Ethiopia backs Japan bid for UN Security Council seat
(DPA) 30 April 2006
ADDIS ABABA - Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi on Sunday assured visiting Japanese Premier Junichiro Koizumi of his government’s unqualified support for Tokyo’s campaign to secure a permanent seat with the United Nations Security Council.
The assurance was given during the first round of talks in Addis Ababa on bilateral relations and international issues of mutual interest.
Speaking to reporters following the “fruitful” talks, the Ethiopian leader said that the discussions covered reform of the UN Security Council, deliberations on which will begin among the UN’s 191 members in September.
Koizumi said it was reassuring to get Ethiopia’s support for his country’s candidacy for a permanent seat “as this country enjoys an important place in Africa as the seat of the African Union and other regional organizations.”
He said the two sides had a candid exchange of views on bilateral relations and international issues, including the proposed reform of the UN and the candidacy of the Group of Four (G4) -Japan, Brazil, Germany and India - for a permanent Security Council seat.
The AU had in 2005 rejected the candidacy of the G4 group for permanent Council seats. Meles on Sunday however reiterated that the rejection had been only on the basis that the AU backed the expansion of the Council to include just two more permanent seats, not four.
He said Ethiopia’s “unqualified support” for Japan to become a permanent member of the Security Council was made known prior to the G-Four approach to the AU.
Koizumi reiterated his government’s decision to double Japan’s aid to Africa over the next three years, in line with the announcement he had made in 2005 at the G-8 summit at Gleneagles, Scotland.
Japan provided more than 10 billion dollars for Africa through Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) between 1993 and 2005, which would now be doubled to 20 billion dollars by 2008.
Koizumi was on Monday scheduled to meet African Union executives, including its chief Alpha Oumar Konare, for talks.
The Japanese Prime Minister, who arrived in Addis Ababa Saturday night, was to conclude his first official visit to Ethiopia later Monday before departing for Ghana.
April 30, 2006
April 29, 2006
ION Update 28/4/2006
ION update: 04/28/06
The threat of the armed groups
Indian Ocean Newsletter N° 1179 29/04/2006
Although the armed actions by groups opposing the regime in Ethiopia are still very limited in number and in impact, the Addis Ababa Administration is taking them very seriously. Thus it was that about two weeks ago, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi met officers from the air force at the Debre Zeit base to explain to them that they should be ready to intervene against rebel groups. Several of these officers were unconvinced and told him that while they were prepared to bomb an enemy invading force, they felt it would be completely counterproductive to contemplate air strikes against small groups of anti-government rebels. These officers are also believed to have used the occasion to suggest to their Prime Minister that he release certain of their fighter pilot colleagues who have been imprisoned over the last two years. The Prime Minister was furious when he left them, promising that a new meeting would be held soon. This led the officers present to fear that reprisals, or even a purge, would be made against an army corps which has frequently been quite cautious in its relations with certain executives of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF, ruling coalition).
ONLF pulls out all the stops
Indian Ocean Newsletter N° 1179 29/04/2006
The ONLF has revived its military activity and its diplomatic contacts.Following the failure of several of its attempts to bring commandos into Ethiopia from Somaliland, the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) is trying to come back into the limelight. This group fighting for the independence of the Ogaden (in the west of Ethiopia) has claimed responsibility for several skirmishes with the Ethiopian armed forces these last few weeks. However, the extent of these confrontations has not been confirmed by independent sources. Even if its war communiqués are probably exaggerations, they do enable the ONLF to sustain its recent warnings to companies, particularly Indian companies, interested in exploring for oil and gas in the Ogaden.In addition to this sabotage activity, the ONLF has revived its diplomatic contacts. Its leaders went on a European tour from the end of February to mid March, during which they met the Africa official of the Danish ministry for foreign affairs, Birger Fredriksson, officials from Norway and Finland and also visited several other countries. Then, the Vice President of the ONLF, Mohamed Ismaïl Omar, went to Washington at the beginning of April where he had meetings notably with the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Donald Yamamoto and Congressman Mark Kennedy.The chairman of the ONLF, “Admiral” Mohamed Omar Osman is a former head of the Somalian navy. Considered highly chauvinistic, he has lived in London before settling in Eritrea where over a thousand members of this movement undergo military training in camps in Kalena and Addis Meskal, near Tesseney.Lobbying catches up with a US RepublicanIndian Ocean Newsletter N° 1179 29/04/2006An old skeleton has caught up with the former US Congress Member for Ohio, the Republican Bob McEwen (pictured right). McEwen, 56, had been hoping to make a political come-back in the primary on 2 May, when he is running against the outgoing Member of the House of Representatives, the Republican Jean Schmidt. To be sure, he had been a lobbyist for Eritrea in 2004 when he was working for Advantages Associates, a group of former Congressmen turned lobbyists. At the time he received $15,000 a month from Eritrea, totalling $120,000. Clearly, Schmidt’s team was more than happy to publicise this information. It pointed out the contradiction between McEwen claiming an alliance with certain leaders of the American Christian right while on the other hand lobbying for Eritrea, a country considered by the United States as persecuting Christians.Dina Mufti, the former Ethiopian ambassador...Indian Ocean Newsletter N° 1179 29/04/2006Dina Mufti, the former Ethiopian ambassador to Zimbabwe has just presented his credentials as his country’s ambassador to Sweden, also in charge of other countries in Northern Europe. Mufti, 43, graduated in political science and international relations at Addis Ababa University (AAU) and then made further studies at Carleton University in Ottawa (Canada). He joined the Ethiopian ministry for foreign affairs in 1983. He has been on post in Washington as press counsellor at the Ethiopian embassy and later as director of press, information and general documentation in the ministry for foreign affairs in Addis Ababa.
The threat of the armed groups
Indian Ocean Newsletter N° 1179 29/04/2006
Although the armed actions by groups opposing the regime in Ethiopia are still very limited in number and in impact, the Addis Ababa Administration is taking them very seriously. Thus it was that about two weeks ago, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi met officers from the air force at the Debre Zeit base to explain to them that they should be ready to intervene against rebel groups. Several of these officers were unconvinced and told him that while they were prepared to bomb an enemy invading force, they felt it would be completely counterproductive to contemplate air strikes against small groups of anti-government rebels. These officers are also believed to have used the occasion to suggest to their Prime Minister that he release certain of their fighter pilot colleagues who have been imprisoned over the last two years. The Prime Minister was furious when he left them, promising that a new meeting would be held soon. This led the officers present to fear that reprisals, or even a purge, would be made against an army corps which has frequently been quite cautious in its relations with certain executives of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF, ruling coalition).
ONLF pulls out all the stops
Indian Ocean Newsletter N° 1179 29/04/2006
The ONLF has revived its military activity and its diplomatic contacts.Following the failure of several of its attempts to bring commandos into Ethiopia from Somaliland, the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) is trying to come back into the limelight. This group fighting for the independence of the Ogaden (in the west of Ethiopia) has claimed responsibility for several skirmishes with the Ethiopian armed forces these last few weeks. However, the extent of these confrontations has not been confirmed by independent sources. Even if its war communiqués are probably exaggerations, they do enable the ONLF to sustain its recent warnings to companies, particularly Indian companies, interested in exploring for oil and gas in the Ogaden.In addition to this sabotage activity, the ONLF has revived its diplomatic contacts. Its leaders went on a European tour from the end of February to mid March, during which they met the Africa official of the Danish ministry for foreign affairs, Birger Fredriksson, officials from Norway and Finland and also visited several other countries. Then, the Vice President of the ONLF, Mohamed Ismaïl Omar, went to Washington at the beginning of April where he had meetings notably with the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Donald Yamamoto and Congressman Mark Kennedy.The chairman of the ONLF, “Admiral” Mohamed Omar Osman is a former head of the Somalian navy. Considered highly chauvinistic, he has lived in London before settling in Eritrea where over a thousand members of this movement undergo military training in camps in Kalena and Addis Meskal, near Tesseney.Lobbying catches up with a US RepublicanIndian Ocean Newsletter N° 1179 29/04/2006An old skeleton has caught up with the former US Congress Member for Ohio, the Republican Bob McEwen (pictured right). McEwen, 56, had been hoping to make a political come-back in the primary on 2 May, when he is running against the outgoing Member of the House of Representatives, the Republican Jean Schmidt. To be sure, he had been a lobbyist for Eritrea in 2004 when he was working for Advantages Associates, a group of former Congressmen turned lobbyists. At the time he received $15,000 a month from Eritrea, totalling $120,000. Clearly, Schmidt’s team was more than happy to publicise this information. It pointed out the contradiction between McEwen claiming an alliance with certain leaders of the American Christian right while on the other hand lobbying for Eritrea, a country considered by the United States as persecuting Christians.Dina Mufti, the former Ethiopian ambassador...Indian Ocean Newsletter N° 1179 29/04/2006Dina Mufti, the former Ethiopian ambassador to Zimbabwe has just presented his credentials as his country’s ambassador to Sweden, also in charge of other countries in Northern Europe. Mufti, 43, graduated in political science and international relations at Addis Ababa University (AAU) and then made further studies at Carleton University in Ottawa (Canada). He joined the Ethiopian ministry for foreign affairs in 1983. He has been on post in Washington as press counsellor at the Ethiopian embassy and later as director of press, information and general documentation in the ministry for foreign affairs in Addis Ababa.
Kenyan Muslims urge vigorous action against Ethiopia
Saturday 29 April 2006
(NAIROBI) — Kenyan Muslims urged the Kenyan government to protest vigorously against the incursion of the Ethiopian troops inside the Kenyan territory, and to write a protest letter to the United Nations.
The Supreme Council of Kenya Muslims (SUPKEM) is demanding that the government writes a protest letter to the United Nations over Ethiopia’s alleged violation of Kenyan borders.
The secretary-general of SUPKEM, Adan Wachu, said the government should recall the Kenyan ambassador to Ethiopia until the border conflict between the two governments is solved.
In a statement to the Kenyan NTV Wachu said “We ask the government of Kenya to take a firm stand against the naked aggression of the Ethiopian government’’.
“The government response is always slow and hence help comes after people have been killed, villages have been burnt, livestock destroyed and innocent people kidnapped” he further said.
However, he added “we wish to commend our government for swift action this time round. The Kenya government moved so fast so that the situation was almost under control. But having said so the presence of Ethiopian mercenaries, the presence of Ethiopian soldiers, is still flowing into the country at an alarming rate”.
On Wednesday 26 April, about 60 Ethiopian soldiers crossed the border and invaded Odda village, about five kilometres from Moyale. They are said to have abducted two people.
(ST)
(NAIROBI) — Kenyan Muslims urged the Kenyan government to protest vigorously against the incursion of the Ethiopian troops inside the Kenyan territory, and to write a protest letter to the United Nations.
The Supreme Council of Kenya Muslims (SUPKEM) is demanding that the government writes a protest letter to the United Nations over Ethiopia’s alleged violation of Kenyan borders.
The secretary-general of SUPKEM, Adan Wachu, said the government should recall the Kenyan ambassador to Ethiopia until the border conflict between the two governments is solved.
In a statement to the Kenyan NTV Wachu said “We ask the government of Kenya to take a firm stand against the naked aggression of the Ethiopian government’’.
“The government response is always slow and hence help comes after people have been killed, villages have been burnt, livestock destroyed and innocent people kidnapped” he further said.
However, he added “we wish to commend our government for swift action this time round. The Kenya government moved so fast so that the situation was almost under control. But having said so the presence of Ethiopian mercenaries, the presence of Ethiopian soldiers, is still flowing into the country at an alarming rate”.
On Wednesday 26 April, about 60 Ethiopian soldiers crossed the border and invaded Odda village, about five kilometres from Moyale. They are said to have abducted two people.
(ST)
April 27, 2006
The OLF is ready to talk with Meles Zenawi, "without any condition"..."In the presence of a third party"
Leaders de l'OLF, lors de l'entretien avec "Les nouvelles d'Addis".De gauche à droite : DAWUD Ibsa Ayana, Chairman ; HASSAN Hussein, Head of Foreign Relations ; SHIGUT Geleta, Head of Foreign Relations in Europe@ Les nouvelles d'Addis / Alain Leterrier – contact : redaction@lesnouvelles.org
The OLF is ready to talk with Meles Zenawi, « without any condition » […]« In the presence of a third party »
Dawud Ibsa Ayana, Chairman of the Oromo Liberation Front
Interview to Les nouvelles d’AddisParis, March 29th, 2006
by Colette Delsol, Katia Girma, Alain Leterrierinterpreter French-Amharic-English : Katia Girmapictures : Alain Leterrier
Les nouvelles d’Addis interviewed Mr. Dawud Ibsa Ayana, the Chairman of the Oromo Liberation Front, while he was in Paris from the end of March to the first week of April, 2006. Mr. Ayana is accompanied on his European tour by his Head of Foreign Relations, Mr. Hassan Hussein, a member of the Executive Committee, and Dr. Shigut Geleta, Head of Foreign Relations in Europe, a member of the National Council.
LNA. The OLF has been created in 1974. Which are its basis (principles) and main historical dates and events ?Dawud Ibsa Ayana. The OLF has been created in 1973. But to talk especially about dates and time would be tricky because the OLF evolved out of two main events at that time. And this is a process that took place gradually and systematically. OLF is the culmination of the Bale Oromo Movement (between 1963 and 1970) which was an armed upraising against the repression of the Oromos and the product of the Metcha-Tulema civic organisation which tried to fill the gap in the underdevelopment of the Oromos at that time. Metcha-Tulama was founded to lay an important foundation for the development of the Oromo by building schools, roads, hospitals and other infrastructure in Oromia. It was founded in Finfinne (Addis) in the late 1960s but it was later banned, with its leadership either killed or imprisoned or exiled. The OLF was created in 1973 partly out of this frustration of Oromos and the enduring grievance resulting from the subjugation and marginalization of the Oromo. So as you can imagine it is difficult to speak of specific dates as some of the founders of OLF are participants in the Bale movement and some in the Metcha Tulema Association. And some others were leaders of the student movements -that is the Ethiopian Student Movement.
LNA. OLF has been founded as a front against colonialism and imperialism fighting for the Oromiya independence. Is it still the case nowadays ?DIA. The objectives of the OLF were laid down and defined in its political program. The objective is to fight against oppression of all forms ; to emancipate the Oromo people from the subjugation, repression, and exploitation, to alleviate the suffering of the destitute peasants and the downtrodden masses in general and also to empower the people who have been marginalized from all forms of life in Ethiopia, meaning political and economic power and the powers to decide on their destiny. Our program calls for the emancipation of the Oromo people and also to stand against all forms of oppression in Ethiopia. The cornerstone of our political program remains enabling the Oromo people to exercise its inalienable right to national self-determination, a right to which the Oromo are entitled as a people. This of course entails empowering our people politically, socially and economically, especially the peasantry who at that time was under total servitude under the feudal system. Enabling the Oromo people to exercise its right to self-determination remains our core objective, the final decision is up to the Oromo people.
LNA. It is in the Ethiopian Constitution, isn't it ?DIA. Yes, the right to self-determination is in the Ethiopian Constitution. We want that right to be meaningful.
LNA. You want to use this constitutional right ?DIA. The Constitution is partly the product of the Charter and we are co-owners of the Charter that formed the transitional government of Ethiopia in 1991. We are the ones who drafted it. And so, we have no fundamental problem with it.
LNA. Knowing that the Oromiya’s independence would be the end of Ethiopia, do people inside the front argue about Ethiopia’s unity issue ?DIA. Well. (laughs) I understood your question. Yes, the political program of the OLF says self-determination but, having this program, we joined the transitional government in 1991 with the vision of making Ethiopia equal for all and to participate in changing the situation in Ethiopia so that Ethiopia will be owned by all and become a common and democratic state for all the nations, nationalities and people, big and small. We wanted to accommodate the aspirations of our people within a new voluntary unity based on democracy, freedom and equality, and it was to make this a reality that we joined the transition in 1991. The question is whether others are ready to accommodate the aspiration of our people who has been subjugated and marginalized for the last 120 years. Otherwise to attempt to dismiss or reverse Oromo nationalism is fruitless. Oromo nationalism has reached an irreversible stage. The only option available is to deal with it and make peace with it. We believe the Oromo is already a formidable and a force to reckon with.
LNA. When did you talk about this issue for the last time with Meles Zenawi ?DIA. We talked on this issue with Meles Zenawi when we together formed the transitional government. Since then, we didn't talk about it. The talk remained by gun, which Meles chose for us.
