Oromo: Oral Intervention on Political Prisoners at the UN 31 July 2006

Photos from WGIP 24th Session UN Human Rights Council, by OromiaTimes

Oromo: Oral Intervention on Political Prisoners at the United Nations
31 July 2006

An Oromo representative called upon the WGIP today at the UN headquarters in Geneva to act to end the suppression of Oromos, in particular appealing for the release of Oromo Political Prisoners
Oral Intervention by Zewdu Lechissa, Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO)
Working Group on Indigenous Populations Twenty-fourth Session
Item Agenda 4a, General debate;

Statement on appeal of Oromo prisoners from Ethiopia

Mr. Chairman and distinguished delegates,
Ladies and gentlemen,

I wish to avail myself this opportunity to echo to you the lamenting voice of Oromo* prisoners from Addis Ababa by directly conveying their appeal to you so that you will outreach the international community.

The appeal goes:-

“We the Oromo Political Prisoners, charged with false accusations for the crimes of attempting to overthrow the regime and inciting war, were detained and have been suffering for such a long time in prison without trial and justice only for our political outlook and being Oromo. Moreover, our human rights are always violated and we have been denied of humane treatment as a result of which we have been suffering from sickness, torture and death. Even though Article 20(1) of the FDRE Constitutaaion provides that the accused have the right to speedy trial by an independent judiciary, this constitutional right of ours has been utterly violated and our trial is excessively delayed.

Cases:

1. The trial of Tegene Gebresillasie and other 48 innocent Oromos, apprehended from the town of Adama (Nazareth) and its vicinity, has been proceeding before the Second Criminal Division of the Federal High Court since 1990 E.C. for 8 years. We have been suffering in prison during all these years.

2. The trials of Ali Ibirahim and others (48 innocent Oromos) who were apprehended from the town of Dire Dawa and its vicinity, the trial of Mohammed Hussein and others (41 innocent Oromos) who were apprehended from Arsi, Bale and East Shewa Zones of Oromia have been proceeding for the last 6 years since 1992 E.C. before the above mentioned Court.

3. The trials of Hussein Hamza and others (15 peaceful Oromos) and that of Kedir Zinabu and others (15 innocent Oromos), apprehended in East and West Hararge Zones in Oromia have been dragging since 1993 E.C. for solid 5 years before the same Court **.

4. The trial of Mesfin Ittana and others (9 innocent Oromos), apprehended in East and West Wallaga Zones of Oromia has been dragging before the same Court since 1995 E.C.

5. The trials of Diriba Damisse and others, Gameda Kasim and others, and leaders of Mecha Tulama Association (Oromo self-help association), Oromo students of Addis Ababa University and Oromo journalists (generally 59 innocent Oromos) have been proceeding since 1996 E.C. for 2 years.

6. The trials of Haile Tasisa and others (9 persons), Chala Lench and others (7 persons), Merga Negera and others (3 persons), Elias Jibiril and others (2 persons), and the trials of Olkaba Lata, Liben Jarso, and Shiferaw Hinsarmu (a journalist) have been pending before the same Court, while we all are suffering in cells without being lawfully convicted.

Contrary to Article 21(1) of the FDRE Constitution, the conditions in which we are held in prison or custody is inhumane. We have been subjected to torture, shot to death.
For instance: On October 24, 1998 E.C student Alemayehu Gerba was shot in his bed and died of this on November 1, 1998 E.C. Gadisa Hirpasa, a student and prisoner was tortured to death by prison administrators and policemen. On October 24, 1998 E.C. a police officer of the prison opened an automatic fire on a cell in which Amin Kelil, Idiris Awel, Lamessa Tasissa, Zekarias Tariku, and Ashenafi Biru were heavily wounded while in their cell and sustained incurable bodily injury. Many have become mentally deranged due to police torture. Tolera Tadesse, Umar Shek Kedir and Temam Amede have been driven close to insanity due to this torture in which they are also denied medical attention by prison officials. Others died of torture, for example, Mokonnen Zawude, Nigusu Gojera, Alemayehu Ittafa, Zelalem Bayisa, Umar Haji and Haji Mohammed Messa. We have been denied medical attention, as a result some of us are suffering from diseases. Mahammed Tayib Abdulmelik died of a disease because he was denied access to medical treatment. We fear the authorities are intentionally delaying our trial so that they get time to expose us to disease, torture and put us all to death over a longer period of time.

We demand that the torture and killing should be stopped and the murderers of students Alemayehu Gerba, and Gadisa Hirpasa, that is, Major Afework Teferra, privates Fiseha Gebremariam and Iyasu should be brought to justice immediately. Ali Ibirahim and Gutu Geletu (in 1987 E.C), Mahammed Yusuf in 1990 Sisay Debele in 1993 died of such torture while in custody. Many like Girma Ittafa became lame and unable to walk due to torture such as electric shock ***.
The ones prosecuting us for alleged crimes are public prosecutors born to Tigrian ethnic group. The presiding judge of the Second Criminal Division who simply delays our trial by adjourning our case is Le’ul Gebremariam, a Tigrian. This judge has been assigned to try Oromos since
1984 E.C. He simply orders death penalty upon Oromos ****.
Ethiopia is considered an essential partner of the USA in the “war on terrorism” and Whitehouse has generally been unwilling to apply meaningful pressure on the Ethiopian government over its human rights record.
The unparalleled genocide committed against the Oromo people by the Ethiopian regime is bound to lead to more instability of the horn. We appeal to the WGIP to call upon the Ethiopian government to:
- Stop violating the conventions and covenants which it has ratified, signed or is a state party to.
- Release Oromo political prisoners.

Thank you

_____________________________________________________________
* * The Oromos, one of the largest Cushitic indigenous groups of Horn of Africa, constitute more than 40% of Ethiopia’s’ population. They are politically marginalized since Menelik's Ethiopian Empire formation that built at the end of 1900 and destroyed Oromo social structure and installed its own. Millions were exterminated by the war of conquest, were taken away and sold into slavery. Hundreds of thousands perished by war-induced famine. Over all the consequence of conquest was genocide. Emperor Haillesillase consequently introduced laws that centralised institutions of violence against the subject people under his absolute power. 14 Provinces, 102 districts and 660 sub districts each of them with its prisons were established. The Military junta which took power in 1974 introduced over 26,000 Peasant associations and 5,000 urban dwellers associations, each with its own prison. Over 300 of these were located in Addis Ababa. All together there were over 38,000 prisons in “Socialist Ethiopia”. The current regime has inherited all these prison facilities, and in addition used former military training centres, offices, halls, and even private houses as detention centres. As the numbers of prisions are much the agony is also boundless.
** There is one and only one reason why the Second Criminal Bench of the Federal High Court has failed to dispose of our case: that is the crime we are charged with is unfounded and cannot be proved in which case we will certainly be acquitted if the court will have decide the matter. So the only mechanism by which we can be kept in prison for indefinite period is by delaying our trial. This, however, is illegal and inhumane. We therefore request the concerned Ministry of Justice to respect the country’s Constitution and provide us immediate and just solution.
*** Article 25 of the Constitution guarantees equality before the law and protects against any form of discrimination. However, we Oromos have been detained and jailed without trial, only for our political outlooks and ethnic nationality, and language. We are exposed to torture such as electric shocks. Our investigators are only Tigrian members of the Federal Police. This team is led by a man called Tadese Meseret known for using electric shocks in which many innocent Oromos lost their lives.
**** The so-called crimes that we are charged with are said to have been committed in Oromia. Constitutionally Oromia has jurisdiction to try us, but we are put to the investigation by Tigrian police, prosecution by Tigrian prosecutor and trial by a Tigrian judge before federal court in a Language which we do not understand, where we are orally abused, insulted if we demand explanation or accurate translation. So we are denied of fair trial and justice in all the processes of investigation, prosecution and trial. We could have been tried in Oromia, but we are brought before federal institutions for the purpose of discrimination.”

