern Oromia, in Ethiopia, survived an attempted murder by the same or different unidentified gunmen on the same date at about 8:00 PM in the same town of Garoowe, in Putland State of Somalia. Mr. Issa Mohammed Osman, 50 years old and a father of six, miraculously survived the attempt of murder after receiving two bullets.

Both Mr. Tanna Kabballe and Mr. Issa M. Osman were UNHCR-registered refugees awaiting decisions to resettle in a third country.

HRLHA has learnt that what happened to Mr. Tanna Kabballe and Mr. Issa M. Osman has created an enormous feeling of insecurity among the rest of the refugee population in Putland State of Somalia.

HRLHA would like to draw the attention of the government of Putland State of Somalia as well as other regional and international bodies to these worrisome situations of refugees in Putland State of Somalia. It would also call upon the Putland State of Somalia government to take all necessary legal actions to bring the perpetrators of these crimes to justice in a way that the safety and protection of other refugees in the country could be guaranteed.

Background Information; HRLHA reported in February 2008 in its No9 Press Release that 65 Oromo refugees from Ethiopia were murdered and more than 100 others were seriously injured when two grenades were thrown at two different hotels owned by two Oromo refugees, Melaku and Jamal Arsii, in port town of Bossaso in Puntland State of Somalia.

The HRLHA is a non-political organization which attempts to challenge abuses of human rights of the people of various nations and nationalities in the Horn of Africa. It works on defending fundamental human rights including freedoms of thought, expression, movement and association. It also works on raising the awareness of individuals about their own basic human rights and that of others. It encourages the observances as well as due processes of law. It promotes the growth and development of free and vigorous civil societies.

Sincerely,
Garoma Wakessa, Executive Director, Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA)

Cc: H.E. Abisamad Ali Shire, Vice President of the Puntland State of Somalia

Tel: + 2525454764
Fax: + 2525 4 54764

  • African Commission on Human and Peopls’ Rights

The Gambia Tel : (220) 4410 505 – 6 ,

Fax: (220) 4410 504

Email : achpr@achpr.orgThis e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it

  • Amnesty International – London Telephone: +44-20-74135500

Fax number: +44-20-79561157

· Human Rights Watch – New York, Tel: +1-212-290-4700
Fax: +1-212-736-1300