LNA. Which are your links or antagonisms :– with the others Oromo fronts or movements (OPDO, ONC, OFDM…) ?DIA. Out of the organizations listed here, let me first take the OPDO.The OPDO was created by the TPLF in 1990. It is not an independent organization, it is part of the EPRDF and it was also created by the intelligence arm of the TPLF. We have no problem with Oromos in OPDO but we don't consider OPDO to be an independent Oromo organization as it is controlled and moved by the TPLF. It is the TPLF arm in Oromiya, that's how we consider it. The relationships between the OLF and the TPLF is a relation of armed conflict, thus we have problem with the OPDO as a political organization, although we don't have problems with Oromos in the OPDO... especially those that have not shed the blood of our people.
ONC has been around for a while. OFDM is a new organization formed a few months before the May 2005 elections. We have no problem with Oromos forming any sort of political organization. We don't have any official relationship with ONC or OFDM, but we have respect for them because they are trying, in their own ways, to find solutions for the suffering of the Oromo people. They are “legal” and we are “illegal” at this time, this according to the Ethiopian Government, and thus we cannot have official relationship with them because the authorities will immediately attack them if we had formal relationship. For this, we have refrained from having any official relationship with them for their own security.
– with the other Ethiopian opposition parties (UEDF, CUD…) ?DIA. With other Ethiopian parties and organizations, with UEDF, CUD, ONLF, or any others left, OLF has a cordial relationship. We have a relationship of cooperation with ONLF that was established a long time ago. With the rest of the Ethiopian organizations, we have respect for them and don't have any antagonism with any organization, whether we have a relationship with them or not.
So the OLF has no problem with any political organization in Ethiopia, be it those who are inside or outside. Our problem is the regime and its tyrannical nature, and with the system that is repressive and undemocratic. Anyone has the right to take any political position or struggle under any political program they deem fit. Of course, we have difference of political program with some parties but we don't have problem with them so long as democratic system is in place where people reder their final verdict.
LNA. You are very nice warriors ! (laughs)DIA. No, that's the real position of the OLF. It is not politics that we are talking, it is a real position of ours.
LNA. There were several meetings abroad, in the USA or other countries of the opposition organizations and you did not participate. Why ?DIA. The reservation is only technical, not strategic. We participated in the Paris conference of 1993. We joined with others and we in fact sent our delegation. After the Paris meeting, the actual conference was supposed to be held at the Ghion in Finfinne (Addis). We sent our delegation who was a member of the leadership and he was immediately imprisoned at the airport. Since then we were reserving ourselves from any meeting of that sort just because we did not find it practical to participate.
LNA. There was also Ghennet Girma for the EPRP, she was also arrested, wasn't she…DIA. We don't remember about Ghennet Girma but Abera YemaneAb was arrested if you remember. He is still in prison. And that became a problem and the process was aborted because of that. Again, there were attempts to form an alliance at a conference in Washington and other areas. Out of all of them, we are the banned organization by the government, we are at war, with fighters in the bush and it became very uneasy for us to participate in that. That was the only problem. Despite not being able to participate in these meetings, we have had our relationship or meetings underneath with most of them (laughs). To make matters more clear if you take the All Parties Conference that was conducted in Washington, they adopted a policy which says : « We will struggle peacefully », although this is our choice we have not settled our problem with the government that we entered in 1992 and we cannot embrace such a policy abandoning our fighters. These kinds of technical problems have been the reasons why we refrained and were reserved.
It was to change this situation that we have tried to settle our problems with the government several times. In 1992 there was a meeting in Asmara, facilitated by a group of Ambassadors. In 1994 the Carter Center took the initiative to be a mediator between us and the government refused again to sit with the OLF. In 1995, it was the Congressional Task Force of the United States, headed by Congressman Harry Johnston, which started to mediate and still, the government refused to deal with the OLF unless the OLF met one unreasonable precondition after another. Again in 1996 and 1997 in Germany with the presence of the Ambassador Winkelmann, sponsored by the German government, we tried to meet and resolve the conflict but the government once again failed to show up after two encounters without giving any reason. Since 1999 up to 2005, it was the Norwegians who tried to mediate between us several times but the government avoided it. So, the relation remains a relationship of conflict and we still believe all the outstanding issues need to be settled through dialogue. The government is the obstacle for us to join such party meetings and also to take part in the elections.
LNA. Six months ago perhaps…DIA. That was in September. You mean the BBC report?
LNA. Yes, he told to the BBC that he wanted to meet you. You didn't have time ? (laughs)DIA. Yeah, correct. That was interesting in the fact that it was the first time when Meles said he would sit down and talk with the OLF without any condition. That is why we welcomed it and responded positively on the BBC and other outlets. Not only that, we went one step further and wrote a formal letter to the Norwegian government which has been trying to mediate between us for years. That was done to make it official and undescore our seriousness and commitment for dialogue. The Norwegians went to the Ethiopian government and asked for similar commitment to start dialogue with the OLF and urge it to take concrete steps. The government, as usual, avoided it. They said : « Let us talk with the Americans first, let us talk with our party first et cetera ». So, they took their time and they killed the process. We did not only write a letter to Norwegians, we have also informed the Americans that we were committed to resolve the conflict through dialogue with the government and the Americans noted it. In the end Meles’ declaration of September 2004 remained just that… a declaration.
LNA. Meles Zenawi sometimes asks to his people to translate our newspaper for him, so, if he wants to meet you, is it still ok to meet him ? We can tell him through the newspaper if you want us to.DIA. If you can be an official third party… (laughs)
LNA. Heu, no. But my question was serious. Would you be ready to talk with him if he says again what he said in September ?DIA. Well, the OLF’s official policy remains as it has always been to sit down and talk without any preconditions and resolve this conflict in the presence of a third party. This is a longstanding policy that we have. And it is without any condition.
LNA. Have you relationship with the other armed movements in the area (ONLF, FRUD…) ?DIA. Well, we know very little about FRUD with whom we don't have relationship. With the ONLF, it is a long-time relationship. In addition to this, we have our relationship with Sidama Liberation Front, Beni-Shangul Liberation Movement and the Gambella People Liberation Movement and there are some other fronts and movements with whom we have close and long-time relationships and we maintain our relationships.
LNA. Why don't you know about the FRUD and why don't you know them ?DIA. We do, but not perhaps as best. This is because their operational area is very far from us. And besides, we have this policy of not interfering in the internal affairs of other states and the FRUD is in Djibouti.
LNA. What do you think about the general elections which have been held in May 2005 in Ethiopia ?DIA. Well, head broadly, I want to tell you the understanding and assessment of the OLF. Elections have taken place in Ethiopia several times. During the Emperor, we have seen, in our eyes, we have witnessed elections for the Parliament. Again during Mengistu, elections have been conducted, we were witnesses of that too. Elections have also been conducted under the leadership of the TPLF. But we didn't find any difference between the elections under the TPLF in 1995 and year 2000 and those under the Emperor or the Dergue. And in May 2005, before the election, we told European governments our assessment and our understanding about the outcome of the election. We told them, there will be few changes than in the past because there is some pressure, unusual pressure, from the donors on the government, which has created some space for the political parties in Ethiopia. The opposition was able to appear and debate on television. This helped mobilize the population to participate in the election massively. But the outcome of the election was a forgone conclusion for us and not different from the past. For the Oromo especially it was a hollow exercise as Human Rights Watch corrected termed it. This is what we told them. We talked to the French government, we talked to the Belgians, we talked to the British, and we talked to the Danish, Finnish, Swedes, Germans, Norwegians... And we said, in fact, the outcome will be uglier, the result will be nasty because the TPLF will not accept any defeat on the election and there could be chaos in the aftermath of the election because of rising popular expectation of change and the regime’s determination to forestall change. This is what we told them and this is what happened. We were very sure that the TPLF will not allow a defeat on the election, because, it will mean a loss for their control on the army, it will be a loss on their control of the security, it will be a loss on their economic dominance and this will be unthinkable as the TPLF is positioning itself to continue with the domination and that's what happened. What came out of the election was not a surprise for the OLF.
Anyway, there is something unique that took place in this election, that is the courage of the population to massively go out and show their protest against the government and voting them out. This is a turning point, the courage of the population is clearly shown in the election. That's a big change in Ethiopia. Which would mean if the Ethiopian people are given the chance, the support for democracy amongst the population is already demonstrated. That is the only hope that we saw.
LNA. Don't you think that it could be also that democracy goes little by little ? It was not possible this time but something changed and the next time… Could it not be that it will be better and then… Don't you think this ? He wants to hope, you know !There is no democracy that has been built in one time. Do you think really there is nothing to do with this government ? That it has to be radically changed ?DIA. It is not the question of radically changing government. The TPLF regime is given 14 years by the Ethiopian people and they did not deliver on its promises. The promise was democracy, peace and development. Yes, if democracy was being built piece by piece in the last 14 years, if there was some noticeable change for the better in the eyes of the population and the international community, yes, you can say that there is some progress and then you can be patient about it. But, we saw no democracy, in the opposite, what we saw is tyranny, imprisonment and killings that were going for the full term of this regime. Journalists have been arrested, artists have been arrested and exiled and all this. This is what we saw in the last 14 years and the rest, development is promised and what we saw is famine, millions, 15 millions at one time, 7 millions at another time and then, the living standards of the peasantry has gone down, poverty is rather increasing than declining. And, the other one promise was peace. Instead of peace, we saw a very devastating war with neighboring Eritrea. Conflict everywhere in Ethiopia, massacres in Gambella, in Awassa, in Shaka Majenger, small nations that could not threaten the regime, a bloody conflict with Oromo. So the indications that we saw are rather deterioration on the question of peace, development and democracy. That is what happened. So, what does this piece-by-piece means ? The reality speaks for itself, that's what we mean. Besides, major political forces such as OLF are excluded from the political process and prevented from taking part in the elections.
LNA. But why ? I have got the impression that Meles Zenawi has so strong a will to keep power that he could be ready to make some concessions, just to keep the power. Am I wrong ?Is it impossible to try ? Is it over already ?(laughs)OK. Next question…DIA. Yeah, better next question (laughs)…14 years is more than enough to show some change. He has received enough aid by saying democracy is a process, you know. For democratization, for good governance, he has always been receiving huge aid but he has never utilized it to improve the standard of living of the population. But as you said it right, he has said that democracy is a process and he has, until now, deceived many.
If democracy was only by word, Meles would be the best democrat. But where is the practice ? With years, don’t you have to see progress ? Human rights violations everywhere, killings everywhere, conflict everywhere. It is all talk… despite the nice talk Meles did not deliver on peace, development or democracy. So, this impression that this is a man who is putting Ethiopia on the course to democracy is an illusion. It has been a misapprehension, the people know about it for the last 14 years.
Democracy has to tolerate at least the minimum dissent, say from civic organizations which do not threaten the power of the state. Look at what happened to Ethiopian Teachers Association, look what happened to Ethiopian Journalists Association, look what happened to Metcha-Tulema, the Oromo Human Rights League and what not. Those are unarmed civic organizations, others professionals such as artists groups, bands, music bands. If these associations are not tolerated, can wee speak of democracy ?
LNA. Ethiopian authorities are regularly accusing OLF to make or to be behind attacks ; for example the recent attacks in Addis Ababa :– Is OLF a terrorist movement ?– Which is nowadays the difference between armed opposition and terrorism ?DIA. As we tried to explain in the first question, the OLF is one of the politico-military organizations in East Africa along with the EPLF and then the TPLF. It was founded before the TPLF as a political organization to fight a highly repressive system. Our problem and our fight is only against the system. And we were an armed movement for the last 30 years, before the term “terrorism” came as a political term in the world. So, if the OLF is a terrorist organization, the TPLF is also a terrorist organization, that is what the logic would say. Not only that, the OLF is a movement which is supported by not only thousands we claim millions of the Oromo people and others, supported by other marginalized peoples. Our target is only military institutions and the repressive organ and machinery of the system which would be the army and the security forces, nothing else is the target of the OLF. And this has been the case in the last 30 years. We have never used weapons against civilians and we have never targeted civilians in our operations. And this is a long-standing policy, this is what OLF is. Now, the current regime, the TPLF regime accuses us as terrorists, this is only to ride on the bandwagon of terrorism because it is now a trickery which repressive states are using against their opposition generally. That is what they are trying to do, trying to tarnish our image, their accusation is politically motivated. They have failed to substantiate their false allegations in the last five-six years. This is a movement supported by thousands and millions of people but whose target is only the repressive organ of the State, which is the security forces, nothing else. This has nothing to do with terrorism and OLF is very clean from all this. We categorically condemn terrorism and we denied several times the claims of the Ethiopian regime. It is only to divert attention from the internal pressure and external pressure that Ethiopian government raised this issue against the OLF.
Let me add a little bit on this issue. It is not unusual for regimes in this part of Africa to accuse all their opponents with this kind of name. If you remember, during the campaign for the 2005 election, Meles and his party were calling the CUD Interhamwe in Ethiopia. Going as far as charging them for intending to commit genocide against the Tigreans. And the other thing, during the Mengistu years, Mengistu was calling them terrorists. Actually, these days, it has become a vogue. If you remember during the last week’s election in Belarus, the President was saying anyone who will go on the street protesting against the election result would be charged as terrorist. So, what I am trying to say is that accusing your political opponents as terrorists has become a fashion for tyrants, who keep creating phantom enemies rather than seeking political settlement for their problems. This is all designed to suppress the political situation inside the country. OLF rejects terrorism as a means of struggle. In any case, terrorism is a means for desperate groups, not mainstream organization like the OLF enjoying the support of the majority of the population in Ethiopia. And we have stated our position on this issue so many times. What good does harming innocent people do ? Because, the people in harms way could be potential supporters, in addition to being innocent. It doesn't serve any political purpose and it is actually counter-productive. The TPLF has committed so many crimes in the last 14 years and accused the OLF for committing them. But some of the very people who committed that crime have now come out and said it was orchestrated and concocted by the TPLF security agents. It is done so that non-Oromos will not support the Oromo struggle. This is done purposely to isolate the OLF both from inside and internationally. But it has failed.
LNA. Addis Ababa, it's not you ? The little taxi ?DIA. This has nothing to do with OLF… Very innocent people are in the taxis. It can be an Oromo, it can be from any nation. What could we gain from this ?
For us, what we understand, terrorism is to target civilians and to pursue ones political motives and to terrorize the population so that they will be terrorized and support the “struggle” or its aims. We have no problem of support from our population and because you are armed, that doesn't mean that you are a terrorist unless you target civilians. It is only if you target civilians for your political motives that you are a terrorist. Opposing force by force because you are forced doesn't mean that you are a terrorist. That is what and how we understand… we have the legitimate right to oppose force by force since it is imposed on us against our will. That is what we understand.
LNA. The government says you might have acquaintance with Al-Itihada al-Islamiyya…(laughs)DIA. Well, we thank them that they didn't say Al-Qaida. Al-Itihada al-Islamiyya, we have no association with them. From what we heard, they were raised, rather organized and supported by the TPLF in 1991 in 1992, they were brought from Somalia to organize there, as a means to confuse the situation in the Somali state. That is our information. And then, some of them fell out with the TPLF and they began to clash. And then since this issue of terrorism came to the forefront the TPLF tried to accuse us. We never had relations, we have never operated with them. We have heard that they operate somewhere in Somalia far from where we operate, that is all we know.
We are a secular organization. And we have a invested interest in religious tolerance. And that is for selfish reasons. Because our population is made up of Muslims, Christians and followers of the traditional Oromo religion… Waqefana. So, we oppose any form of religious intolerance. Among the Oromos, you have members from different confessions being part of the same household. For instance the wife being a Christian, the husband being a Muslim or vice versa… This is a tradition that we want to keep and preserve and pass to the next generations. We believe it is ok for people to have different ideas, different religions. We don't tolerate any kind of intolerance, religious or political. So, it is inconceivable for us to have any kind of relationship with any organization of that sort.
LNA. If they want to meet you, would you accept to meet them ? (laughs). It's a ferenji question !DIA. As we told you, we are a secular political organization, with a legitimate political agenda. We have no business with anyone pursuing an extremist religious agenda. Besides for us, this is a phantom organization. We hear about them from Meles, that is how we hear of their existence. If there was something else to say, Meles will say anything to gain the support of the international community. It is the same thing with democracy. He likes to talk about democracy so often to get international support but it is not there in practice.
LNA. Do you think there might be a risk of religious conflict in Ethiopia ?DIA. Not currently. We don't see any religious conflict emanating between the different religious groups but we have fear. It might be used by some desperate groups to put one religious group against the other. There is tension between the different communities which has been used politically by the government in different parts. But we don't see a religious conflict in Ethiopia within the population.
You always never now what frustration and desperation leads people to. But if it happens in Ethiopia, it will be very catastrophic. The population to a large extent lived very harmoniously for a long time despite the negative influence of successive regimes. We didn't see any religious extremism for the time being and as a policy we work on promoting interfaith dialogue and preach tolerance. It is one of our policies to promote religious tolerance and that is why we reach out to different communities, to the Amharas, to the South, to the Tigreans and others. We hope this kind of openness and outreach will help to mitigate the risk of religious conflict in Ethiopia as elsewhere.