Source: www.unpo.org/article.php?id=5016



Pictures from the WGIP, 31 july 2006, OromiaTimes

Oromo Prisoners Are Suffering In Ma’ikalawii and Karchelle Prisons

2006-07-28
Several Oromo nationalists incarcerated in the so called "karchelle prison" in Finfinnee are suffering from continuous beating and different forms of torture. Despite their appeals to various governmental and humanitarian organizations, their situation is deteriorating
It is known that several Oromo nationalists who have been arrested in connection to the popular uprising since November 09, 2005. Reliable sources from Oromia reported that many of the prisoners in the so called "karchelle prison" in Finfinnee are suffering from continuous beating and different forms of torture. Although these prisoners have appealed to various governmental and humanitarian organizations, their situation is deteriorating from time to time and their suffering (torture) by the government agents is intensified.A. Those whose are unable to hear form cruel beating in Karchelle 1. Assafaa Lataa, age 25, arrested from Ambo 2. Guddataa Shubee, age 24, arrested from Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) 3. Taammiruu Alamaayyoo, age 30, arrested from Geedo 4. Asfaw Waltajjii, age 25, arrested from HoplotaB. Those whose hands became out of use in Karchelle1. Daawit Urgaa, age 22, arrested from Ambo 2. Laaqo G/ tsaadiq, age 40, arrested from Meetta RoobiiMean while, several Oromo prisoners from Ma'ikalawii and karchelle prisons[…], who have been arrested from their work, their home and their life are appealing to the Oromo people, all concerned nationals, international organizations, and humanitarian organizations. The prisoners say that they have been arrested only because of their Oromoness and Wayyaanes and their instrument OPDO fear that they would incite the people to fight for their democratic right. The prisoners said that the Wayyaanee government agents are continuously engaged in a cruel torture that a human being would not do on another human being. They take our brothers and sisters away from us at any time they want and beat them, harass them, and return them back to us after making them physically disabled. Some are taken to court, but after the court gave them a verdict to be released by calling a guarantor, they refuse to release and keep them in prison. There are many others whose file is totally closed, but they subjected to remain in the prison for an indefinite period of time. The Oromo prisoners in Ma’ikalawii and Karchellee further said that the TPLF’s dream of trying to demoralize the Oromo people and make them hopeless by keeping the Oromo in prison is a very backward philosophy. The Oromo, they say, is born with their inalienable right. Keeping us in prison and torturing us will not and should not keep us from struggling for our right, they said. Mandela of South Africa was kept in the prison of the apartied regime for 27, but the truth came out finally and he was released. Similarly, keeping us in prison and the inhuman torture of the TPLF agents wouldn’t terrorize us, it will rather intensify the struggle for freedom, they said. Therefore, we prisoners in Ma’ikalawii and Karchelle ask all Oromos at home and around the world: 1. To intensify the popular uprising at home and put pressure on the Government by demanding for our unconditional release. 2. Those Oromos outside of the country and around the world should write a letter about our situation to various governmental and non governmental bodies, should stage a peaceful demonstration demanding for our release. 3. We ask all humanitarian organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and others to put pressure on the current regime by demanding our release. 4. We ask the ambassadors of various countries in Ethiopia to come and visit us and explain our situation to the world. 5. We ask all Oromos in the Wayyaanee parliament to appeal to the Government and to the world about our situation. […]
Source: UNPO

TPLF: A Menace in the Horn

By StaffJul 29, 2006
There are probably very few people in the world, if any, who have suffered from lack of peace and stability as much as the peoples of the Horn of Africa. Despite their keen quest and wish for peace, these peoples have yet to breath an air of tranquility mainly because of one meddling thorn amongst them.
Ever since coming to power, the TPLF had done little else but escalate the existing differences among the Ethiopian peoples through its sub national politics, preside over a nation of internal conflicts and mistrust and undermine the peace of its neighbors. And now a time when the Ethiopian people are unmistakably voicing their opposition to the TPLF leadership, the regime is resorting to its customary diversion strategy of creating non-existent threats and foes.
Accordingly, the TPLF is trying to present “the Shaebia and the Somalis” as an immediate threat to the Ethiopians so as to distract and put a halt to the mounting popular oppositions in the country.
Clearly aware that without open aggressions and conflicts with other nations and thereby distract the Ethiopian people from their internal affairs, the TPLF regime has long since been trying and is still trying to provoke war with every neighboring country. Consequently, the regime launched an open aggression on Somalia; transgressed a ruling adopted by an international court with regards to the border conflict with Eritrea; invaded sovereign Sudanese territories and conducted repeated raids in northern Kenya in addition to having tried to forge a manipulative alliance with Djibouti for the use of its ports. Indeed, the TPLF regime is resorting to all these actions not to build up its internal strength but to disturb the peace in the region at the behest of certain quarters.
All the other governments in the Horn region have been expressing their goodwill to see comprehensive peace and stability restored in Somalia with the participation of all the Somali citizens. The only regime in the region, which is doing just the opposite, is certainly that of the TPLF.
As had been repeatedly made clear, the Government of Eritrea, unperturbed by false accusations, still maintains that the Somali people have the right to solve their own problems and overcome their ideological and political differences on their own terms. The government of Eritrea will also continue to strengthen its efforts to witness a unified Somalia first and above anything else.
Source: www.shabait.com

Perfect storm brewing in Horn of Africa

By GWYNNE DYER
LONDON -- It has the makings of a perfect storm extending right across the Horn of Africa. The 15-year war of all against all in Somalia is threatening to morph into an international war bringing chaos and disaster to the rest of the region, and the al-Qaida-obsessed "securocrats" in Washington are the ones to blame.
The Somalis have nobody to blame but themselves for their basic plight. Although Somalia has only one ethnic group, one language and one religion, its people are deeply divided by clan, and when long-ruling dictator Mohamed Siad Barre was overthrown in 1991, the clan leaders were unable to unite and form a new government. Instead, the country fell into civil war and anarchy.
A U.S.-led military intervention in 1992 tried to restore order, but after 18 American soldiers and a thousand Somalis were killed in a single day (the "Black Hawk Down" episode), U.S. forces pulled out. By 1995 all the other United Nations troops had followed, and Somalia was abandoned to its fate as a real-life version of the Mad Max films: no government, no police, no schools, no law, just the trigger-happy troops of rival warlords roaring around in "technicals," pickups mounted with machine guns or anti-aircraft cannon, stealing and killing to their heart's content.
But U.S. interest in Somalia reignited after the terrorist attacks of 2001, because as a Muslim country without a government it seemed a potential haven for Islamist terrorists. At first American policy concentrated on re-creating a national government, and by 2004 a transitional regime blessed by the United Nations and the African Union and led by one of the warlords, Abdulahi Yusuf, was installed in the town of Baidoa. But he was not in the capital, Mogadishu, because the three warlords who ruled that city rejected his authority. So did most other Somalis.
Meanwhile, a different kind of authority was emerging in Mogadishu: the Islamic courts. It was an attempt, paid for by local businessmen, to restore order by using religious law to settle disputes and punish criminals.
Each clan's court has jurisdiction only over its own clan members, but it was a start on rebuilding a law-abiding society, and in 2004 they all joined to form the Union of Islamic Courts. Unfortunately, the mere use of the word "Islamic" spooked the U.S. government.
As usual, Washington's response was mainly military. It decided that the Union of Islamic Courts was a threat, and in February CIA planes delivered large amounts of money and guns to the three warlords who dominated Mogadishu. They named themselves the Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism, and started trying to suppress the UIC.
Rarely has any CIA plot backfired so comprehensively. Volunteers flooded in from all over southern Somalia to resist the warlords' attack on the only institution that showed any promise of restoring law and order in the country.
By early June the last of the warlords had been driven out of Mogadishu, which is now entirely in the hands of the UIC, and for the first time in 15 years ordinary citizens are safe from robbery, rape and murder.
It is by no means clear that the UIC must fall into the hands of Islamist radicals who will turn Somalia into a safe haven for anti-American terrorists. Left to their own devices, the moderate majority of Somalis can probably ensure that what finally emerges is a moderate Islamic government with strong popular support.
But Washington panicked, and last week it let Ethiopia send troops in to protect the isolated "Interim Government" in Baidoa. That probably means renewed war, and across borders this time.
Ethiopia has five times as many people as Somalia and has already fought two border wars with it, in 1964 and 1977. (Somalia claims most of Ethiopia's Ogaden region, where the people are mostly Muslim and ethnically Somali.) But now it's more complex:
Ethiopia is a largely Christian country with big and restive Muslim minorities, and President Meles Zenawi is terrified that militant Islamists in power in Somalia might help those minorities to rebel, but this would not be happening without Washington's consent. It is exactly the wrong response.
On June 10, Abdulahi Yusuf's unelected "parliament" in Baidoa voted to seek foreign troops. On June 20 the first Ethiopian troops were spotted in Baidoa -- and on the same day Sheik Mukhtar Robow, the UIC's deputy head of security, declared: "God willing, we will remove the Ethiopians in our country and wage a jihad against them."
Just when Somalia was about to escape from its long nightmare, a new and worse one has appeared: the prospect of a war that would consume the entire Horn of Africa (for Eritrea, teetering on the brink of another war with Ethiopia itself, is already sending aid to the UIC). The entire Horn of Africa could spend the next five years going through a catastrophe similar to what the Great Lakes region of Africa suffered in the later 1990s.
Sometimes you really wish that the State Department, rather than the Pentagon and the White House, ran American foreign policy.

Gwynne Dyer is a London-based independent journalist whose articles are published in 45 countries.

Source: Japan Times

Ethiopia must be sensitive to feelings of Somali people

The situation in Somalia has taken a nearly predictable, yet worrisome, dimension. Only months after the transition Government relocated to Baidoa from Nairobi where it was sworn-in, the rather powerless administration of Abdullahi Yusuf came under siege from Islamist militia thus prompting Ethiopia to dispatch an army to defend it.
But, sadly, what would appear to be a generous act by Ethiopia is exactly what seems to have fueled the situation to such desperate levels. Two days ago, 20 Cabinet ministers resigned from the Government to protest against the presence of Ethiopian troops in Somalia. The ministers are, of course, accusing the President of inviting the Ethiopian troops to save his Government, which has no army of its own.
Amid this blame game, there are indiscriminate killings and what was supposed to be a legitimate Government is nearly giving way to an assemblage of rogue militias.
There are a few issues that must considered: Even though myriad explanations have been offered for this unsettling round of instability in Somalia, it is obvious that this is only a pointer to the complex situation, which not even the various peace initiatives have been forthright enough to confront.
The world must address decisively the role of Ethiopia in particular in lasting peace in Somalia, and the international community in general, in the determination of the future of that country.
Whereas Ethiopia and Kenya feel obliged to play a significant role in bringing normalcy in Somalia, their Somali colleagues have strong sentiments against that kind of participation.
It was for this reason that Somalis reacted the way they did in 1993 when the United States led a peacekeeping mission that turned into a global embarrassment for Washington. Those who follow the Somali politics would understand why.
First, there has been territorial suspicion between Somalia and her neighbours, especially Kenya and Ethiopia. This suspicion has been extended to the rest of the world. It is obvious that Somalia’s nasty war with Ethiopia over the Ogaden Triangle and Kenya’s experience with the shifta cession war of the 1970s cannot be ignored while talking about instability in Somalia.
These are issues that played themselves out prominently during the three-year period of peace negotiations in Nairobi that culminated in the installation of President Abdullahi Yusuf’s Government last year.
The negotiations, ironically, being spearheaded by the so-called Inter-Government Authority on Development frontline States, notably Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti, were carried out amid intense suspicion.
There were numerous futile stories about Ethiopia, Djibouti, Egypt or the Arab League’s plan to hijack the negotiations and, by the time Yusuf was being installed as President, he had won the tag of an Ethiopian stooge. So, when his Government comes under siege, and Ethiopia rashes to his rescue, alarm bells are bound to sound in Mogadishu. It is our view that Ethiopia needs to be sensitive to these issues as its presence in Somalia is likely to equally rattle Eritrea.
But, then, suspicions aside, part of the problem in Somalia is the people’s immense national pride and inability to recognise the interest and role of the international community in bringing sanity.
The challenge for the international community is, of course, to know how to balance this delicate situation and for the people of Somalia to have the courage to accept external help before things run out of hand.
It is needless to say that peace in Somalia is long overdue, for that should by now be obvious to the warlords as it is to the rest of the world.
Eastandard.net

Somalia PM: Libya, Egypt Backing Militants

29 july 2006
Somalia's prime minister charged Saturday that Egypt, Libya and Iran are arming the Islamic militants who challenge his rule, lengthening the list of countries accused of fueling this country's political chaos. Premier Mohammed Ali Gedi and the militants have been trading allegations that Ethiopia - Somalia's traditional rival - is backing the prime minister and Eritrea - Ethiopia's enemy - is helping the militants. Gedi's weak government, meanwhile, has been unraveling. Two lawmakers were shot this week - one fatally - and Gedi faces a no-confidence vote after 18 members of parliament resigned from his administration, saying it has failed to bring peace. "Egypt, Libya and Iran, whom we thought were friends, are engaged in fueling the conflict in Somalia by supporting the terrorists," Gedi said. He cited unnamed sources in his government and offered no proof. The leader of the Islamic militia, Sheik Hassan Dahir Aweys, denied receiving support from foreign countries and said Gedi was "trying to distract attention from his own troubles." The Islamic militia has rallied its supporters by condemning reports that Ethiopian troops have entered the country to protect the government. Somalia's president has asked for Ethiopia's support - a decision that infuriated many Somalis. The government, in turn, accuses the Islamic militia of receiving weapons from Eritrea. Ethiopia and Eritrea fought a bloody border war from 1998-2000, and have since backed rebel groups to destabilize each other. Somalia has had no real government since 1991, when its longtime leader was overthrown. The interim government was established nearly two years ago with the support of the U.N. but has failed to assert any power outside its base in Baidoa, 155 miles from the capital, Mogadishu. The militia, known as the Supreme Islamic Courts Council, has seized control of Mogadishu and much of the nation's south, raising fears of an emerging Taliban-style regime. The United States accuses the group of harboring al-Qaida leaders responsible for deadly bombings at the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998. Abdallah Isaaq Deerow, the politician who was killed Friday, was "an ardent supporter of close ties with Ethiopia," his friend, Ali Mohamed Ahmed Daon, told The Associated Press. Deerow was a secondary school teacher before entering politics in the 1990s. Nine people have been arrested in Deerow's death, but authorities had no further details, according to Police Chief Aadin Biid. On Wednesday, Mohammed Ibrahim Mohammed, chairman of the parliamentary committee for constitutional affairs, was shot and wounded. It was not immediately clear whether the shootings were connected, although the men had worked together. Deerow's funeral Saturday forced officials to postpone the no-confidence vote against Gedi. Nobody spoke at the funeral. Associated Press writer Mohamed Sheikh Nor contributed to this report from Mogadishu.
Associated Press

Firing on the EPRP (ION News Update)