LNA. The Ethiopian power is accusing you to be supported by Eritrea. You are very often in Asmara, aren't you ?DIA. We have our presence in Eritrea. Not only in Eritrea, we have our presence in the US, an office, we have an office in London, another in Sudan and in others countries too. We don't understand why Eritrea is particularly selected by the Ethiopian authorities. The presence of OLF in Eritrea is not unusual. As to our relations with Eritrea and Eritrean organizations, it is very old. We have had relations with the TPLF during the Mengistu regime. And the TPLF was more close to the Eritreans than the OLF at that time. It was rather being strongly supported and brought up by the EPLF. At that time, Mengistu was rather accusing the TPLF for being supported and for being an appendage of the EPLF. It is really a pity that the government is repeating this same allegation against OLF. Well, our relationship with Eritrea is as any relationship of the OLF with other governments, of course, and nothing particular. And, that's it, we don't see any wrong with it also.
On the positive note actually, our good relations with Eritrea can serve as a bridge to solve the current problem in a more amicable and peaceful manner. We can serve as a bridge between all the people in the region. We have a broad vision, beyond the current conflict. All of us in this region are facing common problems, common dangers such as draughts, famines and rising poverty. So, if you look in the long-time, it will be in our best interest to have a more amicable, more friendly relationship with everybody in this region. So our relationship can be used as a bridge to solve the current problem and maybe build a better relationship in the future.
There is one more fact that needs to be made clear, we have not supported the war between Eritrea and the Ethiopian government, we didn't support the Ethiopian government on its war with Eritrea because we did not believe that the war would serve the interest of Ethiopia in general and the Oromo in particular. We have opposed the war from our position or point of view. The Ethiopian government took it as treason and accused us as supporters of the Eritreans. This is one point that the regime in Ethiopia raises but we don't endorse the war as it was conducted. In general the war did not serve the interest of Ethiopia, the war was not conducted for the Ethiopian people and that's why we didn't endorse it.
LNA. These months, we have heard about mass arrests in Oromiya. Could you tell us more about this issue ?DIA. The Prime Minister came out on BBC and said he was ready to talk to the OLF without any conditions. The OLF responded positively as we mentioned it before. But, between September and November, the people were waiting for this issue to be settled and were very hopeful but, in the process, when they saw that the repression was getting worse rather than better the people understood that this was a lie and frustration began to mount among the Oromos and out of this frustration our people rose up against the system. And this was across Oromiya, not only in one place. In Ambo area, in Wolegga, in Harergé, in Selalé area, Kofale, Wollo, Jimma, Ilu Abba Bora, Guji, Borena area. All regions of the Oromo. And most of the colleges and high schools, protest after protest, protest after protest, and this was supported by the general population including the peasantry. So, the government tried to resolve it as usual by suppressing these peaceful protests by force. Thousands of Oromos were imprisoned to quell the uprising and protests by students, teachers and peasantry. And because the prisons were full, concentration camps were established, in Senkellé Police College, which was used to imprison about 5.000, 6.000 at one time. And imprison them for about a month and two months and then release some of them and again, substitute others. Another concentration camp was established in Dedesa, in western part of the country, in Wollega and similar concentration camps were used closer to Hurso. Almost all schools and all police stations are full now in most of the Oromo regions. In particular in western Harergé, in Ambo area, in Senkellé and Guder area, in Gimbi area and now it is very difficult to know even the numbers of peasants, teachers and students in prison. In fact there are many high security prisoners (university students and college students) that are in Kaliti, their number is big. And, this is the situation as of yesterday. One university student, a fourth year engineering student was beaten and killed in Kaliti prison, yesterday. He was imprisoned for the last 3 years and he was beaten to death by the security forces. Such actions are rampant all over Oromiya. Unfortunately, this is not being reported and noticed except what was recorded and registered by Human Rights Watch at one time.
The last 14 years were a nightmare for the Oromo people. What you saw in Addis after the elections in June and November were happening all over Oromiya for the last 14 years. It is good that you have heard about it but the international community has yet to see the full extend and depth of the crimes being committed in Oromiya. There are so many people who lost their lives in the last 14 years. So many people fled to other countries, so many people disappeared. Their whereabouts are never known. People are being detained even in individual residencies… It is just a nightmare. This nightmare has gotten much worse during the last 4-5 months. Thousands of people are detained but the media talks only about what happened in the capital city. You know, the majority of the population in Ethiopia lives outside of the capital city. But, sadly, the media is not talking about the thousands who are arrested in the small towns and rural areas, thousands who did not have any visit from the Red Cross, from the media, from the diplomats. That is a tragedy, a great tragedy that is happening. It is very tragic.
LNA. The representative of European Union, Louis Michel asked for an independent enquiry about the arrests in Oromiya when he went to Ethiopia. Did you heard about it ?DIA. It was the British minister who asked for an independent enquiry in Oromiya but that is not materialized and the European Union as you said asked for an independent enquiry regarding what happened in the capital, about the imprisonment of students and members of the CUD, etc. And that too did not materialize as yet. An independent inquiry was demanded by the European Union against the massacres in Awassa and Gambella and that did not materialize, either. As usual, they promise and then… do nothing about it. That is how it has been over the years.
LNA. OLF seems to become a new recognized Ethiopian interlocutor for the international community. How do you analyze this change in standpoint ?DIA. One thing, you take the Oromo people, which is about 40-45 % of the Ethiopian population and its neighbors, almost all the populations groups of Ethiopia, as a people who have been very tolerant with their neighbors, with almost all people and the Oromo people have never had problems with any population group. If you take the OLF, which came out of the trials and tribulations the Oromo people, as we stated above, we had our relationships with almost all political organizations and liberation movements for the last 30 years without any discrimination. Amhara political organizations, with Eritreans, with Ogadenies, with TPLF. That was the profile of the OLF for the last 30 years. As to the OLF appearing to be a responsible organization, we think we have clearly shown this during the charter when we soberly and patiently recommended that the political problems and political issues in Ethiopia be handled very soberly and responsibly to the satisfaction of the people. We recommended that at that time not only to the TPLF, we also recommended it to the international community. The position of the OLF on how to handle the ex-soldiers of the Dergue is indicative of our far-sightedness. This was done to avoid and minimize conflict. That was our position, since then, we have recommended a lot of things to the international community, several times. We think that the recognition of the international community of the critical role of the OLF has been overdue, it came very late. We have tried to play a constructive role and we will continue to do so even more boldly in the future too to resolve the political issues in Ethiopia and the region by talking new initiatives, being tolerant to all ideas and sensitive to the needs and concerns of different communities. Our aspiration is to bring about a lasting solution and a lasting hope for the peoples in Ethiopia and the region.
It is better late than never. So, we are happy that the international community is recognizing the place of the Oromo and OLF. To talk about democracy in Ethiopia is to talk about Oromo people. Democracy is about majority rule… and of course respecting the right of the minority. The Oromo people makes up close to 50% of the population, very close. So, any system that marginalizes the majority people cannot be durable, cannot create a stable situation. So, if you are talking about development in Ethiopia, peace in Ethiopia, you have to talk about the Oromo. And, because of the mobilization that has been going on for the last 14 years, the Oromos have become a force, a real force in Ethiopia and a real force in the region. So, if you want peace in Ethiopia, democracy in Ethiopia, you are obliged to talk about the Oromo people. The other thing is that our positions are built on principles and the welfare of the people. They are not motivated or driven by a narrow sectarian interest. Even if we stand for the Oromo people, when the rights of other people are violated, we don't shun away from our responsibility of condemning human rights violations against them. We are not against any people- only against repression. We also believe that we have real solutions. We think our political program is very reasonable. It can lead to peace in Ethiopia, peace in Oromiya, and the troubled Horn region. And our principled stand on the war with Eritrea and the other conflicts in the region is, I think, a measure of our commitment to the welfare of everyone. So, like I said earlier, it is better late than never but we welcome it. We are responsible people. We are not into... quick fixes, we are looking in terms of long-time solutions for that region.
Ours is a culture of democracy, that is the largest population in Ethiopia and the OLF is supported by this large population and it is our geographical position, being the very center of Ethiopia, we are in touch with other neighboring peoples and countries, Sudan, Kenya, Somalia, and Djibouti. Our just cause resonates with other marginalized people. Our egalitarian culture is built on gada, for us, we have already got something on which to build equality, democracy and the rule of law. These are the strong points that the Oromo and the OLF brings to the table that the international community is late to recognize.
LNA. (Katia Girma) Adding the women to the system of gada, if I can be out of my translator role, I mean, the women gada… (laughs)DIA. But they have their place in gada, even if it is not understood by others.
LNA. Did you meet important people during your stay in Paris ? I was told that you will meet the friendship group with Ethiopia in the Assembly ? Did you meet them ?DIA. We are meeting a lot of people. Unfortunately we could not meet the friendship group because of scheduling problems.
With the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, we will meet tomorrow. We have met them last year also, we will also meet with other groups, parties, experts and institutions while here. Last year we also did a similar tour. We met members of the Senate, members of the Parliament, the Foreign Ministry and other friends of the region.
LNA. Could OLF become a governmental party in Ethiopia ? If it could, in which conditions ?DIA. OLF has been trying to get the support of governments and international organizations to transform itself into a party but before that, we asked, to sort out our relationship with the present Ethiopian government. That did not happen, I mean, to resolve our problem with the Ethiopian government. That did not happen in the last 14 years and OLF remains a front- against its will. The OLF wants to participate in the political process as a party or as a political organization. And we believe our participation is necessary. And not only do we want to be part of it but lead it, so that the basic democratic rights –both individual and group rights- are assured for all without any discrimination. And if the Oromo question is resolved we believe it will not only the end one the root causes of instability in Ethiopia but also the region. We want to be assured and we want to assure others that we don't resort to force. If that is assured, we don't see any reason that the OLF would no transform itself into a political party.
Let me just add a few things. We were part of the governing party, once. That was from 1991 to 1992. We were pushed out. Currently, there are obstacles to us being part of the political process. Because there are so many obstacles to democracy in Ethiopia, they have to be removed. What are they ? The media is controlled by the government ; that has to change. Press freedom has to be there. The other one, the judiciary is another domain that has to change. The judiciary has to be independent, there has to be due process of law. People have to have their day in court ; that is not there today. The other thing is the security forces are totally partisan to the ruling party ; that has to change. The other thing is, you know the Oromo people have been in this struggle to exercise their right to self-determination. So, that system has to recognize and respect the right of the Oromo people. This recognition should not just be in words, it has to be implemented, it has to be respected. The rights should not remain just on paper. The other thing is, there has to be a system that addresses the grievances of the Oromo people… We have many grievances against the Ethiopian state, that has to be addressed and then the Oromo people have its aspirations, which need to be accommodated.
So the system has to meet the aspirations of the Oromo people for freedom and for self-government. It has to satisfy their political demands, economic and social demands. If those situations are fulfilled, if those obstacles are removed, we don't see any reason why OLF will not be a political party in Ethiopia. Actually, it's very likely. We are confident that we will form the next government of Ethiopia.
LNA. Do you want to add something for our readers ?DIA. To our understanding, there are many actors in Ethiopia. One of the actors is the state of Ethiopia, an old state and which has an inherent problem since its very creation. This issue of reconfiguring the state institutions and democratizing it and making it a common state of all the peoples is not resolved and it is our aspiration to change this situation. The other actor is the Ethiopian peoples, who need change and it has been their will and their aspiration to see the change. That is overdue and they have not seen it. They were hoping and this has to come ; in particular the Oromo and the rest of the South. The other actor is the international community. Since the creation of Ethiopia they had their hands. The creation of Ethiopia led to the marginalization of the majority and also the suppression and repression of the very people from which it came. The international community has given out billions and billions of aid dollars in the hope of changing Ethiopia for the better and improve the miserable lives of the population. But the billions of aid and resources that have been pumped to Ethiopia have not brought about the desired change because the superstructure based on an inherent contradiction stemming from domination of one group by another did not change and this superstructure misused and abused these billions of dollars that has been brought in the name of the Ethiopian people. So, we believe each of these actors has their responsibility, and they have to discharge their responsibility. And one of the areas where the international community has to discharge its responsibility is in the way it gives out aid. Its development support need not be without consideration of the political situation and there has to be evaluation afterwards, just giving foreign currency to the government cannot help ameliorate the suffering of the population. These resources have rather been used to suppress them and to conduct unnecessary wars and for repression, fund wars that were devastating to the population. We are talking of wars that took place in Eritrea for so many years and we are talking of the last war between Ethiopia and Eritrea and we are talking of the conflicts in Ethiopia, wars that did not help the Ethiopian population. So, we think this is the right time for everybody to assess their position and move in the right direction. OLF will contribute to bring about an end to these wars. Resolving the issue of war and peace in the Horn for the last time is important to embark on development. And this requires sustained and serious dialogue between all the parties. There has to be real change. This is our aspiration and we are very serious about it.
The greatest wish of any movement is to be understood. We believe it is important to sufficiently and properly understand OLF- as it is destined to play a key role in the future of Ethiopia and the region. I hope your newspaper would play this role and fill the gap. We believe we have a small wind of opportunity to create a better future in Ethiopia and the Horn region. I think we, in that part of the region, are very good at missing golden opportunities. We have missed so many golden opportunities in the past and my hope is that we will take advantage of this opportunity. And now, therefore to take advantage of this opportunity, we need to use new paradigms. We cannot behave as we have done in the past, we need to go past the era of domination, subjugation of others, marginalization of others, exploitation of the marginalized and I believe it is time for everyone to be far-sighted. To look at the interest of all the peoples and rather than sectarian interests. I think that domination did not serve anybody, repression did not serve anybody. There have been enough conflicts and enough wars in Ethiopia and I believe it is time to leave that history behind. And, if the international community wants to promote peace, democracy and stability in the Horn of Africa, I believe the beginning place is the Oromo question. The Oromo question has to be resolved because to talk about peace and democracy in that country and not to talk about the Oromo people will be a big mistake. And, if the international community and the others in Ethiopia are ready to be serious and to seriously look to resolve the complicated problems in Ethiopia, OLF is ready to be a leading partner in this change. The key to overcome the current predicament and resolve the political crisis in Ethiopia and the region is to conduct meaningful sustained dialogue between the parties to come up with a comprehensive solution. And I hope this is not far off. And I assure you OLF will play a constructive and leading role in this noble effort.
Thank you.
The OLF is ready to talk with Meles Zenawi, « without any condition » […]« In the presence of a third party »
Dawud Ibsa Ayana, Chairman of the Oromo Liberation Front
Interview to Les nouvelles d’AddisParis, March 29th, 2006
by Colette Delsol, Katia Girma, Alain Leterrierinterpreter French-Amharic-English : Katia Girmapictures : Alain Leterrier
Les nouvelles d’Addis interviewed Mr. Dawud Ibsa Ayana, the Chairman of the Oromo Liberation Front, while he was in Paris from the end of March to the first week of April, 2006. Mr. Ayana is accompanied on his European tour by his Head of Foreign Relations, Mr. Hassan Hussein, a member of the Executive Committee, and Dr. Shigut Geleta, Head of Foreign Relations in Europe, a member of the National Council.
LNA. The OLF has been created in 1974. Which are its basis (principles) and main historical dates and events ?Dawud Ibsa Ayana. The OLF has been created in 1973. But to talk especially about dates and time would be tricky because the OLF evolved out of two main events at that time. And this is a process that took place gradually and systematically. OLF is the culmination of the Bale Oromo Movement (between 1963 and 1970) which was an armed upraising against the repression of the Oromos and the product of the Metcha-Tulema civic organisation which tried to fill the gap in the underdevelopment of the Oromos at that time. Metcha-Tulama was founded to lay an important foundation for the development of the Oromo by building schools, roads, hospitals and other infrastructure in Oromia. It was founded in Finfinne (Addis) in the late 1960s but it was later banned, with its leadership either killed or imprisoned or exiled. The OLF was created in 1973 partly out of this frustration of Oromos and the enduring grievance resulting from the subjugation and marginalization of the Oromo. So as you can imagine it is difficult to speak of specific dates as some of the founders of OLF are participants in the Bale movement and some in the Metcha Tulema Association. And some others were leaders of the student movements -that is the Ethiopian Student Movement.