Firing on the EPRP
Indian Ocean Newsletter N° 1191 29/07/2006
The partisans of the Ethiopian government in the United States are making endless propaganda on the radio against the hard wing of the opposition.For several months now, Selam Radio and Hager Fikr Radio have been making an endless number of programmes denouncing “the hardest line anti EPRDF elements”. Selam Radio broadcasts in Washington and is owned by the Ethiopian government coalition, the EPRDF. Hager Fikr Radio is subsidised by the Saudi-Ethiopian magnate Mohamed Hussein Al Amoudi. This campaign frequently takes the form of attacks against the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP, opposition), a formation which refused to join the Ethiopian opposition front recently formed entitled Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD).The Hager Fikr radio station has been at the head of this media campaign for some time and has devoted half of its six hours of airtime on Sundays. The guests invited on the show to criticise certain radical opposition leaders by name are dignitaries of the Ethiopian regime, like the Consul in Los Angeles Taye Atskesellasie, but there are also some former Tigrayan dissidents who have rallied behind the present government in Addis Ababa. One such is Bisrat Amare and more surprising still, Abraham Yayeh, who spoke on the last two shows broadcast by this radio station.This former dissident of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF, governing) has long been a scathing critic of the present regime in Addis Ababa and its Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. Yayeh lives in exile in Copenhagen but would nevertheless appear to have become a partisan of Zenawi. He now reserves his most virulent attacks for the opposition, which he considers dominated by the Amhara ethnic group and motivated by anti-Tigrayan feelings. What is most surprising is that Yayeh has been to Eritrea several times and recently was still collaborating with the government of Asmara, which supports certain Ethiopian opponents.

Members of Parliament invited to the USA
Indian Ocean Newsletter N° 1191 29/07/2006
According to a source in the Ethiopian opposition, protests are expected in front of the hotel where a delegation of Ethiopian MPs is to stay in Washington. They have been invited to the USA on a visit starting on 31 July as part of an American State Department programme. What angers certain Ethiopian opponents in exile is that these six MPs are members of the opposition who have accepted to take up their seats in the Ethiopian Parliament, an attitude widely contested in the opposition in exile. According to our sources, the Ethiopian delegation should consist of Olbamo Ayele Chamiso, Deputy Chairman of the Coalition for Unity and Democraty (CUD); Anore Ayele Seyoum an executive of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Member of the Chamber of Representatives; Woldemichael Temesgen Zewoude MP; Ledetu Ayalew Mehretu, MP and chairman of the EDP-Medhin; Mesfin Namarra Dressa MP and Ms Yetbarek Mesrk Mekonen, chair of the Amhara National Regional Council.

Stay out of Somalia, U.S. tells Eritrea, Ethiopia

29 Jul 2006

Reuters

By Pascal Fletcher
KINSHASA, July 29 (Reuters) - The United States sent its most explicit warning yet to Horn of Africa foes Eritrea and Ethiopia on Saturday to stay out of the escalating crisis in Somalia where they are believed to be backing rival sides. "There are many foreign elements in Somalia right now," U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer said, citing reports Ethiopia was sending troops to back the interim government and Eritrea arms for rival Islamists. "Neither the Union of Islamic Courts nor the Transitional Federal Government can take the high ground by saying the other is violating Somali sovereignty...they've all invited in foreigners, all been backed by foreign forces," she added. Frazer, speaking to reporters on a visit to the Democratic Republic of Congo to monitor elections there, said it was crucial to stop Somalia becoming a regional crisis. "You want to keep Ethiopians and Eritreans out of Somalia, that they don't take their border conflict and move it into the Somalia venue," she said. Diplomats believe Addis Ababa and Asmara, which went to war in 1998-2000 and still argue over their border, are using Somalia's government-Islamist standoff as a proxy for their own feud. Ethiopia has sent several thousand troops to back the government at its provincial base Baidoa, witnesses say. Eritrea has armed the Islamists in the past, according to the U.N., and is believed by many to be still sending arms and probably advisers to their stronghold in Mogadishu. Addis Ababa fears a hardline Islamist state as its neighbour, accuses Mogadishu's new rulers of being terrorists, and also fears their possible aspirations to incorporate ethnic Somali regions such as Ethiopia's Ogaden. Asmara, on the other hand, is motivated primarily by spite for Ethiopia, analysts believe. "It's conceivable there are Ethiopians in Somalia and it's also reported the Eritreans are arming the Union of Islamic Courts and perhaps even putting military advisers in," Frazer said. "BEST HOPE IS DIALOGUE" Adding to a highly volatile situation, some foreign Muslim militants are also believed to be in Somalia. And despite its high tone, the U.S. government is accused precipitating the crisis by sending money to a self-styled "anti-terrorism" coalition of warlords earlier in the year, inflaming public sentiment in favour of the Islamists. Frazer said the international community must remain focused on supporting the interim government, which was set up in 2004 in a Western- and African-backed peace deal for Somalia. "The situation is extremely volatile and I think that the best hope for the people of Somalia is that they come together in a dialogue...to try to decide their future," she said. "If it (the government) is in fact undermined it will set the Somali people back many, many years and probably ensure a future of chaos, they've had 15 years (already)," she said.

Twin Cities human rights conference aims for changes a world away

Twin Cities human rights conference aims for changes a world away
by Art Hughes, Minnesota Public Radio
July 26, 2006

Robsan Itana, director of the Oromo American Citizens Council in St. Paul. (MPR Photo/Art Hughes)

East African immigrants in Minnesota are hoping to air their concerns and insights to improve the plight of their people still living in Ethiopia. The conference focuses mainly on human rights violations by the government against the Oromo people. Minnesota is believed to be home to the largest concentration of Oromos in the United States. They have established a base camp of sorts to speak out against abuses in a way they can't in their homeland.

St. Paul, Minn. — University students are frequently targets for Ethiopian officials hoping to squash dissent. "Gugsa" was a foreign language student at Addis Abbaba University when he was beaten and detained by government forces. That was four years ago. He was expelled and left the country.

Gugsa's crime was participating in a peaceful demonstration opposing the prolonged detention of 10 other students.

	Map of Oromia region of Ethiopia

"Students always ask questions in groups. And also students are the most highly educated from society," he said. "The government doesn't want educated people."

Gugsa wants to be identified by his nickname only, because he fears retribution against his family still living in Ethiopia. Minneapolis attorney Laura Provinzino has spent more than two years collecting the accounts of abuses suffered by Gugsa and some 60 other Oromo immigrants. Since Ethiopian leaders prohibit human rights groups, Provinzino said Minnesota, with its large number of immigrants, is fertile ground for documenting the country's human rights violations.

"What we were seeing with the Oromo population who've come to Minnesota over the last 30 years is really an incremental, systematic violation of rights that's led to oppression and suppression, that's led to a gross marginalization," she said.

Provinzino works with the Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights. She's documented instances of abuse against Oromos in Ethiopia -- cases where people are murdered, tortured or imprisoned for speaking out against the government. Ethiopian police have fired on student public demonstrations.

This is the first time Oromos have lived in a foreign country in concentration. It's only here that this could happen, in Minneapolis, Minnesota. - Gamachu

In addition, Oromos sometimes have their land rights revoked, are prevented from going to school or are denied jobs. Provinzino said the abuses don't rise to the level of atrocities in some other places like Rwanda or Sudan, but such violations can be a warning sign for worse trouble down the road.

"When you have a population that you continue to suppress and continue to undermine," Provinzino said, "you do create the conditions that can lead to internal conflict, whether that is civil war or whether that leads to larger instability."

Provinzino points out that Minnesota's growing Oromo population is a direct result of the abusive government policies against them a world away.

Robsan Itana is director of the Oromo American Citizens Council, which is organizing the human rights conference. He said any time Oromos speak out, it helps their people still living in Ethiopia.

"Today as we speak there are more than 17,000 Oromos in jail, in prison, without due processing (sic)," Itana said. "That's a concern for us -- for Oromos living here. And we want to bring that to light, that the world knows there are Oromos in prison."

	Laura Provinzino

Oromos are linguistically and culturally distinct from other populations in Ethiopia. They are the largest tribal population, but the country's current leaders exclude them from power.

Another organizer for the Oromo American Citizens Council also asks that he be identified only by his nickname, Gamachu. He intends to return to Ethiopia in the coming weeks to organize human rights efforts. He fears for his own safety as well as the safety of people he comes in contact with.

Gamachu said Ethiopian rulers prevent Oromos from connecting with the outside world. He's encouraged that Oromos are finding their voice outside the country.

"This is the first time Oromos have lived in a foreign country in concentration," he said. "It's only here that this could happen, in Minneapolis, Minnesota. We've made changes, we believe, because of that. The Oromo issues, some people have started to realize what's happened to the Oromos and thanks to the Oromos citizens in Minnesota."

Gamachu said he's very appreciative of any airing of human rights violations in Ethiopia. He says even limited exposure in this country is welcomed as great progress by the people facing the abuses at home.

Somalia: Govenment accuses Eritrea of sending plane full of weapons to Islamists

Wed. July 26, 2006
Mohamed Abdi Farah, Somalinet
A plane thought to be carrying military supply has landed at Mogadishu international airport on Wednesday – amid fears over possible clash between Islamic Courts and Ethiopian troops who entered into southwestern regions of Somalia to protect the weak transitional federal government.

The plane which said to be from Eritrea has landed at the airport around 8:00 am local time where the Islamic militiamen have been heavily guarding and surrounded the area of the airport rejecting all ordinary people to go in there and left for unknown destinations two hours later..

When this morning local journalists and I tried to witness the event, heavily armed Islamic militiamen had stopped us and we have been told to get back from the area, Islamic troops were scattered in every corner of the airport to block any one.

It was a military cargo plane branded with Somali flag on its tail and we could see trucks going under the airplane to unload it from far distance outside the airport, despite it was foggy and raining in the area, it was too dangerous to go more closer to airport.

Sheikh Yusuf Indha Adde, one of the Islamic Courts leaders held a news conference on Wednesday at Ramadan Hotel in north of Somalia capital Mogadishu declining to comment on what the airplane was carrying.

Sheikh Indha-Adde, whose expression was so tense, has threatened to arrest one of the reporters questioning him about the arrived plane’s cargo.

Some reports say the plane from Eritrea has delivered weapons to the Islamic Courts who took the control of Mogadishu and other key towns in southern Somalia from US backed warlords last month.

Meanwhile, the deputy information minister of the transitional federal government Salad Ali Jelle has held a press conference in the provincial town of Baidoa, accusing the Eritrean government of sending weapons to Islamic Courts in the capital.

“We are assuring that Eritrean military airplane carrying military shipment including explosive devices, mines, bombs sophisticated rifles and other weapons has landed at the Mogadishu airport and this is in violation of the UN arms embargo on Somalia ,” Salad Jele said “The government is strongly condemning Eritrea for interfering Somalia affairs,”

He said Eritrea had already sent troops in Mogadishu to support the Islamists with the fight against Somali’s government.

On July 13, the UN Security Council endorsed an easing of the 15-year-old UN arms embargo on Somalia to allow the possible deployment of foreign peacekeepers in a move aimed at bolstering the country's weak transitional federal government.

The Islamists, who controlled much of southern Somalia, including Mogadishu, and the government were at loggerheads over the deployment of Ethiopian troops to protect the fragile government.
Source: Somalinet

Somalia says Eritrea sending arms to militants

U.S. fears Somalia could become al Qaeda haven

Wednesday, July 26, 2006

Somalis at Mogadishu airport watch the cargo plane Wednesday that Somalia said was carrying weapons sent by Eritrea for militants.

MOGADISHU, Somalia (AP) -- Somalia's virtually powerless government said a cargo plane that landed at the capital's airport Wednesday morning was carrying weapons for Islamic militants who have seized control of much of southern Somalia.

The Ilyushin-76 was only the second aircraft to land at Mogadishu International Airport in more than a decade of anarchy in Somalia, demonstrating the Islamic militia's total control over the capital.

The plane was carrying land mines, bombs and long-range guns from Eritrea, said Salad Ali Jeeley, a spokesman for Somalia's official government, which is based 250 kilometers (155 miles) outside Mogadishu. He said intelligence agents in Mogadishu reported what was on the plane.

"I call for the Islamic courts and the Eritrean government to stop igniting a war in Somalia," Jeeley said.

Eritrea's information minister, Ali Abdu, denied his country sent arms.

Outside interference

Wednesday's developments were the latest allegation of foreign interference in this troubled Horn of Africa nation, which the United States fears could become a haven for Osama bin Laden's terror network.

Foreign Muslim militants have been reported among the Islamic group's ranks. Ethiopia also has entered the fray, sending troops to support Somalia's government.

The U.N. special envoy to Somalia, Francois Lonseny Fall, said Wednesday he believes a small number of Ethiopian troops are in Somalia. On Tuesday, Fall traveled to Baidoa -- the only town controlled by the Somali government.

"During my discussions with the government, I got the clear impression that Ethiopian troops were around Baidoa, but not in the city," Francois Lonseny Fall said Wednesday from his office in neighboring Kenya.

A top U.S. official said Washington is concerned about meddling by Ethiopia and Eritrea, longtime enemies who fought a vicious border war that is still festering.

"There are external parties involved on all sides," said Jendayi Frazer, assistant secretary of state for African affairs. "This is a problem."

The Islamic group's security chief, Sheik Yusuf Indohaadde, would not offer specifics about whether the groups was getting aid from Eritrea, but said a plane "came and left safely and securely" from Mogadishu on Wednesday.

The relationship between the powerful Islamic militants and Somalia's weak government, which has international but no military support, has been deteriorating in recent weeks despite U.N. efforts to arrange peace talks.

The Islamic militia's rise has prompted particular concern in the United States, which accuses the group of harboring al Qaeda leaders responsible for deadly 1998 bombings at the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.

U.S. envoy in Somalia

Fall, the U.N. envoy, was in Somalia on Tuesday to arrange peace talks in Sudan aimed at avoiding more fighting in Somalia and a potentially bigger conflagration in the Horn of Africa.

The Islamic militia's leader, Sheik Hassan Dahir Aweys, rebuffed the plan, saying he won't negotiate until the government expels all foreign troops. "Until Ethiopian troops leave Somali soil, we will never negotiate with the government," Aweys said.Somalia has been without an effective central government since warlords toppled dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991 and then turned on each other, carving much of the country into armed camps ruled by violence and clan law.

The government was established nearly two years ago with the support of the U.N. to serve as a transitional body to help Somalia emerge from anarchy. But the leadership, which includes some warlords linked to the violence of the past, has failed to establish any power.
Source: www.cnn.com

Experts See Proxy War Under Way in Somalia

By MOHAMED SHEIKH NOR

The Associated Press

MOGADISHU, Somalia

A mysterious Russian-built cargo plane believed to be loaded with weapons landed in this capital Wednesday, setting off a fresh round of allegations that Somalia has become a proxy battleground for its neighbors Eritrea and Ethiopia.

The United States and other Western powers have cautioned outsiders against meddling in Somalia, which has no single ruling authority and can be manipulated by anyone with money and guns. But there's little sign the warning has been heeded.

Somalia's virtually powerless government charged on Wednesday that the Ilyushin-76, only the second flight to land at Mogadishu International Airport in a decade, was packed with land mines, bombs and guns. It said the shipment had come from Eritrea, which supports the Islamic militia that has seized the capital along with most of southern Somalia.

Just hours later, a U.N. envoy confirmed that troops from Ethiopia, Eritrea's foe, were in Somalia to protect the defenseless government from the advancing Islamic forces.