LNA. OLF has been founded as a front against colonialism and imperialism fighting for the Oromiya independence. Is it still the case nowadays ?DIA. The objectives of the OLF were laid down and defined in its political program. The objective is to fight against oppression of all forms ; to emancipate the Oromo people from the subjugation, repression, and exploitation, to alleviate the suffering of the destitute peasants and the downtrodden masses in general and also to empower the people who have been marginalized from all forms of life in Ethiopia, meaning political and economic power and the powers to decide on their destiny. Our program calls for the emancipation of the Oromo people and also to stand against all forms of oppression in Ethiopia. The cornerstone of our political program remains enabling the Oromo people to exercise its inalienable right to national self-determination, a right to which the Oromo are entitled as a people. This of course entails empowering our people politically, socially and economically, especially the peasantry who at that time was under total servitude under the feudal system. Enabling the Oromo people to exercise its right to self-determination remains our core objective, the final decision is up to the Oromo people.
LNA. It is in the Ethiopian Constitution, isn't it ?DIA. Yes, the right to self-determination is in the Ethiopian Constitution. We want that right to be meaningful.
LNA. You want to use this constitutional right ?DIA. The Constitution is partly the product of the Charter and we are co-owners of the Charter that formed the transitional government of Ethiopia in 1991. We are the ones who drafted it. And so, we have no fundamental problem with it.
LNA. Knowing that the Oromiya’s independence would be the end of Ethiopia, do people inside the front argue about Ethiopia’s unity issue ?DIA. Well. (laughs) I understood your question. Yes, the political program of the OLF says self-determination but, having this program, we joined the transitional government in 1991 with the vision of making Ethiopia equal for all and to participate in changing the situation in Ethiopia so that Ethiopia will be owned by all and become a common and democratic state for all the nations, nationalities and people, big and small. We wanted to accommodate the aspirations of our people within a new voluntary unity based on democracy, freedom and equality, and it was to make this a reality that we joined the transition in 1991. The question is whether others are ready to accommodate the aspiration of our people who has been subjugated and marginalized for the last 120 years. Otherwise to attempt to dismiss or reverse Oromo nationalism is fruitless. Oromo nationalism has reached an irreversible stage. The only option available is to deal with it and make peace with it. We believe the Oromo is already a formidable and a force to reckon with.
LNA. When did you talk about this issue for the last time with Meles Zenawi ?DIA. We talked on this issue with Meles Zenawi when we together formed the transitional government. Since then, we didn't talk about it. The talk remained by gun, which Meles chose for us.
LNA. Which are your links or antagonisms :– with the others Oromo fronts or movements (OPDO, ONC, OFDM…) ?DIA. Out of the organizations listed here, let me first take the OPDO.The OPDO was created by the TPLF in 1990. It is not an independent organization, it is part of the EPRDF and it was also created by the intelligence arm of the TPLF. We have no problem with Oromos in OPDO but we don't consider OPDO to be an independent Oromo organization as it is controlled and moved by the TPLF. It is the TPLF arm in Oromiya, that's how we consider it. The relationships between the OLF and the TPLF is a relation of armed conflict, thus we have problem with the OPDO as a political organization, although we don't have problems with Oromos in the OPDO... especially those that have not shed the blood of our people.
ONC has been around for a while. OFDM is a new organization formed a few months before the May 2005 elections. We have no problem with Oromos forming any sort of political organization. We don't have any official relationship with ONC or OFDM, but we have respect for them because they are trying, in their own ways, to find solutions for the suffering of the Oromo people. They are “legal” and we are “illegal” at this time, this according to the Ethiopian Government, and thus we cannot have official relationship with them because the authorities will immediately attack them if we had formal relationship. For this, we have refrained from having any official relationship with them for their own security.
– with the other Ethiopian opposition parties (UEDF, CUD…) ?DIA. With other Ethiopian parties and organizations, with UEDF, CUD, ONLF, or any others left, OLF has a cordial relationship. We have a relationship of cooperation with ONLF that was established a long time ago. With the rest of the Ethiopian organizations, we have respect for them and don't have any antagonism with any organization, whether we have a relationship with them or not.
So the OLF has no problem with any political organization in Ethiopia, be it those who are inside or outside. Our problem is the regime and its tyrannical nature, and with the system that is repressive and undemocratic. Anyone has the right to take any political position or struggle under any political program they deem fit. Of course, we have difference of political program with some parties but we don't have problem with them so long as democratic system is in place where people reder their final verdict.
LNA. You are very nice warriors ! (laughs)DIA. No, that's the real position of the OLF. It is not politics that we are talking, it is a real position of ours.
LNA. There were several meetings abroad, in the USA or other countries of the opposition organizations and you did not participate. Why ?DIA. The reservation is only technical, not strategic. We participated in the Paris conference of 1993. We joined with others and we in fact sent our delegation. After the Paris meeting, the actual conference was supposed to be held at the Ghion in Finfinne (Addis). We sent our delegation who was a member of the leadership and he was immediately imprisoned at the airport. Since then we were reserving ourselves from any meeting of that sort just because we did not find it practical to participate.
LNA. There was also Ghennet Girma for the EPRP, she was also arrested, wasn't she…DIA. We don't remember about Ghennet Girma but Abera YemaneAb was arrested if you remember. He is still in prison. And that became a problem and the process was aborted because of that. Again, there were attempts to form an alliance at a conference in Washington and other areas. Out of all of them, we are the banned organization by the government, we are at war, with fighters in the bush and it became very uneasy for us to participate in that. That was the only problem. Despite not being able to participate in these meetings, we have had our relationship or meetings underneath with most of them (laughs). To make matters more clear if you take the All Parties Conference that was conducted in Washington, they adopted a policy which says : « We will struggle peacefully », although this is our choice we have not settled our problem with the government that we entered in 1992 and we cannot embrace such a policy abandoning our fighters. These kinds of technical problems have been the reasons why we refrained and were reserved.
It was to change this situation that we have tried to settle our problems with the government several times. In 1992 there was a meeting in Asmara, facilitated by a group of Ambassadors. In 1994 the Carter Center took the initiative to be a mediator between us and the government refused again to sit with the OLF. In 1995, it was the Congressional Task Force of the United States, headed by Congressman Harry Johnston, which started to mediate and still, the government refused to deal with the OLF unless the OLF met one unreasonable precondition after another. Again in 1996 and 1997 in Germany with the presence of the Ambassador Winkelmann, sponsored by the German government, we tried to meet and resolve the conflict but the government once again failed to show up after two encounters without giving any reason. Since 1999 up to 2005, it was the Norwegians who tried to mediate between us several times but the government avoided it. So, the relation remains a relationship of conflict and we still believe all the outstanding issues need to be settled through dialogue. The government is the obstacle for us to join such party meetings and also to take part in the elections.
LNA. Six months ago perhaps…DIA. That was in September. You mean the BBC report?
LNA. Yes, he told to the BBC that he wanted to meet you. You didn't have time ? (laughs)DIA. Yeah, correct. That was interesting in the fact that it was the first time when Meles said he would sit down and talk with the OLF without any condition. That is why we welcomed it and responded positively on the BBC and other outlets. Not only that, we went one step further and wrote a formal letter to the Norwegian government which has been trying to mediate between us for years. That was done to make it official and undescore our seriousness and commitment for dialogue. The Norwegians went to the Ethiopian government and asked for similar commitment to start dialogue with the OLF and urge it to take concrete steps. The government, as usual, avoided it. They said : « Let us talk with the Americans first, let us talk with our party first et cetera ». So, they took their time and they killed the process. We did not only write a letter to Norwegians, we have also informed the Americans that we were committed to resolve the conflict through dialogue with the government and the Americans noted it. In the end Meles’ declaration of September 2004 remained just that… a declaration.
LNA. Meles Zenawi sometimes asks to his people to translate our newspaper for him, so, if he wants to meet you, is it still ok to meet him ? We can tell him through the newspaper if you want us to.DIA. If you can be an official third party… (laughs)
LNA. Heu, no. But my question was serious. Would you be ready to talk with him if he says again what he said in September ?DIA. Well, the OLF’s official policy remains as it has always been to sit down and talk without any preconditions and resolve this conflict in the presence of a third party. This is a longstanding policy that we have. And it is without any condition.
LNA. Have you relationship with the other armed movements in the area (ONLF, FRUD…) ?DIA. Well, we know very little about FRUD with whom we don't have relationship. With the ONLF, it is a long-time relationship. In addition to this, we have our relationship with Sidama Liberation Front, Beni-Shangul Liberation Movement and the Gambella People Liberation Movement and there are some other fronts and movements with whom we have close and long-time relationships and we maintain our relationships.
LNA. Why don't you know about the FRUD and why don't you know them ?DIA. We do, but not perhaps as best. This is because their operational area is very far from us. And besides, we have this policy of not interfering in the internal affairs of other states and the FRUD is in Djibouti.
LNA. What do you think about the general elections which have been held in May 2005 in Ethiopia ?DIA. Well, head broadly, I want to tell you the understanding and assessment of the OLF. Elections have taken place in Ethiopia several times. During the Emperor, we have seen, in our eyes, we have witnessed elections for the Parliament. Again during Mengistu, elections have been conducted, we were witnesses of that too. Elections have also been conducted under the leadership of the TPLF. But we didn't find any difference between the elections under the TPLF in 1995 and year 2000 and those under the Emperor or the Dergue. And in May 2005, before the election, we told European governments our assessment and our understanding about the outcome of the election. We told them, there will be few changes than in the past because there is some pressure, unusual pressure, from the donors on the government, which has created some space for the political parties in Ethiopia. The opposition was able to appear and debate on television. This helped mobilize the population to participate in the election massively. But the outcome of the election was a forgone conclusion for us and not different from the past. For the Oromo especially it was a hollow exercise as Human Rights Watch corrected termed it. This is what we told them. We talked to the French government, we talked to the Belgians, we talked to the British, and we talked to the Danish, Finnish, Swedes, Germans, Norwegians... And we said, in fact, the outcome will be uglier, the result will be nasty because the TPLF will not accept any defeat on the election and there could be chaos in the aftermath of the election because of rising popular expectation of change and the regime’s determination to forestall change. This is what we told them and this is what happened. We were very sure that the TPLF will not allow a defeat on the election, because, it will mean a loss for their control on the army, it will be a loss on their control of the security, it will be a loss on their economic dominance and this will be unthinkable as the TPLF is positioning itself to continue with the domination and that's what happened. What came out of the election was not a surprise for the OLF.
Anyway, there is something unique that took place in this election, that is the courage of the population to massively go out and show their protest against the government and voting them out. This is a turning point, the courage of the population is clearly shown in the election. That's a big change in Ethiopia. Which would mean if the Ethiopian people are given the chance, the support for democracy amongst the population is already demonstrated. That is the only hope that we saw.
LNA. Don't you think that it could be also that democracy goes little by little ? It was not possible this time but something changed and the next time… Could it not be that it will be better and then… Don't you think this ? He wants to hope, you know !There is no democracy that has been built in one time. Do you think really there is nothing to do with this government ? That it has to be radically changed ?DIA. It is not the question of radically changing government. The TPLF regime is given 14 years by the Ethiopian people and they did not deliver on its promises. The promise was democracy, peace and development. Yes, if democracy was being built piece by piece in the last 14 years, if there was some noticeable change for the better in the eyes of the population and the international community, yes, you can say that there is some progress and then you can be patient about it. But, we saw no democracy, in the opposite, what we saw is tyranny, imprisonment and killings that were going for the full term of this regime. Journalists have been arrested, artists have been arrested and exiled and all this. This is what we saw in the last 14 years and the rest, development is promised and what we saw is famine, millions, 15 millions at one time, 7 millions at another time and then, the living standards of the peasantry has gone down, poverty is rather increasing than declining. And, the other one promise was peace. Instead of peace, we saw a very devastating war with neighboring Eritrea. Conflict everywhere in Ethiopia, massacres in Gambella, in Awassa, in Shaka Majenger, small nations that could not threaten the regime, a bloody conflict with Oromo. So the indications that we saw are rather deterioration on the question of peace, development and democracy. That is what happened. So, what does this piece-by-piece means ? The reality speaks for itself, that's what we mean. Besides, major political forces such as OLF are excluded from the political process and prevented from taking part in the elections.
LNA. But why ? I have got the impression that Meles Zenawi has so strong a will to keep power that he could be ready to make some concessions, just to keep the power. Am I wrong ?Is it impossible to try ? Is it over already ?(laughs)OK. Next question…DIA. Yeah, better next question (laughs)…14 years is more than enough to show some change. He has received enough aid by saying democracy is a process, you know. For democratization, for good governance, he has always been receiving huge aid but he has never utilized it to improve the standard of living of the population. But as you said it right, he has said that democracy is a process and he has, until now, deceived many.
If democracy was only by word, Meles would be the best democrat. But where is the practice ? With years, don’t you have to see progress ? Human rights violations everywhere, killings everywhere, conflict everywhere. It is all talk… despite the nice talk Meles did not deliver on peace, development or democracy. So, this impression that this is a man who is putting Ethiopia on the course to democracy is an illusion. It has been a misapprehension, the people know about it for the last 14 years.
Democracy has to tolerate at least the minimum dissent, say from civic organizations which do not threaten the power of the state. Look at what happened to Ethiopian Teachers Association, look what happened to Ethiopian Journalists Association, look what happened to Metcha-Tulema, the Oromo Human Rights League and what not. Those are unarmed civic organizations, others professionals such as artists groups, bands, music bands. If these associations are not tolerated, can wee speak of democracy ?
LNA. Ethiopian authorities are regularly accusing OLF to make or to be behind attacks ; for example the recent attacks in Addis Ababa :– Is OLF a terrorist movement ?– Which is nowadays the difference between armed opposition and terrorism ?DIA. As we tried to explain in the first question, the OLF is one of the politico-military organizations in East Africa along with the EPLF and then the TPLF. It was founded before the TPLF as a political organization to fight a highly repressive system. Our problem and our fight is only against the system. And we were an armed movement for the last 30 years, before the term “terrorism” came as a political term in the world. So, if the OLF is a terrorist organization, the TPLF is also a terrorist organization, that is what the logic would say. Not only that, the OLF is a movement which is supported by not only thousands we claim millions of the Oromo people and others, supported by other marginalized peoples. Our target is only military institutions and the repressive organ and machinery of the system which would be the army and the security forces, nothing else is the target of the OLF. And this has been the case in the last 30 years. We have never used weapons against civilians and we have never targeted civilians in our operations. And this is a long-standing policy, this is what OLF is. Now, the current regime, the TPLF regime accuses us as terrorists, this is only to ride on the bandwagon of terrorism because it is now a trickery which repressive states are using against their opposition generally. That is what they are trying to do, trying to tarnish our image, their accusation is politically motivated. They have failed to substantiate their false allegations in the last five-six years. This is a movement supported by thousands and millions of people but whose target is only the repressive organ of the State, which is the security forces, nothing else. This has nothing to do with terrorism and OLF is very clean from all this. We categorically condemn terrorism and we denied several times the claims of the Ethiopian regime. It is only to divert attention from the internal pressure and external pressure that Ethiopian government raised this issue against the OLF.
Let me add a little bit on this issue. It is not unusual for regimes in this part of Africa to accuse all their opponents with this kind of name. If you remember, during the campaign for the 2005 election, Meles and his party were calling the CUD Interhamwe in Ethiopia. Going as far as charging them for intending to commit genocide against the Tigreans. And the other thing, during the Mengistu years, Mengistu was calling them terrorists. Actually, these days, it has become a vogue. If you remember during the last week’s election in Belarus, the President was saying anyone who will go on the street protesting against the election result would be charged as terrorist. So, what I am trying to say is that accusing your political opponents as terrorists has become a fashion for tyrants, who keep creating phantom enemies rather than seeking political settlement for their problems. This is all designed to suppress the political situation inside the country. OLF rejects terrorism as a means of struggle. In any case, terrorism is a means for desperate groups, not mainstream organization like the OLF enjoying the support of the majority of the population in Ethiopia. And we have stated our position on this issue so many times. What good does harming innocent people do ? Because, the people in harms way could be potential supporters, in addition to being innocent. It doesn't serve any political purpose and it is actually counter-productive. The TPLF has committed so many crimes in the last 14 years and accused the OLF for committing them. But some of the very people who committed that crime have now come out and said it was orchestrated and concocted by the TPLF security agents. It is done so that non-Oromos will not support the Oromo struggle. This is done purposely to isolate the OLF both from inside and internationally. But it has failed.
LNA. Addis Ababa, it's not you ? The little taxi ?DIA. This has nothing to do with OLF… Very innocent people are in the taxis. It can be an Oromo, it can be from any nation. What could we gain from this ?
For us, what we understand, terrorism is to target civilians and to pursue ones political motives and to terrorize the population so that they will be terrorized and support the “struggle” or its aims. We have no problem of support from our population and because you are armed, that doesn't mean that you are a terrorist unless you target civilians. It is only if you target civilians for your political motives that you are a terrorist. Opposing force by force because you are forced doesn't mean that you are a terrorist. That is what and how we understand… we have the legitimate right to oppose force by force since it is imposed on us against our will. That is what we understand.