Somali government leaders and Ethiopia's Foreign Ministry previously have denied Ethiopian soldiers were in the county. However, many witnesses have confirmed their presence.

Ethiopia and Eritrea fought a bloody border war from 1998-2000, and have since backed rebel groups to destabilize each other. Somalia could become a new front in their conflict.

"Ethiopia and Eritrea are competing throughout the region, opening up new fronts in their Cold War whenever the opportunity arises," said John Prendergast, a senior adviser with the International Crisis Group, which monitors conflict zones.

The United States also has been involved in Somalia. It secretly backed nonreligious militias that were driven out of Mogadishu by the Islamists, and now supports the government.

The United States has accused the Islamic militia of ties to al-Qaida, whose leader, Osama bin Laden, called for support of the militia in a recent recording. The Associated Press also recently obtained videotape of Arab Islamic fighters alongside Somali militiamen.

"There are external parties involved on all sides," said Jendayi Frazer, the U.S. State Department's top Africa official. "This is a problem."

The new proxy fight between Ethiopia and Eritrea is officially denied by both countries, despite witness accounts and reports by the United Nations describing Somalia's plight.

A U.N. committee monitoring the arms embargo on Somalia named Ethiopia, Eritrea and Yemen as countries backing different factions fighting inside the country. Another country went unnamed in the report, but was widely believed to be the United States.

"Eritrea is only in there because of Ethiopia," said Omar Jamal, executive director of the Somalia Justice Advocacy Center in St. Paul, Minn. "The U.S. is simply extending its war on terrorism."

Eritrea's information minister, Ali Abdu, told the AP on Wednesday that his country was not sending arms to the Islamic militia, and charged that Ethiopia was "exploiting the current situation in order to solve their historical dispute with Somalia."

Ethiopia and Somalia fought a war in the 1970s. Ethiopia's foreign minister was not immediately available for comment Wednesday.

Wednesday, an AP reporter watched the Ilyushin-76 land, but was quickly ordered to leave by Islamic militiamen. The plane's tail carried a flag from Kazakhstan, a former Soviet republic that often makes its planes available for charter.

The U.N. special envoy to Somalia, Francois Lonseny Fall, said Wednesday a small number of Ethiopian troops are in Somalia. On Tuesday, he traveled to the only town controlled by the government, Baidoa, which is 155 miles from Mogadishu.

"During my discussions with the government, I got the clear impression that Ethiopian troops were around Baidoa, but not in the city," Fall said from his office in neighboring Kenya.

Somalia has been without an effective central government since warlords toppled dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991 and then turned on each other, carving much of the country into armed camps ruled by violence and clan law.

The government was established nearly two years ago with the support of the U.N. to serve as a transitional body to help Somalia emerge from anarchy. But the leadership, which includes some warlords linked to the violence of the past, has failed to establish any power.

___

Associated Press writers Mohamed Olad Hassan in Baidoa and Chris Tomlinson and Elizabeth A. Kennedy in Nairobi, Kenya, contributed to this report.

Source: http://times-news.com

Fimmaker speaks about a documentary Hormaatee (she brings money)

INTERVIEW
July 23, 2006 Posted to the web July 25, 2006
The Daily MonitorAddis Ababa
Hormaatee (She Brings Money) is a documentary film which was premiered last week at the Goethe Institute.
The film was made by an independent Dutch filmmaker Leendert Pot, in collaboration with Kebede Assefa, General Manager of the Eshet Micro Finance Institutions and Olanya jimmy K.olengo, an African micro Finance Expert from Uganda.
Hormaatee is about a couple in Ambo, around 130 Kms south of Addis Ababa, who came out of abject poverty after they had taken credit from Eshet Micro Finance Institution, one of the 27 micro-finance institutions in Ethiopia.
The film is about the couple whose lives have been transformed as a result of a financial service they secured from a micro finance institution-ESHET. They become proud of their achievements in life. Their economic uncertainty is solved.
The film is said to serve as a good instrument to promote micro finance in Ethiopia and to inform and convince new potential clients as well as donors. The Daily Monitor had a chance to talk and ask the film maker on the making of the film and related issues. Excerpts:

The Daily Monitor; would you tell me about the making of the film?

The idea came when my wife came to Ethiopia two years before to work as a volunteer. She met Jimmy Olengo, who used to work for Association of Ethiopian Micro Finance Institutions. My wife found him to be a very special person and she introduced him to me. And I liked him too. One day, I thought of making a film about him and I mentioned that to him. But he said there was another important issue that, he believed I should make a film about. And that was Microfinance. He did so because he happened to be involved in that.
But I wasn't very much aware of micro-finance. I had read a little bit about it in newspapers. That's was all. So, Jimmy took me along to give me a picture of what micro finance was like. We then visited many of the micro-finance institutions in the Ethiopia.
While doing so , I saw a group of men and women in Ambo looking proud of their achievements. They told me about the miserable life they were leading before. I was impressed, they weren't asking for money. They were telling me how their lives have changed for the better after they received assistance from ESHET. I could see that this Microfinance service was of much help to them. I thought it would be a very good idea if a film on this achievement was made. I thought that if I could give Jimmy a crash course on sound aspect of the film, I could make a good film. So that's how the idea came about. Then we embarked up on the film project with Jimmy. I know about filmmaking, Jimmy* knows about Microfinance.

And the challenges? if any in the process?

It was obviously the language. I didn't speak any Afaan Oromo, which is the main language there. I didn't speak Amharic either. So I had to ask some one else to do the interview for me. This was a little strange. For my previous films, I was making all the interviews myself.

Tell me about your background as a filmmaker? When did you start filmmaking?

I have been a professional documentary filmmaker since 1982. My first big film came out in 1989. It was a film about my sister with the "syndrome of Down". I wasn't happy with the way people treated her, and the way people in Holland treated handicapped persons.
It was shown on T.V and it was even premiered at the International Documentary Film Festival in Amsterdam. I was very lucky, because the film got recognition. The poster also had a very powerful picture of my sister with her boyfriend, who is handicapped. The picture was in every newspapers in Holland.

Can you tell me about your future project? What do you intend to do next?

I'd like to make films about Ethiopia. I've seen many nice things here. All together, they'll make an image of Ethiopia I hope. I'd like to make images that would make people talk, discuss. In Holland people think that Ethiopians are poor. They don't have a car; they don't go to school, which I have proved to be completely wrong. I have plans to make movies that deconstruct that.
*(The Daily Monitor has had a couple of questions for Jimmy as well. See his answers here under.)
The Daily Monitor: let me turn this question to you. How did you come to choose ESHET?

Because it is efficient, they're growing in a systematic and efficient manner. The clients' lives were changing, accessing more and more food provisions, improved housing condition. They have been able to reach the level of sustainability. We thought they would show the success of other microfinance organizations. And the General Manager was willing to work with us.
Some people think micro-finance is one of the major engine of developments. others say it is not. The film would convince people who are skeptical on how people's life can be changed because of micro-finance. But the film also shows how the clients are setting more than credit, education, family planning, and decision making, the bargaining power and other social issues.

Are you sure the film doesn't promote a certain Micro finance institution in the country?

There are people who say that could be an advertisement. That'll be a wrong perception. Fist and foremost, ESHET didn't initiate this. The film is not geared towards one organization. It is only an attempt to try and tell the world what micro-finance is all about, how it works. You can't make a film on all the micro-finance organizations here. The service that ESHET gives is the same as the service other micro-finance organizations do. It's not advertising ESHET. It's showing out the product that other micro finance institutions within the region of Ethiopia give. There are many successful stories. ESHET happen to be one of them.
Source: www.allafrica.com

44 indicted in distribution of African stimulant

By David B. Caruso, Associated Press | July 26, 2006

NEW YORK --Federal agents say they have broken up a smuggling ring responsible for most U.S. distribution of a leafy stimulant called khat, which is illegal here, but commonly used in East Africa and parts of the Arabian peninsula.