LNA. The government says you might have acquaintance with Al-Itihada al-Islamiyya…(laughs)DIA. Well, we thank them that they didn't say Al-Qaida. Al-Itihada al-Islamiyya, we have no association with them. From what we heard, they were raised, rather organized and supported by the TPLF in 1991 in 1992, they were brought from Somalia to organize there, as a means to confuse the situation in the Somali state. That is our information. And then, some of them fell out with the TPLF and they began to clash. And then since this issue of terrorism came to the forefront the TPLF tried to accuse us. We never had relations, we have never operated with them. We have heard that they operate somewhere in Somalia far from where we operate, that is all we know.
We are a secular organization. And we have a invested interest in religious tolerance. And that is for selfish reasons. Because our population is made up of Muslims, Christians and followers of the traditional Oromo religion… Waqefana. So, we oppose any form of religious intolerance. Among the Oromos, you have members from different confessions being part of the same household. For instance the wife being a Christian, the husband being a Muslim or vice versa… This is a tradition that we want to keep and preserve and pass to the next generations. We believe it is ok for people to have different ideas, different religions. We don't tolerate any kind of intolerance, religious or political. So, it is inconceivable for us to have any kind of relationship with any organization of that sort.
LNA. If they want to meet you, would you accept to meet them ? (laughs). It's a ferenji question !DIA. As we told you, we are a secular political organization, with a legitimate political agenda. We have no business with anyone pursuing an extremist religious agenda. Besides for us, this is a phantom organization. We hear about them from Meles, that is how we hear of their existence. If there was something else to say, Meles will say anything to gain the support of the international community. It is the same thing with democracy. He likes to talk about democracy so often to get international support but it is not there in practice.
LNA. Do you think there might be a risk of religious conflict in Ethiopia ?DIA. Not currently. We don't see any religious conflict emanating between the different religious groups but we have fear. It might be used by some desperate groups to put one religious group against the other. There is tension between the different communities which has been used politically by the government in different parts. But we don't see a religious conflict in Ethiopia within the population.
You always never now what frustration and desperation leads people to. But if it happens in Ethiopia, it will be very catastrophic. The population to a large extent lived very harmoniously for a long time despite the negative influence of successive regimes. We didn't see any religious extremism for the time being and as a policy we work on promoting interfaith dialogue and preach tolerance. It is one of our policies to promote religious tolerance and that is why we reach out to different communities, to the Amharas, to the South, to the Tigreans and others. We hope this kind of openness and outreach will help to mitigate the risk of religious conflict in Ethiopia as elsewhere.
LNA. The Ethiopian power is accusing you to be supported by Eritrea. You are very often in Asmara, aren't you ?DIA. We have our presence in Eritrea. Not only in Eritrea, we have our presence in the US, an office, we have an office in London, another in Sudan and in others countries too. We don't understand why Eritrea is particularly selected by the Ethiopian authorities. The presence of OLF in Eritrea is not unusual. As to our relations with Eritrea and Eritrean organizations, it is very old. We have had relations with the TPLF during the Mengistu regime. And the TPLF was more close to the Eritreans than the OLF at that time. It was rather being strongly supported and brought up by the EPLF. At that time, Mengistu was rather accusing the TPLF for being supported and for being an appendage of the EPLF. It is really a pity that the government is repeating this same allegation against OLF. Well, our relationship with Eritrea is as any relationship of the OLF with other governments, of course, and nothing particular. And, that's it, we don't see any wrong with it also.
On the positive note actually, our good relations with Eritrea can serve as a bridge to solve the current problem in a more amicable and peaceful manner. We can serve as a bridge between all the people in the region. We have a broad vision, beyond the current conflict. All of us in this region are facing common problems, common dangers such as draughts, famines and rising poverty. So, if you look in the long-time, it will be in our best interest to have a more amicable, more friendly relationship with everybody in this region. So our relationship can be used as a bridge to solve the current problem and maybe build a better relationship in the future.
There is one more fact that needs to be made clear, we have not supported the war between Eritrea and the Ethiopian government, we didn't support the Ethiopian government on its war with Eritrea because we did not believe that the war would serve the interest of Ethiopia in general and the Oromo in particular. We have opposed the war from our position or point of view. The Ethiopian government took it as treason and accused us as supporters of the Eritreans. This is one point that the regime in Ethiopia raises but we don't endorse the war as it was conducted. In general the war did not serve the interest of Ethiopia, the war was not conducted for the Ethiopian people and that's why we didn't endorse it.
LNA. These months, we have heard about mass arrests in Oromiya. Could you tell us more about this issue ?DIA. The Prime Minister came out on BBC and said he was ready to talk to the OLF without any conditions. The OLF responded positively as we mentioned it before. But, between September and November, the people were waiting for this issue to be settled and were very hopeful but, in the process, when they saw that the repression was getting worse rather than better the people understood that this was a lie and frustration began to mount among the Oromos and out of this frustration our people rose up against the system. And this was across Oromiya, not only in one place. In Ambo area, in Wolegga, in Harergé, in Selalé area, Kofale, Wollo, Jimma, Ilu Abba Bora, Guji, Borena area. All regions of the Oromo. And most of the colleges and high schools, protest after protest, protest after protest, and this was supported by the general population including the peasantry. So, the government tried to resolve it as usual by suppressing these peaceful protests by force. Thousands of Oromos were imprisoned to quell the uprising and protests by students, teachers and peasantry. And because the prisons were full, concentration camps were established, in Senkellé Police College, which was used to imprison about 5.000, 6.000 at one time. And imprison them for about a month and two months and then release some of them and again, substitute others. Another concentration camp was established in Dedesa, in western part of the country, in Wollega and similar concentration camps were used closer to Hurso. Almost all schools and all police stations are full now in most of the Oromo regions. In particular in western Harergé, in Ambo area, in Senkellé and Guder area, in Gimbi area and now it is very difficult to know even the numbers of peasants, teachers and students in prison. In fact there are many high security prisoners (university students and college students) that are in Kaliti, their number is big. And, this is the situation as of yesterday. One university student, a fourth year engineering student was beaten and killed in Kaliti prison, yesterday. He was imprisoned for the last 3 years and he was beaten to death by the security forces. Such actions are rampant all over Oromiya. Unfortunately, this is not being reported and noticed except what was recorded and registered by Human Rights Watch at one time.
The last 14 years were a nightmare for the Oromo people. What you saw in Addis after the elections in June and November were happening all over Oromiya for the last 14 years. It is good that you have heard about it but the international community has yet to see the full extend and depth of the crimes being committed in Oromiya. There are so many people who lost their lives in the last 14 years. So many people fled to other countries, so many people disappeared. Their whereabouts are never known. People are being detained even in individual residencies… It is just a nightmare. This nightmare has gotten much worse during the last 4-5 months. Thousands of people are detained but the media talks only about what happened in the capital city. You know, the majority of the population in Ethiopia lives outside of the capital city. But, sadly, the media is not talking about the thousands who are arrested in the small towns and rural areas, thousands who did not have any visit from the Red Cross, from the media, from the diplomats. That is a tragedy, a great tragedy that is happening. It is very tragic.
LNA. The representative of European Union, Louis Michel asked for an independent enquiry about the arrests in Oromiya when he went to Ethiopia. Did you heard about it ?DIA. It was the British minister who asked for an independent enquiry in Oromiya but that is not materialized and the European Union as you said asked for an independent enquiry regarding what happened in the capital, about the imprisonment of students and members of the CUD, etc. And that too did not materialize as yet. An independent inquiry was demanded by the European Union against the massacres in Awassa and Gambella and that did not materialize, either. As usual, they promise and then… do nothing about it. That is how it has been over the years.
LNA. OLF seems to become a new recognized Ethiopian interlocutor for the international community. How do you analyze this change in standpoint ?DIA. One thing, you take the Oromo people, which is about 40-45 % of the Ethiopian population and its neighbors, almost all the populations groups of Ethiopia, as a people who have been very tolerant with their neighbors, with almost all people and the Oromo people have never had problems with any population group. If you take the OLF, which came out of the trials and tribulations the Oromo people, as we stated above, we had our relationships with almost all political organizations and liberation movements for the last 30 years without any discrimination. Amhara political organizations, with Eritreans, with Ogadenies, with TPLF. That was the profile of the OLF for the last 30 years. As to the OLF appearing to be a responsible organization, we think we have clearly shown this during the charter when we soberly and patiently recommended that the political problems and political issues in Ethiopia be handled very soberly and responsibly to the satisfaction of the people. We recommended that at that time not only to the TPLF, we also recommended it to the international community. The position of the OLF on how to handle the ex-soldiers of the Dergue is indicative of our far-sightedness. This was done to avoid and minimize conflict. That was our position, since then, we have recommended a lot of things to the international community, several times. We think that the recognition of the international community of the critical role of the OLF has been overdue, it came very late. We have tried to play a constructive role and we will continue to do so even more boldly in the future too to resolve the political issues in Ethiopia and the region by talking new initiatives, being tolerant to all ideas and sensitive to the needs and concerns of different communities. Our aspiration is to bring about a lasting solution and a lasting hope for the peoples in Ethiopia and the region.
It is better late than never. So, we are happy that the international community is recognizing the place of the Oromo and OLF. To talk about democracy in Ethiopia is to talk about Oromo people. Democracy is about majority rule… and of course respecting the right of the minority. The Oromo people makes up close to 50% of the population, very close. So, any system that marginalizes the majority people cannot be durable, cannot create a stable situation. So, if you are talking about development in Ethiopia, peace in Ethiopia, you have to talk about the Oromo. And, because of the mobilization that has been going on for the last 14 years, the Oromos have become a force, a real force in Ethiopia and a real force in the region. So, if you want peace in Ethiopia, democracy in Ethiopia, you are obliged to talk about the Oromo people. The other thing is that our positions are built on principles and the welfare of the people. They are not motivated or driven by a narrow sectarian interest. Even if we stand for the Oromo people, when the rights of other people are violated, we don't shun away from our responsibility of condemning human rights violations against them. We are not against any people- only against repression. We also believe that we have real solutions. We think our political program is very reasonable. It can lead to peace in Ethiopia, peace in Oromiya, and the troubled Horn region. And our principled stand on the war with Eritrea and the other conflicts in the region is, I think, a measure of our commitment to the welfare of everyone. So, like I said earlier, it is better late than never but we welcome it. We are responsible people. We are not into... quick fixes, we are looking in terms of long-time solutions for that region.
Ours is a culture of democracy, that is the largest population in Ethiopia and the OLF is supported by this large population and it is our geographical position, being the very center of Ethiopia, we are in touch with other neighboring peoples and countries, Sudan, Kenya, Somalia, and Djibouti. Our just cause resonates with other marginalized people. Our egalitarian culture is built on gada, for us, we have already got something on which to build equality, democracy and the rule of law. These are the strong points that the Oromo and the OLF brings to the table that the international community is late to recognize.
LNA. (Katia Girma) Adding the women to the system of gada, if I can be out of my translator role, I mean, the women gada… (laughs)DIA. But they have their place in gada, even if it is not understood by others.
LNA. Did you meet important people during your stay in Paris ? I was told that you will meet the friendship group with Ethiopia in the Assembly ? Did you meet them ?DIA. We are meeting a lot of people. Unfortunately we could not meet the friendship group because of scheduling problems.
With the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, we will meet tomorrow. We have met them last year also, we will also meet with other groups, parties, experts and institutions while here. Last year we also did a similar tour. We met members of the Senate, members of the Parliament, the Foreign Ministry and other friends of the region.
LNA. Could OLF become a governmental party in Ethiopia ? If it could, in which conditions ?DIA. OLF has been trying to get the support of governments and international organizations to transform itself into a party but before that, we asked, to sort out our relationship with the present Ethiopian government. That did not happen, I mean, to resolve our problem with the Ethiopian government. That did not happen in the last 14 years and OLF remains a front- against its will. The OLF wants to participate in the political process as a party or as a political organization. And we believe our participation is necessary. And not only do we want to be part of it but lead it, so that the basic democratic rights –both individual and group rights- are assured for all without any discrimination. And if the Oromo question is resolved we believe it will not only the end one the root causes of instability in Ethiopia but also the region. We want to be assured and we want to assure others that we don't resort to force. If that is assured, we don't see any reason that the OLF would no transform itself into a political party.
Let me just add a few things. We were part of the governing party, once. That was from 1991 to 1992. We were pushed out. Currently, there are obstacles to us being part of the political process. Because there are so many obstacles to democracy in Ethiopia, they have to be removed. What are they ? The media is controlled by the government ; that has to change. Press freedom has to be there. The other one, the judiciary is another domain that has to change. The judiciary has to be independent, there has to be due process of law. People have to have their day in court ; that is not there today. The other thing is the security forces are totally partisan to the ruling party ; that has to change. The other thing is, you know the Oromo people have been in this struggle to exercise their right to self-determination. So, that system has to recognize and respect the right of the Oromo people. This recognition should not just be in words, it has to be implemented, it has to be respected. The rights should not remain just on paper. The other thing is, there has to be a system that addresses the grievances of the Oromo people… We have many grievances against the Ethiopian state, that has to be addressed and then the Oromo people have its aspirations, which need to be accommodated.
So the system has to meet the aspirations of the Oromo people for freedom and for self-government. It has to satisfy their political demands, economic and social demands. If those situations are fulfilled, if those obstacles are removed, we don't see any reason why OLF will not be a political party in Ethiopia. Actually, it's very likely. We are confident that we will form the next government of Ethiopia.
LNA. Do you want to add something for our readers ?DIA. To our understanding, there are many actors in Ethiopia. One of the actors is the state of Ethiopia, an old state and which has an inherent problem since its very creation. This issue of reconfiguring the state institutions and democratizing it and making it a common state of all the peoples is not resolved and it is our aspiration to change this situation. The other actor is the Ethiopian peoples, who need change and it has been their will and their aspiration to see the change. That is overdue and they have not seen it. They were hoping and this has to come ; in particular the Oromo and the rest of the South. The other actor is the international community. Since the creation of Ethiopia they had their hands. The creation of Ethiopia led to the marginalization of the majority and also the suppression and repression of the very people from which it came. The international community has given out billions and billions of aid dollars in the hope of changing Ethiopia for the better and improve the miserable lives of the population. But the billions of aid and resources that have been pumped to Ethiopia have not brought about the desired change because the superstructure based on an inherent contradiction stemming from domination of one group by another did not change and this superstructure misused and abused these billions of dollars that has been brought in the name of the Ethiopian people. So, we believe each of these actors has their responsibility, and they have to discharge their responsibility. And one of the areas where the international community has to discharge its responsibility is in the way it gives out aid. Its development support need not be without consideration of the political situation and there has to be evaluation afterwards, just giving foreign currency to the government cannot help ameliorate the suffering of the population. These resources have rather been used to suppress them and to conduct unnecessary wars and for repression, fund wars that were devastating to the population. We are talking of wars that took place in Eritrea for so many years and we are talking of the last war between Ethiopia and Eritrea and we are talking of the conflicts in Ethiopia, wars that did not help the Ethiopian population. So, we think this is the right time for everybody to assess their position and move in the right direction. OLF will contribute to bring about an end to these wars. Resolving the issue of war and peace in the Horn for the last time is important to embark on development. And this requires sustained and serious dialogue between all the parties. There has to be real change. This is our aspiration and we are very serious about it.
The greatest wish of any movement is to be understood. We believe it is important to sufficiently and properly understand OLF- as it is destined to play a key role in the future of Ethiopia and the region. I hope your newspaper would play this role and fill the gap. We believe we have a small wind of opportunity to create a better future in Ethiopia and the Horn region. I think we, in that part of the region, are very good at missing golden opportunities. We have missed so many golden opportunities in the past and my hope is that we will take advantage of this opportunity. And now, therefore to take advantage of this opportunity, we need to use new paradigms. We cannot behave as we have done in the past, we need to go past the era of domination, subjugation of others, marginalization of others, exploitation of the marginalized and I believe it is time for everyone to be far-sighted. To look at the interest of all the peoples and rather than sectarian interests. I think that domination did not serve anybody, repression did not serve anybody. There have been enough conflicts and enough wars in Ethiopia and I believe it is time to leave that history behind. And, if the international community wants to promote peace, democracy and stability in the Horn of Africa, I believe the beginning place is the Oromo question. The Oromo question has to be resolved because to talk about peace and democracy in that country and not to talk about the Oromo people will be a big mistake. And, if the international community and the others in Ethiopia are ready to be serious and to seriously look to resolve the complicated problems in Ethiopia, OLF is ready to be a leading partner in this change. The key to overcome the current predicament and resolve the political crisis in Ethiopia and the region is to conduct meaningful sustained dialogue between the parties to come up with a comprehensive solution. And I hope this is not far off. And I assure you OLF will play a constructive and leading role in this noble effort.
Thank you.
Kenyan army repulses Ethiopian forces
Story by ABDI ALI and JIBRIL ADAN
Publication Date: 04/27/2006
A soldier was injured during heavy fighting between Kenyan soldiers and Ethiopian forces in Moyale District, the police said yesterday.
About 60 Ethiopian soldiers crossed the border and invaded Odda village, about five kilometres from Moyale. They are said to have abducted two people.
A statement signed by Mr Gideon Kibunjah on behalf of police commissioner Hussein Ali, said the Kenyan forces intercepted the Ethiopian soldiers at Somare area as the raiders attempted to attack Atesa manyatta.
The Ethiopians, who were pursuing suspected Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) fighters, first attacked Somare village on Monday. Somare is less than a kilometre from the Kenya-Ethiopia border.
Villagers reported the attack at the Moyale police station and a combined force of regular, Administration Police and military officers was alerted.
Yesterday morning, the Ethiopian soldiers crossed into Kenya again, allegedly to abduct more Kenyans whom they believed to have been harbouring OLF militiamen. But Kenyan soldiers were waiting for them and engaged them in fierce fighting in which some Ethiopians were reportedly killed.
The injured Kenyan soldier was identified as constable Abdi Yusuf. No civilian was injured. It was not possible to confirm the number of Ethiopian casualties as the attackers were surrounded by Kenyan forces who were under orders not to kill them as a surrender was being negotiated.
In the early afternoon, after the Ethiopians were surrounded by the Kenyan forces, a team of administrators from Ethiopia arrived in the town to seek their release.
Even as the negotiations continued, more Ethiopian soldiers were gathered at the border, an Immigration official at the Moyale border post said on condition of anonymity.
"Our security forces remain deployed in the Somare and Atesa areas to prevent further crime," Mr Kibunjah said in a statement to the Nation.
Since the early 1990s, wars fought in Ethiopia have always spilled over to Kenya.
The protagonists are the Ethiopian security forces and members of OLF, a guerrilla movement that has been fighting the Government since the overthrow of Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991.
Often, after the OLF rebels attack the army, they seek refuge in Kenya. The Ethiopian forces usually cross the border in pursuit of the rebels, with Kenyans being caught in the crossfire.
Additional Reports by Muchemi Wachira.
Source: Nationmedia.com
Publication Date: 04/27/2006
A soldier was injured during heavy fighting between Kenyan soldiers and Ethiopian forces in Moyale District, the police said yesterday.
About 60 Ethiopian soldiers crossed the border and invaded Odda village, about five kilometres from Moyale. They are said to have abducted two people.
A statement signed by Mr Gideon Kibunjah on behalf of police commissioner Hussein Ali, said the Kenyan forces intercepted the Ethiopian soldiers at Somare area as the raiders attempted to attack Atesa manyatta.
The Ethiopians, who were pursuing suspected Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) fighters, first attacked Somare village on Monday. Somare is less than a kilometre from the Kenya-Ethiopia border.
Villagers reported the attack at the Moyale police station and a combined force of regular, Administration Police and military officers was alerted.
Yesterday morning, the Ethiopian soldiers crossed into Kenya again, allegedly to abduct more Kenyans whom they believed to have been harbouring OLF militiamen. But Kenyan soldiers were waiting for them and engaged them in fierce fighting in which some Ethiopians were reportedly killed.
The injured Kenyan soldier was identified as constable Abdi Yusuf. No civilian was injured. It was not possible to confirm the number of Ethiopian casualties as the attackers were surrounded by Kenyan forces who were under orders not to kill them as a surrender was being negotiated.
In the early afternoon, after the Ethiopians were surrounded by the Kenyan forces, a team of administrators from Ethiopia arrived in the town to seek their release.
Even as the negotiations continued, more Ethiopian soldiers were gathered at the border, an Immigration official at the Moyale border post said on condition of anonymity.
"Our security forces remain deployed in the Somare and Atesa areas to prevent further crime," Mr Kibunjah said in a statement to the Nation.
Since the early 1990s, wars fought in Ethiopia have always spilled over to Kenya.
The protagonists are the Ethiopian security forces and members of OLF, a guerrilla movement that has been fighting the Government since the overthrow of Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991.
Often, after the OLF rebels attack the army, they seek refuge in Kenya. The Ethiopian forces usually cross the border in pursuit of the rebels, with Kenyans being caught in the crossfire.
Additional Reports by Muchemi Wachira.
Source: Nationmedia.com
UN condemns Ethiopia over rights
UN condemns Ethiopia over rights
The opposition leaders say the government controls the court
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour has strongly criticised Ethiopia's human rights situation, calling it "worrying".
Mrs Arbour, who is in Ethiopia visiting prisons, said conditions she had seen were "rudimentary" and "harsh".
She said it was not right that detainees had been held in custody for a year without bail.
Opposition leaders and journalists are among 129 people who have been denied bail after being accused of genocide.
'In decline'
Mrs Arbour also said she was surprised that such serious charges, which also include treason, were brought after a series of opposition protests following allegations of election fraud a year ago.
Thousands were arrested following violent protests
On Tuesday, a group of Western diplomats based in Addis Ababa called on the government to release all elected leaders, so they could help with the post-election reconciliation process.
Their trial is expected to resume next week.
Several thousand people were arrested after the protests, in which more than 80 people were killed, after security forces opened fire.
"It is worrying that at best we are in [a] state of stagnation, especially regarding political and civil rights which are in decline after months and years of hope," she told the AFP news agency.
During her visit to Kaliti prison, Mrs Arbour met some of the detained Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) leaders.
She also held talks with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi but said she had received no promises of leniency if the opposition figures, civil rights activists and media workers are convicted of crimes which can be punished by death.
Mr Meles has denied the charges of election fraud and blames the opposition for starting the violent protests, in which members of his Tigray community were allegedly targeted.
His government also points out that his government introduce multi-party elections to Ethiopia after years of military rule.
In the elections, the opposition made huge gains but say they were cheated out of victory.
Source: www.bbc.com
The opposition leaders say the government controls the court
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour has strongly criticised Ethiopia's human rights situation, calling it "worrying".
Mrs Arbour, who is in Ethiopia visiting prisons, said conditions she had seen were "rudimentary" and "harsh".
She said it was not right that detainees had been held in custody for a year without bail.
Opposition leaders and journalists are among 129 people who have been denied bail after being accused of genocide.
'In decline'
Mrs Arbour also said she was surprised that such serious charges, which also include treason, were brought after a series of opposition protests following allegations of election fraud a year ago.
Thousands were arrested following violent protests
On Tuesday, a group of Western diplomats based in Addis Ababa called on the government to release all elected leaders, so they could help with the post-election reconciliation process.
Their trial is expected to resume next week.
Several thousand people were arrested after the protests, in which more than 80 people were killed, after security forces opened fire.
"It is worrying that at best we are in [a] state of stagnation, especially regarding political and civil rights which are in decline after months and years of hope," she told the AFP news agency.
During her visit to Kaliti prison, Mrs Arbour met some of the detained Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) leaders.
She also held talks with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi but said she had received no promises of leniency if the opposition figures, civil rights activists and media workers are convicted of crimes which can be punished by death.
Mr Meles has denied the charges of election fraud and blames the opposition for starting the violent protests, in which members of his Tigray community were allegedly targeted.
His government also points out that his government introduce multi-party elections to Ethiopia after years of military rule.
In the elections, the opposition made huge gains but say they were cheated out of victory.
Source: www.bbc.com
April 26, 2006
Top UN official calls Ethiopia's human rights record troubling
04/26/2006
Opposition parties made strong gains, but say the vote and counting were marred by fraud, intimidation and violence.
A top UN official on Wednesday called Ethiopia's human rights record troubling particularly after last year's election riots in which security forces killed 88 protesters.
Louise Arbour, the UN high commissioner for human rights, also said it was "not normal" for more than 100 people detained during that period to remain in custody without bail.
"The constitution of Ethiopia guarantees the right to bail and provides that courts may deny bail in exceptional circumstances," Arbour said.
"I read that to suggest that every person should have the right to appear before
a court and only the court may deny bail."
Political unrest in Ethiopia began in June 2005 following disputed elections that returned the governing party to power. Opposition parties made strong gains, but say the vote and counting were marred by fraud, intimidation and violence.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi ordered the arrest of most senior opposition leaders and the editors of several independent newspapers. They have been charged with treason and attempted genocide, a move that has sparked international criticism.
Arbour said Ethiopian law regarding genocide was "considerably broader" than international standards, and she urged the government revisit the law.
The state's case against the accused is set to begin May 2. If convicted, they would face death or life in prison.
The government's parliamentary body formed an inquiry commission to investigate the riots, but critics note the panel has no consent to look into who authorised security forces to fire on protesters.
Arbour is on a weeklong visit to Ethiopia to assess how to best deal with the country's human rights record. She visits Kenya next to discuss Somalia.
Opposition parties made strong gains, but say the vote and counting were marred by fraud, intimidation and violence.
A top UN official on Wednesday called Ethiopia's human rights record troubling particularly after last year's election riots in which security forces killed 88 protesters.
Louise Arbour, the UN high commissioner for human rights, also said it was "not normal" for more than 100 people detained during that period to remain in custody without bail.
"The constitution of Ethiopia guarantees the right to bail and provides that courts may deny bail in exceptional circumstances," Arbour said.
"I read that to suggest that every person should have the right to appear before
a court and only the court may deny bail."
Political unrest in Ethiopia began in June 2005 following disputed elections that returned the governing party to power. Opposition parties made strong gains, but say the vote and counting were marred by fraud, intimidation and violence.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi ordered the arrest of most senior opposition leaders and the editors of several independent newspapers. They have been charged with treason and attempted genocide, a move that has sparked international criticism.
Arbour said Ethiopian law regarding genocide was "considerably broader" than international standards, and she urged the government revisit the law.
The state's case against the accused is set to begin May 2. If convicted, they would face death or life in prison.
The government's parliamentary body formed an inquiry commission to investigate the riots, but critics note the panel has no consent to look into who authorised security forces to fire on protesters.
Arbour is on a weeklong visit to Ethiopia to assess how to best deal with the country's human rights record. She visits Kenya next to discuss Somalia.
ETHIOPIA: Speed up probe into poll-related deaths, UN official says
ETHIOPIA: Speed up probe into poll-related deaths, UN official says 26 Apr 2006 15:19:09 GMT Source: IRIN |
ETHIOPIA: Two more journalists sentenced to jail on old charges
New York, April 25, 2006—Two more journalists have been sentenced to jail on revived charges under Ethiopia’s 1992 press law, according to CPJ sources. Wosonseged Gebrekidan, who is already jailed on antistate charges, was sentenced to 16 months for defamation on April 18. Freelance writer Abraham Reta was sentenced yesterday to one year and jailed the same day. Gebrekidan, editor of the now banned Addis Zena, is one of 14 journalists on trial with dozens of opposition leaders for allegedly trying to overthrow the constitutional order. They were arrested in a crackdown following antigovernment protests in November and could face a possible death sentence or life imprisonment under the country’s Criminal Code. Since the start of the crackdown, several journalists have also been sentenced to prison terms on old charges under the press law. Gebrekidan is already serving an eight-month sentence for defamation handed down in December . See CPJ’s December 7 news alert: http://www.cpj.org/news/2005/Ethiopia07dec05na.html.Many Ethiopian editors have numerous press law charges pending against them. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi told a CPJ delegation in March that the government had decided several years ago not to prosecute under the press law, and that this was still government policy. This is despite CPJ documentation to the contrary. He said he was not aware that cases had been reactivated, and that he would look into the matter. “The crackdown is clearly continuing, and the revival of old charges against journalists is part of that pattern,” said CPJ executive director Ann Cooper. “We call on Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to order an investigation into these charges which contradict his stated policy.”Gebrekidan was given the 16-month sentence for a 2002 article which allegedly defamed the editor of Abyotawi Democracy, a publication of the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The piece appeared in the Amharic language weekly Ethiop, of which he was editor at the time.Reta, who freelanced for a number of different Amharic-language newspapers, was also jailed on an old charge. CPJ is still investigating the details of the case.
April 25, 2006
DEPT. OF MORAL OUTRAGE
DEPT. OF MORAL OUTRAGE
Sunday, April 23, 2006; Page B03
Forget President Bush's "axis of evil." Who are the overlooked autocrats we should be paying attention to but aren't? Outlook asked people in the know for their nominations:
Islam Karimov
President, Uzbekistan
Karimov's acts of barbarism in the name of security are infamous. By some accounts, he has had his victims boiled alive and had others tortured with beatings, electric shock, asphyxiation, rape and burns. Having come to power as a Communist Party official in the former Soviet Union, he has ruled since the collapse of the USSR through a series of suspect elections. He won the presidency with 86 percent of the vote in 1991 and extended his mandate in 2000 with 91.9 percent of the vote.
-- Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.), Senate Foreign Relations Committee
King Gyanendra
Nepal
Autocratic, absolutist and impermeable to advice, King Gyanendra has shown an unerring capacity to do exactly the wrong thing for his country and for the survival of his own institution: He has fueled Nepal's increasingly ugly conflict with his refusal to compromise with the democratic parties, his crackdown on dissent and his insistence on a military solution for the Maoist insurgency. After days of escalating street protests, he announced plans late Friday to hand power to a new prime minister.
-- Gareth Evans, President, International Crisis Group
Teodoro Obiang Nguema
President, Equatorial Guinea
Obiang came to power in 1979 in a violent coup d'état and has since brooked no opposition to his dictatorial rule. Until 1996, when oil was discovered, Equatorial Guinea was desperately poor, subsisting largely on cocoa exports and foreign aid. Since then, Obiang has been stealing most of the oil profits. A 2004 Senate report says that Obiang and his cronies siphoned off tens of millions of dollars. Oil revenues are substantial, so the country's per capita income is among the highest in Africa--yet most people remain in abject poverty.
-- Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.)
Meles Zenawi
Prime Minister, Ethiopia
Zenawi was widely criticized for responding to accusations of fraud in May 2005 parliamentary elections by gunning down scores of demonstrators and putting prominent opposition politicians on trial for genocide and treason. But in smaller towns and villages throughout Ethiopia, his systemic repression escapes meaningful scrutiny. In the vast Oromia region, thousands of alleged government critics have been harassed, imprisoned, tortured and killed in the past decade. Millions have been intimidated into silence.
-- Kenneth Roth, Director, Human Rights Watch
Saparmurad Niyazov
President, Turkmenistan
Also known as "Turkmenbashi," Niyazov has been his country's absolute ruler for the past 20 years. The worst features of the Soviet totalitarian system are preserved in Turkmenistan: a gulag of penal colonies; the confinement of dissenters in psychiatric hospitals; show trials; and refusal to permit dissenters to leave the country. Within the country, Niyazov is hailed as a national prophet, and his book, "The Ruhnama," is treated as a sacred text. Though Turkmenistan derives vast revenue from its natural gas reserves, its population of 5 to 6 million is impoverished, education is severely restricted and even reports on infectious diseases are prohibited.
-- Aryeh Neier, President, Open Society Institute
Isaias Afwerki
President, Eritrea
One of Africa's most repressive leaders, President Isaias tolerates few checks on his hold on power. National elections have not been held since independence from Ethiopia in 1993. The government prohibits the existence of any opposition party, strictly controls the media and forbids independent media from publishing or broadcasting. Torture, including bondage, heat exposure and beatings, has been used on national service evaders, government critics and members of minority religious groups. Numerous detainees have been required to sign statements repudiating their faith.
-- Rep. Chris Smith (R-N.J.), Chairman, House International Relations subcommittee on Africa, global human rights and international operations.
Alexander Lukashenko
President, Belarus
Lukashenko is rightly known as "Europe's last dictator." Some of his edicts are laughable -- such as nationalistically ripping down billboards depicting fashion models who were not Belarusan. But most are deadly serious -- such as closing down the best private university in the region, getting rid of political opposition candidates and journalists and, just last month, rounding up citizens who gathered peacefully to protest a sham election. After watching the color revolutions of Ukraine and Georgia, Lukashenko seems willing to stop at nothing to prevent democracy in Belarus.
-- Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.), Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Joseph Kony
Leader, Lord's Resistance Army, Uganda
For nearly 20 years, the 45-year-old Kony has led a guerrilla paramilitary group known as the Lord's Resistance Army, claiming to cut off the lips and ears of those who refuse to acknowledge him as their divine leader. Kony's principal targets are civilian villages, where his army hacks to death the adults and abducts the children. Most LRA captives are between the ages of 11 and 16. Young males are trained for combat, and girls are used as sex slaves and beasts of burden. Kony's rituals include elements of Christianity, Islam and black magic. Some 200,000 people have died.