Prosecutors announced the indictment of 44 people Wednesday on charges that they helped bring 25 tons of the plant into the US in recent years.

All but 14 of the suspects were under arrest after a series of sweeps in several states. Some five tons of the drug, worth $2 million, have been seized by agents during the 18-month investigation, authorities said.

U.S. Attorney Michael Garcia said the case signals that law enforcement agents take khat smuggling seriously. John Gilbride, the special agent in charge of the Drug Enforcement Administration's New York office, called it "highly addictive and devastating" to the people who use it.

Largely unknown to Americans, khat is a common and socially accepted drug in Yemen, Somalia, Kenya and Ethiopia.

Users chew it, like loose tobacco, and generally experience a mild buzz that lasts for about 90 minutes and can cause an elevated heart rate and blood pressure. It can also create a feeling of euphoria.

Overseas, it is seen as a social ill, but an acceptable one, like alcohol. England considered a ban on khat this year, but decided against it.

It is illegal in the U.S. because it can contain two controlled substances: cathonine, which is found in very fresh khat leaves, or cathine, a less potent chemical that turns up once the plant dries.

Investigators said the defendants arrested Wednesday mailed khat to the United States in packages or sent it with couriers aboard commercial airlines. From New York, it made its way to Ohio, Minnesota, Maine, Massachusetts, Utah, Washington, Illinois and Washington D.C.

Some amounts of the drug were also smuggled into the U.S. inside United Nations diplomatic pouches, which are not subject to inspection by customs agents.

One of the suspects under arrest worked in a mailroom at the UN, officials said.

Several of the defendants also face charges that they laundered money from the operation by passing it back to Africa and the Middle East through a series of banks and informal currency transmitting networks.

FBI agent Mark Mershon, the assistant director in charge of the bureau's New York office, said the next phase of the investigation will be to "follow the money" back to the East African nations where the drug originated.

Mershon said some of the areas involved have attracted attention as "a hotbed for Sunni extremism," and there have been some reports that terror groups and regional warlords have financed their campaigns through khat sales.

Authorities added, though, that none of the 44 charged Wednesday had any known link to terrorism.

People have been getting arrested for khat possession in the US for years, but the busts have increased in frequency as the Arab and East African immigrant communities have grown.

In recent months, police have made arrests from Wichita, Kan., to Sioux Falls, S.D., to Wilkes-Barre, Pa.

In a related case, a federal grand jury in Seattle indicted 18 people on khat importing charges. The six month investigation led to the seizure of 1,000 pounds of the drug.

Gilbride said the drug is still seldom distributed outside those communities, but is no less of a public health risk.

Medical studies have yet to conclude how bad khat can be to someone's health, but some research has linked it to depression, hyperactivity or hallucinations among longtime users.

© Copyright 2006 Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

Dr Merara says Commercialization of politics is a very dangerous game

The Reporter (Addis Ababa)
July 24, 2006
Dr. Merera Gudina is the founder of the Oromo National Congress (ONC) and a member of the Ethiopian parliament. Several months ago, he faced an opposition from some members, noticeably Tolossa Tesfaye, who said that Merera was ousted from leadership of the party.
The National Electoral Board (NEB) also announced at the time that Dr. Merera is no longer party head and accepted Tolossa as the new party boss. Dr. Merera and his supporters are still contesting the NEB decision in court.
Meanwhile, Tolossa was in turn ousted from leadership by others who recently announced their intention of returning the leadership back to Dr. Merera, though NEB still has to recognize the decision.
Amidst this confusion, Dr. Merera talked to Bruck Shewareged of The Reporter about the latest developments regarding the problem of succession. Excerpts:

For the past several months, the ONC has been in the spotlight, often for wrong reasons i.e. some group within the party ousted you from leadership, and then, in turn, others ousted those who ousted you etc. What is the status of the leadership of the party right now? Who is leading ONC?

The party, as an organization, is still functioning under our leaderships i.e. the ONC which is one of the founding members of the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF). The party has more than 100,000 members. Of these, only a few hundred members have defected.
Of the 39 parliament members (MPs), only one or two have defected from the ONC. In truth, it could be only one member, Tolossa. That is certain. The others are ambivalent. Also only two ONC members of the Chefe Oromia (Oromia State Council) claimed to have left the party out of 105 members.
Even amongst the so-called executive members of Tolossa's ONC, eight (out of eleven) told us that they want to come back to us. They even wrote an official letter to the electoral board to this effect.
So in the real sense, there was originally one ONC party. Even now, there is only one ONC, in truth.
The security apparatus in the country, together with the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO), one of the four constituting parties of the ruling EPRDF and the National Electoral Board (NEB), tried to create an artificial group by carving it out from the ONC. But it was obvious from the start that this group wouldn't do anything, let alone leading the Oromo people. It is not an entity by itself which is capable of doing anything.

Last time the NEB gave recognition to the ONC party led by Tolossa, not you. Then how did you manage to stay intact and carry out proper party activities without this legal recognition?

Well that is the problem. The government, the electoral board and the security organization took away only the name ONC from us, not the organization itself. Even if some of our offices were taken, most are retained by us. Moreover, we were not told or informed by anyone to stop our activities as a party. The government did not tell us to do so.

How come the government, as an executive entity, did not order you to cease functioning as ONC while NEB denied you of recognition by that name?

Well, the government is very well aware of the whole situation. We joined parliament also as part of UEDF, our umbrella organization. When we were negotiating with the governing party, two out of three UEDF negotiators were ONC parliamentarians. The government knows the group won't go any further as a functioning party. So the government might be waiting for the natural death of this group. I see the government's move only as creating pressure on us. Yes, we still face some problems. . .

Such as?

Around 500-600 ONC members are behind bars in Ambo (West Shoa), East Wollega, Chiro etc. These are the kind of pressures that government is putting on us. Otherwise, they didn't come and tell us directly to cease functioning as party.

Only NEB recognized parties can open bank accounts and mobilize their finance. In the absence of NEB recognition, how did you manage your finance?

So far, they haven't gone to the extent of disrupting our ability to function as a party. Unless they wanted to put some pressure on us, they know that the splitting faction cannot lead ONC and put the whole support of ONC behind the ruling party.
This faction was only able to try to create conflict between us and the government. Other than that, it was not able to bring stability amongst the people, nor was it able to have driven ONC members to the government side. This faction's people were only capable of making noises in Addis Ababa, nothing substantial. Some of the executive members of this group even wrote to NEB admitting that the group can't lead Oromo people other than being the puppet of the government. They gave us the copy of the letter and the electoral board.

And what is the response from the board?

I read in the newspapers that the NEB recognizes that only those executive members who were banned from the party wrote that letter. For us, this is a childish game.

If the NEB-recognized ONC could not function as a party, then what is its real role?

We can see that not more than two people from this faction are openly involved as members of the split ONC. Others who were with them came back to us. These people's role is similar to that of the Janjawid militia in Darfur, the Sudan. The Janjawid militia group was set up by the Sudanese government to weaken opposition groups in western Sudan indirectly. The whole world knows that the Sudanese government is doing this. The same situation applies to our context. These factional groups were supplied with money and pistols. Our members were intimidated into joining this faction. They were beaten and arrested in order to coerce them to do that. The government and security forces were doing that, though they denied it. So this is very similar to the Janjawid context.
You implied earlier that your activities were not seriously affected and suffered no substantial harm. . .
Rather the harm is being done to the government side.

How?

In areas where our party had been active, there was a widespread unrest. We were not able to stabilize the situation because we followed a hands-off approach. We could not tell the people that the government is respecting our rights and that they shouldn't disturb the peace. There is a discord between the people, especially the youth and OPDO.