-- Nina Shea, Director, Freedom House's Center For Religious Freedom
Source: www.washingtonpost.com
Sunday, April 23, 2006; Page B03
Forget President Bush's "axis of evil." Who are the overlooked autocrats we should be paying attention to but aren't? Outlook asked people in the know for their nominations:
Islam Karimov
President, Uzbekistan
Karimov's acts of barbarism in the name of security are infamous. By some accounts, he has had his victims boiled alive and had others tortured with beatings, electric shock, asphyxiation, rape and burns. Having come to power as a Communist Party official in the former Soviet Union, he has ruled since the collapse of the USSR through a series of suspect elections. He won the presidency with 86 percent of the vote in 1991 and extended his mandate in 2000 with 91.9 percent of the vote.
-- Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.), Senate Foreign Relations Committee
King Gyanendra
Nepal
Autocratic, absolutist and impermeable to advice, King Gyanendra has shown an unerring capacity to do exactly the wrong thing for his country and for the survival of his own institution: He has fueled Nepal's increasingly ugly conflict with his refusal to compromise with the democratic parties, his crackdown on dissent and his insistence on a military solution for the Maoist insurgency. After days of escalating street protests, he announced plans late Friday to hand power to a new prime minister.
-- Gareth Evans, President, International Crisis Group
Teodoro Obiang Nguema
President, Equatorial Guinea
Obiang came to power in 1979 in a violent coup d'état and has since brooked no opposition to his dictatorial rule. Until 1996, when oil was discovered, Equatorial Guinea was desperately poor, subsisting largely on cocoa exports and foreign aid. Since then, Obiang has been stealing most of the oil profits. A 2004 Senate report says that Obiang and his cronies siphoned off tens of millions of dollars. Oil revenues are substantial, so the country's per capita income is among the highest in Africa--yet most people remain in abject poverty.
-- Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.)
Meles Zenawi
Prime Minister, Ethiopia
Zenawi was widely criticized for responding to accusations of fraud in May 2005 parliamentary elections by gunning down scores of demonstrators and putting prominent opposition politicians on trial for genocide and treason. But in smaller towns and villages throughout Ethiopia, his systemic repression escapes meaningful scrutiny. In the vast Oromia region, thousands of alleged government critics have been harassed, imprisoned, tortured and killed in the past decade. Millions have been intimidated into silence.
-- Kenneth Roth, Director, Human Rights Watch
Saparmurad Niyazov
President, Turkmenistan
Also known as "Turkmenbashi," Niyazov has been his country's absolute ruler for the past 20 years. The worst features of the Soviet totalitarian system are preserved in Turkmenistan: a gulag of penal colonies; the confinement of dissenters in psychiatric hospitals; show trials; and refusal to permit dissenters to leave the country. Within the country, Niyazov is hailed as a national prophet, and his book, "The Ruhnama," is treated as a sacred text. Though Turkmenistan derives vast revenue from its natural gas reserves, its population of 5 to 6 million is impoverished, education is severely restricted and even reports on infectious diseases are prohibited.
-- Aryeh Neier, President, Open Society Institute
Isaias Afwerki
President, Eritrea
One of Africa's most repressive leaders, President Isaias tolerates few checks on his hold on power. National elections have not been held since independence from Ethiopia in 1993. The government prohibits the existence of any opposition party, strictly controls the media and forbids independent media from publishing or broadcasting. Torture, including bondage, heat exposure and beatings, has been used on national service evaders, government critics and members of minority religious groups. Numerous detainees have been required to sign statements repudiating their faith.
-- Rep. Chris Smith (R-N.J.), Chairman, House International Relations subcommittee on Africa, global human rights and international operations.
Alexander Lukashenko
President, Belarus
Lukashenko is rightly known as "Europe's last dictator." Some of his edicts are laughable -- such as nationalistically ripping down billboards depicting fashion models who were not Belarusan. But most are deadly serious -- such as closing down the best private university in the region, getting rid of political opposition candidates and journalists and, just last month, rounding up citizens who gathered peacefully to protest a sham election. After watching the color revolutions of Ukraine and Georgia, Lukashenko seems willing to stop at nothing to prevent democracy in Belarus.
-- Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.), Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Joseph Kony
Leader, Lord's Resistance Army, Uganda
For nearly 20 years, the 45-year-old Kony has led a guerrilla paramilitary group known as the Lord's Resistance Army, claiming to cut off the lips and ears of those who refuse to acknowledge him as their divine leader. Kony's principal targets are civilian villages, where his army hacks to death the adults and abducts the children. Most LRA captives are between the ages of 11 and 16. Young males are trained for combat, and girls are used as sex slaves and beasts of burden. Kony's rituals include elements of Christianity, Islam and black magic. Some 200,000 people have died.
-- Nina Shea, Director, Freedom House's Center For Religious Freedom
Source: www.washingtonpost.com
Smith bill stands firm for Ethiopia
Smith bill stands firm for Ethiopian rights
SGT. SHAFTApril 24, 2006
Dear Sgt. Shaft:
I am writing this note to thank you for everything you did to help us find our way through these dark hours in the history of Ethiopia. Sir, you will always be remembered for being one of our heroes who stands for the Ethiopian people in time of crisis. Thank you again for helping us. Please keep writing the truth.
Thanks,
Tefera M. Arlington
Dear Tefera: The true American champion of the Ethiopian people is Rep. Christopher H. Smith, former chairman of the House Veterans' Affairs Committee, who spearheaded H.R. 4423. I received the following from one of your fellow countrymen, Mesfin M., who observed the hearing and noted that major progress has been made in the effort to enact legislation committing the U.S. government to supporting democracy and human rights in Ethiopia.
The House International Relations subcommittee on Africa, global human rights and international operations voted April 6 to send H.R. 4423, the Ethiopian Freedom, Human Rights and Democracy Act, to the House floor for a vote. The bill has been renamed and improved since it was introduced and includes stronger demands for the immediate release of political prisoners. It condemns in particular two incidents in which peaceful demonstrators were shot by government forces, and prohibits travel to the United States by government officials and forces involved in the shootings.
Mr. Smith summarized the bill by adding that it provides support for the work of both international and domestic human rights agencies and urges the dispatch of the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture.
It also provides human rights training for both domestic human rights organizations and government agencies, so that both sides are clear about what is called for in international human rights agreements to which Ethiopia is a signatory, and so that the rule of law can prevail in Ethiopia's court system.
Mesfin stated that there was some drama at a recent subcommittee meeting when Rep. Donald M. Payne, New Jersey Democrat, attempted to derail H.R. 4423 by introducing alternative legislation.
Like Mr. Smith's bill, Mr. Payne's legislation condemns the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), notes the suppression of legitimate dissent and demands the release of political prisoners. It is far weaker, however, when it comes to specific steps the U.S. government should take to foster democracy in Ethiopia and to pressure the Ethiopian government to respect human rights.
The EPRDF indirectly confirmed the superiority of the Smith bill. The Ethiopian Embassy in Washington released a statement praising Mr. Payne and attacking Mr. Smith in a sure sign that Mr. Smith is on the right track.
Mr. Payne's proposal to substitute his watered-down legislation created some fireworks. Mr. Smith said that Mr. Payne had kept quiet for months and had never attempted to contact Mr. Smith regarding Ethiopia. Mr. Smith accused Mr. Payne of attempting to stall the bill. In the end, Mr. Payne received only four votes and his bill was defeated. Mr. Smith's H.R. 4423 received six votes. It has 15 co-sponsors, and many members of Congress have informed us that they will co-sponsor or vote for it.
Shaft notes The Women's Memorial Foundation is pleased to announce that "Faces of the Fallen: America's Artists Honor America's Heroes" has been extended through May 31. The exhibit, which pays tribute to America's service members killed in Iraq and Afghanistan, has been named one of the top five gallery exhibitions for 2005 by The Washington Post.
This extraordinary exhibit includes more than 1,300 portraits by 200 artists from across the country. The exhibit, which is free and open to the public, includes portraits of service members killed from Oct. 10, 2001, through Nov. 11, 2004, and has been seen by more than 230,000 visitors to the Women in Military Service for America Memorial, at the gateway to Arlington National Cemetery.
For more information about the exhibit, visit www.facesofthefallen.org or call 800/222-2294 or 703/533-1155.
Send letters to Sgt. Shaft, c/o John Fales, P.O. Box 65900, Washington, D.C. 20035-5900; fax 301/622-3330; call 202/257-5446; or e-mail sgtshaft@bavf.org.
SGT. SHAFTApril 24, 2006
Dear Sgt. Shaft:
I am writing this note to thank you for everything you did to help us find our way through these dark hours in the history of Ethiopia. Sir, you will always be remembered for being one of our heroes who stands for the Ethiopian people in time of crisis. Thank you again for helping us. Please keep writing the truth.
Thanks,
Tefera M. Arlington
Dear Tefera: The true American champion of the Ethiopian people is Rep. Christopher H. Smith, former chairman of the House Veterans' Affairs Committee, who spearheaded H.R. 4423. I received the following from one of your fellow countrymen, Mesfin M., who observed the hearing and noted that major progress has been made in the effort to enact legislation committing the U.S. government to supporting democracy and human rights in Ethiopia.
The House International Relations subcommittee on Africa, global human rights and international operations voted April 6 to send H.R. 4423, the Ethiopian Freedom, Human Rights and Democracy Act, to the House floor for a vote. The bill has been renamed and improved since it was introduced and includes stronger demands for the immediate release of political prisoners. It condemns in particular two incidents in which peaceful demonstrators were shot by government forces, and prohibits travel to the United States by government officials and forces involved in the shootings.
Mr. Smith summarized the bill by adding that it provides support for the work of both international and domestic human rights agencies and urges the dispatch of the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture.
It also provides human rights training for both domestic human rights organizations and government agencies, so that both sides are clear about what is called for in international human rights agreements to which Ethiopia is a signatory, and so that the rule of law can prevail in Ethiopia's court system.
Mesfin stated that there was some drama at a recent subcommittee meeting when Rep. Donald M. Payne, New Jersey Democrat, attempted to derail H.R. 4423 by introducing alternative legislation.
Like Mr. Smith's bill, Mr. Payne's legislation condemns the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), notes the suppression of legitimate dissent and demands the release of political prisoners. It is far weaker, however, when it comes to specific steps the U.S. government should take to foster democracy in Ethiopia and to pressure the Ethiopian government to respect human rights.
The EPRDF indirectly confirmed the superiority of the Smith bill. The Ethiopian Embassy in Washington released a statement praising Mr. Payne and attacking Mr. Smith in a sure sign that Mr. Smith is on the right track.
Mr. Payne's proposal to substitute his watered-down legislation created some fireworks. Mr. Smith said that Mr. Payne had kept quiet for months and had never attempted to contact Mr. Smith regarding Ethiopia. Mr. Smith accused Mr. Payne of attempting to stall the bill. In the end, Mr. Payne received only four votes and his bill was defeated. Mr. Smith's H.R. 4423 received six votes. It has 15 co-sponsors, and many members of Congress have informed us that they will co-sponsor or vote for it.
Shaft notes The Women's Memorial Foundation is pleased to announce that "Faces of the Fallen: America's Artists Honor America's Heroes" has been extended through May 31. The exhibit, which pays tribute to America's service members killed in Iraq and Afghanistan, has been named one of the top five gallery exhibitions for 2005 by The Washington Post.
This extraordinary exhibit includes more than 1,300 portraits by 200 artists from across the country. The exhibit, which is free and open to the public, includes portraits of service members killed from Oct. 10, 2001, through Nov. 11, 2004, and has been seen by more than 230,000 visitors to the Women in Military Service for America Memorial, at the gateway to Arlington National Cemetery.
For more information about the exhibit, visit www.facesofthefallen.org or call 800/222-2294 or 703/533-1155.
Send letters to Sgt. Shaft, c/o John Fales, P.O. Box 65900, Washington, D.C. 20035-5900; fax 301/622-3330; call 202/257-5446; or e-mail sgtshaft@bavf.org.
Donors urge Ethiopia to release opposition leaders
Tuesday 25 April 2006 11:49.
April 25, 2006 (ADDIS ABABA) — Ethiopia’s main donors renewed calls for the release of jailed opposition figures whose trial for allegedly conspiring to overthrow the government after disputed elections last year resumes next week.
Hailu ShawelThe group of 23 nations and multilateral lenders called on the government and the main opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) to resolve a post-poll political deadlock that led to deadly violence.
"We urge reconciliation and dialogue among all those engaged in the democratic process," the Ambassadors’ Donors Group said in a statement released in Addis Ababa late on Monday.
"We continue to advocate for the release of imprisoned CUD leaders and representatives of the media and civil society," it said. "All elected leaders should be given a chance to take part in the political reconciliation process."
"For those not released, we call for a speedy, fair and transparent trial," it said.
The statement was released as trials for 111 opposition figures, including nearly the entire CUD leadership, journalists and civil society members is set to re-open on May 2.
The group has been jailed since November after a second round of deadly violence rocked the capital and other cities during protests over disputed May 15, 2005 elections which the opposition claims were rigged.
All are accused of conspiracy to foment a coup and some face charges that could draw the death penalty on conviction.
The ADG comprises Austria, Britain, Canada, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Israel, Japan, the Netherlands, Turkey, Norway, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the United States, the African Development Bank, the European Commission, the UN Development Programme and the World Bank.
(ST)
April 25, 2006 (ADDIS ABABA) — Ethiopia’s main donors renewed calls for the release of jailed opposition figures whose trial for allegedly conspiring to overthrow the government after disputed elections last year resumes next week.
Hailu ShawelThe group of 23 nations and multilateral lenders called on the government and the main opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) to resolve a post-poll political deadlock that led to deadly violence.
"We urge reconciliation and dialogue among all those engaged in the democratic process," the Ambassadors’ Donors Group said in a statement released in Addis Ababa late on Monday.
"We continue to advocate for the release of imprisoned CUD leaders and representatives of the media and civil society," it said. "All elected leaders should be given a chance to take part in the political reconciliation process."
"For those not released, we call for a speedy, fair and transparent trial," it said.
The statement was released as trials for 111 opposition figures, including nearly the entire CUD leadership, journalists and civil society members is set to re-open on May 2.
The group has been jailed since November after a second round of deadly violence rocked the capital and other cities during protests over disputed May 15, 2005 elections which the opposition claims were rigged.
All are accused of conspiracy to foment a coup and some face charges that could draw the death penalty on conviction.
The ADG comprises Austria, Britain, Canada, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Israel, Japan, the Netherlands, Turkey, Norway, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the United States, the African Development Bank, the European Commission, the UN Development Programme and the World Bank.
(ST)
April 24, 2006
Open letter to VOA : Avert hovering genocide in Oromia
Monday 24 April 2006
Open Letter to the VOA: Now is the right time for the World to AVERT the hovering GENOCIDE in Oromia: Ethiopia
By Mekonen Demissie*
Dear Sir/Madam,
April 21, 2006 — The Voice of America has been doing services of incalculable magnitude for the Voiceless people in the Horn of Africa, more specifically for powerless majority-Oromo people-of Oromia, Ethiopia. This is true as people have started to reject the excessively government controlled Ethiopian media which only serves its agenda setting functions and the public have openly chosen to listen radio broadcasts from the Voice of America.
Following the May 15, 2005 General Elections in Ethiopia, there have been continuous mass protests both in the cities and in the villages of the country. These demonstrations have been suppressed violently by government security forces leading to the killings of hundreds and imprisonments of thousands. The Voice America Horn of Africa programs cover the mass protests in the cities, but the killings and disappearances in the greatly rural area of Oromia, Ethiopia, still goes on uncovered.
The reasons for the mass protests in Oromia are because the "elections" have left the overwhelming majority of people unrepresented-40 million. The main Oromo political party, the Oromo Liberation Front, have been systematically banned from taking part in the May 15, 2005 Elections like it was banned in 1991/92.
The present use of Media in Ethiopia is so much similar to the Hutu Radio broadcasts during the Rwandan Genocide of 1994. Thus, both the voice of America and the International Community have the moral obligation in averting the hovering Genocide in Oromia, Ethiopia before it is too late. The world must not witness the second biggest genocide in Eastern Africa anymore. A permanent solution should be sought to the Ethiopia’s deep political problem by way of involving the big political actors in the country. The existence of many liberation fronts in the South all of which the government has banned from the legal forum should tell the world that there is a deep political problem in the country. Such liberation fronts include, the Oromo Liberation Front, the Ogaden Liberation Front, Gambella Liberation Front, and the Sidama Liberation Front. All of them have enjoyed broader popular support for the people they are struggling for. There are also opposition political parties who have suffered tremendous loss from the May 15, 2005 "Elections" because of widespread government vote rigging. Literally these political parties have been banned in similar ways the liberation fronts have been banned.
But VOA in all its capacity should allow for dialogue between the main political actors in Ethiopia on all its Horn of Africa programs and on its English programs so that democratic solutions would be worked out together.
Government politicians often oversimplify the political issues in Ethiopia when they are given a chance to speak on the Voice of America or any western media. For example, the prime minister and his advisers, try to dupe the western media by reducing the causes of political problems in the country to what they call " the challenges of decentralization in Ethiopia" in a program hosted by VOA English program recently. In fact none of the Regional Federal States in Ethiopia are autonomous. As a result, the presidents of these regional states are merely object made in the image of the prime minister and they merely serve the purpose of echoing whatever he says/plans. Adding to this problem is the non-existence of independent institutions of democracy in the country including the media and election boards.
Dear Sir while I still remain grateful for the services that VOA has been doing to the Horn of Africa, I would like to alert VOA to act to avert the hovering genocide in Oromia, Ethiopia. If you are not directly concerned with this kind of messages, please forward it to the right officer in charge for the sake of humanity.
With regards,
* Mekonen Demissie is a lecturer at one of the Universities in Ethiopia. He can be reached at meettaa@gmail.com.
ST
Open Letter to the VOA: Now is the right time for the World to AVERT the hovering GENOCIDE in Oromia: Ethiopia
By Mekonen Demissie*
Dear Sir/Madam,
April 21, 2006 — The Voice of America has been doing services of incalculable magnitude for the Voiceless people in the Horn of Africa, more specifically for powerless majority-Oromo people-of Oromia, Ethiopia. This is true as people have started to reject the excessively government controlled Ethiopian media which only serves its agenda setting functions and the public have openly chosen to listen radio broadcasts from the Voice of America.
Following the May 15, 2005 General Elections in Ethiopia, there have been continuous mass protests both in the cities and in the villages of the country. These demonstrations have been suppressed violently by government security forces leading to the killings of hundreds and imprisonments of thousands. The Voice America Horn of Africa programs cover the mass protests in the cities, but the killings and disappearances in the greatly rural area of Oromia, Ethiopia, still goes on uncovered.
The reasons for the mass protests in Oromia are because the "elections" have left the overwhelming majority of people unrepresented-40 million. The main Oromo political party, the Oromo Liberation Front, have been systematically banned from taking part in the May 15, 2005 Elections like it was banned in 1991/92.
The present use of Media in Ethiopia is so much similar to the Hutu Radio broadcasts during the Rwandan Genocide of 1994. Thus, both the voice of America and the International Community have the moral obligation in averting the hovering Genocide in Oromia, Ethiopia before it is too late. The world must not witness the second biggest genocide in Eastern Africa anymore. A permanent solution should be sought to the Ethiopia’s deep political problem by way of involving the big political actors in the country. The existence of many liberation fronts in the South all of which the government has banned from the legal forum should tell the world that there is a deep political problem in the country. Such liberation fronts include, the Oromo Liberation Front, the Ogaden Liberation Front, Gambella Liberation Front, and the Sidama Liberation Front. All of them have enjoyed broader popular support for the people they are struggling for. There are also opposition political parties who have suffered tremendous loss from the May 15, 2005 "Elections" because of widespread government vote rigging. Literally these political parties have been banned in similar ways the liberation fronts have been banned.
But VOA in all its capacity should allow for dialogue between the main political actors in Ethiopia on all its Horn of Africa programs and on its English programs so that democratic solutions would be worked out together.
Government politicians often oversimplify the political issues in Ethiopia when they are given a chance to speak on the Voice of America or any western media. For example, the prime minister and his advisers, try to dupe the western media by reducing the causes of political problems in the country to what they call " the challenges of decentralization in Ethiopia" in a program hosted by VOA English program recently. In fact none of the Regional Federal States in Ethiopia are autonomous. As a result, the presidents of these regional states are merely object made in the image of the prime minister and they merely serve the purpose of echoing whatever he says/plans. Adding to this problem is the non-existence of independent institutions of democracy in the country including the media and election boards.
Dear Sir while I still remain grateful for the services that VOA has been doing to the Horn of Africa, I would like to alert VOA to act to avert the hovering genocide in Oromia, Ethiopia. If you are not directly concerned with this kind of messages, please forward it to the right officer in charge for the sake of humanity.
With regards,
* Mekonen Demissie is a lecturer at one of the Universities in Ethiopia. He can be reached at meettaa@gmail.com.
ST
Ethiopia ambassador says bill lacks merit
Ethiopia ambassador says bill lacks merit
Ambassador claims the Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights Act of 2006 (HR 4423) lacks merit and interferes in the internal politics of Ethiopia.
Monday, April 24, 2006
by Spero News
Ambassador Fesseha Asghedom Tessema, charge d'affaires ad interim at the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington, staid Monday that despite proposed legislation critical of Ethiopia's government, "we are still committed to our longstanding strategic partnership with the United States."
The proposed legislation, the Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights Act of 2006 (HR 4423), he said, "both lacks merit and interferes in the internal politics of Ethiopia."
The proposed legislation, Ambassador Fesseha explained, comes at a time when Ethiopia's democratization process has successfully led to the country’s first genuinely competitive multiparty elections. "Over 90 percent of registered voters went to the polls in May 2005, a clear sign of confidence in Ethiopia's democracy," he said. According to a report by the U.S. Department of State, the 2005 "elections stand out as a milestone in creating a new, more competitive multiparty political system in one of Africa's largest and most important countries."
Ethiopia's new Parliament opened on Oct. 10, 2005, with over 96 percent of the elected representatives taking their seats. Opposition parties increased their representation from 12 seats to 172, out of which 151 already joined the parliament despite a call for a boycott by the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, according to Fesseha.
However, in a report earlier this year, Human Rights Watch reported "The Ethiopian government is using intimidation, arbitrary detentions and excessive force in rural areas of Ethiopia to suppress post-election protests and all potential dissent."
"In the wake of the May 15 parliamentary elections, in which opposition parties won an unprecedented number of seats amidst massive controversy over the election results, federal police in the Oromia and Amhara regions have threatened, beaten and detained opposition supporters, students and people with no political affiliation, often in nighttime raids. Alongside local government officials and members of local government-backed militias, the federal police have taken the lead in intimidating and coercing opposition supporters," that HRW report further noted.
But Fesseha countered that "it is unfortunate, and at the same time puzzling, that this bill panders to a small, disgruntled group of opponents of democracy who believe in bullets over ballots," referring to violent demonstrations that took place when some people rejected the election results. Those accused of perpetrating the violence are now facing trial in the Ethiopian judicial system, he said, adding that Ethiopia's economy is experiencing unprecedented GDP growth, averaging 7 percent over the last three years. Inflation has come down to 5 percent from 15 percent.
During these political and economic successes, Fesseha stressed that "Ethiopia has been a steadfast partner with the United States in combating terrorism." He cited a U.S. Department of State report that says: "Ethiopia's support in the global war on terrorism has been consistently solid and unwavering."
Fesseha said, "Our partnership with the United States is too important to be compromised by legislation that reflects the views of a small but vocal group of politically ambitious Ethiopians living abroad."
The legislation introduced by Representative Christopher Smith of New Jersey, HR 4423 recognizes that a stable, prosperous and democratic Ethiopia is critical in serving U.S. interests in North East Africa and the Middle East. Among other things, HR 4423: * calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia; * provides support for the work of both international and domestic human rights agencies and urges the dispatch of the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture; * provides human rights training for both civil society representatives and government officials on international human rights standards;* establishes technical assistance for court personnel on handling suspects and defendants throughout the pre-trial and trial process to ensure their human and civil rights as defined by international accords; * encourages the Government of Ethiopia to revise its laws that currently limit the rights of journalists to freely provide information, and establishes a program to strengthen private media in Ethiopia – a vital factor in any free society;* provides technical assistance to enhance the democratic operation of local, regional and national governments and to promote reconciliation through peaceful political groups; * provides support and encouragement of efforts by the Government of Ethiopia and the political opposition to work together to ensure that future elections – including the upcoming local elections – are conducted in an atmosphere free of intimidation and harassment and that those elected to office are allowed to exercise their duties as public officials without undue limitations; * provides technical assistance on the appropriate and effective use of resources, especially water resources, as well as economic policy assistance on such issues as land ownership to help build the Ethiopian economy so that it can reduce the need for donor support; and* provides financing for U.S.-Ethiopian commercial ventures so that the Ethiopian private sector can create jobs and help the nation reduce its high level of unemployment.
Ambassador claims the Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights Act of 2006 (HR 4423) lacks merit and interferes in the internal politics of Ethiopia.
Monday, April 24, 2006
by Spero News
Ambassador Fesseha Asghedom Tessema, charge d'affaires ad interim at the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington, staid Monday that despite proposed legislation critical of Ethiopia's government, "we are still committed to our longstanding strategic partnership with the United States."
The proposed legislation, the Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights Act of 2006 (HR 4423), he said, "both lacks merit and interferes in the internal politics of Ethiopia."
The proposed legislation, Ambassador Fesseha explained, comes at a time when Ethiopia's democratization process has successfully led to the country’s first genuinely competitive multiparty elections. "Over 90 percent of registered voters went to the polls in May 2005, a clear sign of confidence in Ethiopia's democracy," he said. According to a report by the U.S. Department of State, the 2005 "elections stand out as a milestone in creating a new, more competitive multiparty political system in one of Africa's largest and most important countries."
Ethiopia's new Parliament opened on Oct. 10, 2005, with over 96 percent of the elected representatives taking their seats. Opposition parties increased their representation from 12 seats to 172, out of which 151 already joined the parliament despite a call for a boycott by the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, according to Fesseha.
However, in a report earlier this year, Human Rights Watch reported "The Ethiopian government is using intimidation, arbitrary detentions and excessive force in rural areas of Ethiopia to suppress post-election protests and all potential dissent."
"In the wake of the May 15 parliamentary elections, in which opposition parties won an unprecedented number of seats amidst massive controversy over the election results, federal police in the Oromia and Amhara regions have threatened, beaten and detained opposition supporters, students and people with no political affiliation, often in nighttime raids. Alongside local government officials and members of local government-backed militias, the federal police have taken the lead in intimidating and coercing opposition supporters," that HRW report further noted.
But Fesseha countered that "it is unfortunate, and at the same time puzzling, that this bill panders to a small, disgruntled group of opponents of democracy who believe in bullets over ballots," referring to violent demonstrations that took place when some people rejected the election results. Those accused of perpetrating the violence are now facing trial in the Ethiopian judicial system, he said, adding that Ethiopia's economy is experiencing unprecedented GDP growth, averaging 7 percent over the last three years. Inflation has come down to 5 percent from 15 percent.
During these political and economic successes, Fesseha stressed that "Ethiopia has been a steadfast partner with the United States in combating terrorism." He cited a U.S. Department of State report that says: "Ethiopia's support in the global war on terrorism has been consistently solid and unwavering."
Fesseha said, "Our partnership with the United States is too important to be compromised by legislation that reflects the views of a small but vocal group of politically ambitious Ethiopians living abroad."
The legislation introduced by Representative Christopher Smith of New Jersey, HR 4423 recognizes that a stable, prosperous and democratic Ethiopia is critical in serving U.S. interests in North East Africa and the Middle East. Among other things, HR 4423: * calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia; * provides support for the work of both international and domestic human rights agencies and urges the dispatch of the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture; * provides human rights training for both civil society representatives and government officials on international human rights standards;* establishes technical assistance for court personnel on handling suspects and defendants throughout the pre-trial and trial process to ensure their human and civil rights as defined by international accords; * encourages the Government of Ethiopia to revise its laws that currently limit the rights of journalists to freely provide information, and establishes a program to strengthen private media in Ethiopia – a vital factor in any free society;* provides technical assistance to enhance the democratic operation of local, regional and national governments and to promote reconciliation through peaceful political groups; * provides support and encouragement of efforts by the Government of Ethiopia and the political opposition to work together to ensure that future elections – including the upcoming local elections – are conducted in an atmosphere free of intimidation and harassment and that those elected to office are allowed to exercise their duties as public officials without undue limitations; * provides technical assistance on the appropriate and effective use of resources, especially water resources, as well as economic policy assistance on such issues as land ownership to help build the Ethiopian economy so that it can reduce the need for donor support; and* provides financing for U.S.-Ethiopian commercial ventures so that the Ethiopian private sector can create jobs and help the nation reduce its high level of unemployment.
Rebel group threatens gas development in Ethiopia
Les Neuhaus Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
24 April 2006 03:26
A rebel group issued a warning on Monday to companies that are looking to develop natural gas fields in a contested area of Ethiopia, saying any investment that benefits the Ethiopian government "will not be tolerated".The Ogaden National Liberation Front, which wants an independent state in Ethiopia for ethnic Somalis, said a pipeline "in what is essentially a combat zone is far from reality".Somalis lost a war in 1977 over control of Ethiopia's Ogaden region, which is largely inhabited by ethnic Somalis. Last month, the Ethiopian Ministry of Mines and Energy issued a notice soliciting bids for the development of the Calub gas fields in Ogaden.Two Indian companies, the Gas Authority of India (Gail) and the Gujarat State Petroleum Corporation, have issued a joint expression of interest in the area.The rebel group warned in a statement on Monday that "the exploitation of natural resources in Ogaden for the benefit of the Ethiopian regime or any foreign firm will not be tolerated".Jignesh Vasavada, a deputy manager of Gail, said "Gail is not aware of any threat issued by an East African rebel group."Somalia has not had an effective central government since opposition leaders ousted long-time dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991. They then turned on each other, carving the nation into a patchwork of clan-based fiefdoms.Ethiopia then backed factions that fought in Somalia in the 14 years the nation has been without an effective central government.
Sapa-AP
24 April 2006 03:26
A rebel group issued a warning on Monday to companies that are looking to develop natural gas fields in a contested area of Ethiopia, saying any investment that benefits the Ethiopian government "will not be tolerated".The Ogaden National Liberation Front, which wants an independent state in Ethiopia for ethnic Somalis, said a pipeline "in what is essentially a combat zone is far from reality".Somalis lost a war in 1977 over control of Ethiopia's Ogaden region, which is largely inhabited by ethnic Somalis. Last month, the Ethiopian Ministry of Mines and Energy issued a notice soliciting bids for the development of the Calub gas fields in Ogaden.Two Indian companies, the Gas Authority of India (Gail) and the Gujarat State Petroleum Corporation, have issued a joint expression of interest in the area.The rebel group warned in a statement on Monday that "the exploitation of natural resources in Ogaden for the benefit of the Ethiopian regime or any foreign firm will not be tolerated".Jignesh Vasavada, a deputy manager of Gail, said "Gail is not aware of any threat issued by an East African rebel group."Somalia has not had an effective central government since opposition leaders ousted long-time dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991. They then turned on each other, carving the nation into a patchwork of clan-based fiefdoms.Ethiopia then backed factions that fought in Somalia in the 14 years the nation has been without an effective central government.
Sapa-AP
Experts examine 'anti-Aids gel'
Experts examine 'anti-Aids gel'
By Martin Plaut BBC News
Aids campaigners marched to mark the start of the conferenceAn international conference opening on Sunday in South Africa aims to develop a revolutionary technology to curb the spread of HIV and Aids.
More than 1,000 scientists will gather in Cape Town over the next four days to study a product known as microbicides.
The product, which can take the form of a gel or cream, releases an active ingredient designed to kill HIV during sexual intercourse.
Scientists hope to have microbicides on the market within the next four years.
Development of the technology began 15 years ago, and the conference will hear about the progress being made in what scientists say is possibly the most productive area of research in the fight against HIV and Aids.
They believe microbicides could have a major impact in the fight against Aids, especially in Africa, where women bear the brunt of the disease.
They are being developed because its often so difficult to insist that condoms are used during sex.
"It's not always possible for people to negotiate condom use in many different circumstances," said Professor Helen Rees, head of the reproductive health unit at the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg.
"So there was obviously a need to have methods that were potentially hidden, could be female-controlled, but also methods that would make a condom itself even safer."
Companies' indifference
Microbicides have been shown to be effective in the laboratory, and to have no significant side effects.
Large-scale trials are now under way to see if they work with real people in countries across Africa, as well as India.
But so far, the work is being funded by the American and British governments, in partnership with the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.
Pharmaceutical companies have shown little interest, since most Aids patients are in the developing world and have little money to spend on these products.
Source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4936854.stm
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