Would you be able to stabilize the situation?

Yes, we could. Most of the disturbances occurred in areas where most of our parliament and regional council members won the election. Had we intervened, things might have been better. We told the government about that. It is clear that these days OPDO flags are being burnt and OLF's flown.

You told this very same paper that only OLF can benefit from the suppression going on in Ethiopia. In your opinion, to what extent have OLF capitalized on this situation?

It is very obvious that OLF capitalized on the unrest in Oromia. The government people tried to have our hands tied. So whenever there is a disturbance we couldn't calm the situation. The result was this conflict with the people. The trust amongst the public about peaceful political struggle is dented.
They thought that we were able to bring the people to our side very easily. By the same token they thought they could take the people back to OPDO side easily. The outcome is that the people gave their support not to OPDO but to OLF.

You are still contesting NEB's decision not to recognize you any longer?

The case is being handled by the cassation bench in the Supreme Court.

With the coming of the new development, i.e. the executive members of ONC led by Tolossa deciding to come back to your side, will you withdraw your case against NEB?

We will go all the way until NEB and the government change their stand.

As part of UEDF you have the opportunity to negotiate with the ruling party to raise the issue of the faction problem. Can you tell me something, if indeed the issue is raised?

We requested (both in letter and verbal communication) them to resolve the crisis. Sometimes they said that they haven't interfered in ONC's internal affairs. But we told them that they did so and we presented our evidence.
The NEB's decision to give recognition to Tolossa as leader of ONC was illegal. For instance, our regular congress is held every three years. But if there is the need for emergency meeting, one-third of the central committee must support it. We still don't know how Tolossa and his men were able to hold that meeting.
No one knows who these one-third of the central committee members are. NEB did not want to verify the identities of these central committee members because the board was itself involved in the case. We suspect that some people wrote and signed in the name of members.
Even those one-third central committee members can only ask the executive committee to call for an emergency congress meeting. As long as they are one-third, it is binding. The congress will be called for a meeting. But these one-third members cannot hold a meeting by themselves. They can only petition to the executive committee. People, whom we don't know, simply called and held that meeting.
There is also no way that Tolosa can get the support of one-third of central committee members. The central committee members are more than 40. Tolosa himself is not a central committee member. So it is difficult for them to do that. They can only ask the executive committee whose members are siding with us. These executive committee members are also parliament members who are still with us. So we think that these so-called one-third members who are recognized by NEB and the security forces. Even most of those who attended that meeting as central committee members are not from ONC. We have the video cassette recording of the meeting.

What do you think will happen? Will the crisis, the confusion be resolved and party unity be attained?

We will continue our struggle. Most members are still with us. They could not take away the support of voters and members, but only our name. We agreed with the government that we will be engaged in peaceful and legal political struggle. They should resolve the crisis.
We recognize that they can recruit other members directly from ONC. Tolossa has the right to leave us and join OPDO. Other than that you cannot simply put an alien leadership on the party. It is like fitting a head on a different body. This will not benefit any side.
You can't always buy people or politicians in this poor country. They will receive their money and then simply go away. You will likely lose rather than profit. Commercialization of politics is a very dangerous game. The Dergue regime used to imprison any opposition party member. And then it forced them to sign agreements to become members of the Workers Party of Ethiopia. Finally, when problems came, the party vanished. The ruling party EPRDF is also harassing others.

Source: www.allafrica.com

Somalia's Islamists reject peace talks

Tuesday 25 July 2006
The leader of Somalia's Islamist movement has rejected peace talks just hours after the country's interim government agreed to meet in Sudan.
Shaikh Hassan Dahir Aweys said the presence of Ethiopian troops sent to reinforce Somalia's government had ruined any chance for peace.
Aweys said: "Until Ethiopian troops leave Somali soil, we will never negotiate with the government."
Earlier on Tuesday, the government had agreed to attend unconditional peace talks in Khartoum.
This followed a meeting between the government and Francois Lonseny Fall, the UN special representative to Somalia, in Baidoa, 240km northwest of Mogadishu.
Shortly before Aweys' announcement, Abdirizak Adam, President Abdullahi Yusuf's chief of staff, said: "We will go to Khartoum without any preconditions."
Fall later arrived in the capital, Mogadishu, which is controlled by the Islamic group.
He attended prayers with two Islamic officials, Shaikh Ahmed Shaikh Sharif and Shaikh Yusuf Indohaadde.
Standoff Talks between the two sides to prevent a standoff from escalating into war broke down on July 22, when the Islamists pulled out because of a reported incursion into Somalia by Ethiopian troops to defend the fragile interim government. Fall's visit came a day after the African Union (AU) urged the UN Security Council to speed up plans to ease an arms embargo on Somalia to allow foreign peacekeepers to deploy. The appeal followed an agreement by the AU and the east African regional body IGAD to send troops to help to secure peace in Somalia. The plan has been repeatedly rejected by the Islamists, who control Mogadishu and a large swath of southern Somalia after defeating US-backed secular regional chiefs early last month.
Source: www.Aljazeera.net

Ethiopia invades Somalia

Ethiopia invades Somalia
By Larry Chin
Online Journal Contributing Writer
Jul 25, 2006

While most of the world is focused on the Middle East, open war between Somalia and Ethiopia, an equally significant and parallel event, has been bumped from the headlines entirely. Another nation is in the process of being invaded and occupied, with US approval, based on the “war on terrorism” pretext.
As previously warned, resource-rich Somalia, a key geostrategic prize on the Horn of Africa, has been set up to fall. Mogadishu has been brimming with secular militias and death squads that the Bush administration has openly backed and guided. Each side has (correctly) accused the other of connections to “al-Qaeda.” Somalia’s top Islamic leader, Shiekh Hassan Dahir Aweys is accusing the US of having ties to Al-Qaeda. (He’s right.) Rest assured, the Bush administration and the CIA are playing all sides.
Just as Israel is doing the Bush administration’s dirtiest work in the Middle East, US-allied Ethiopia conveniently serves as a US surrogate going into Somalia. Also, as is the case in the Middle East, the expansion and escalation of the conflict may provide another convenient opportunity for outside military intervention.Against worsening realities of world energy depletion (Peak Oil and Gas) and a teetering world economy, the Bush administration is desperate to pull off an end run, simultaneously destabilizing four geostrategic theaters (Middle East, Central Asia, Africa, Asia-Pacific). This is nuclear brinksmanship on an unprecedented scale.
Copyright © 1998-2006 Online Journal

Somalis ask Ethiopian troops to leave

Tuesday 25 July 2006

Protesters burned flags and chanted anti-Ethiopian slogans

Thousands of people gathered in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, to protest against Ethiopian troops who entered the country to protect the internationally recognised interim government.

More than 5,000 protesters packed a stadium in the north of Mogadishu, burned an Ethiopian flag and carried signs that said, "We Must Fight Them!"

Ethiopian and Somali government officials have denied that Ethiopian soldiers are in the country, but witnesses in several towns reported seeing them crossing the border four days ago.

Addis Ababa has said it will protect the largely powerless interim government in its base in the town of Baidoa and threatened to "crush" any attack by Islamic fighters.

The protests were organised by the Union of Islamic Courts which has taken control of the capital and much of the south of the country from regional warlords.

On Sunday, a top Islamic leader, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed said, "I call on Somalis to be ready for a holy war against an invasion from the enemy of the religion and the country."

"Constant aggression"

Several Somali MPs have also called for the Ethiopian soldiers to leave.

The statement from 16 Somali MPs is the first time people within the interim government have admitted that Ethiopian forces have crossed into the country.

Ethiopia has threatened to 'crush' the Islamic fighters

"Ethiopian troops should get out of Somalia as soon as possible and should cease from the constant aggression against Somalia," the statement said.

"This move is a clear interference against the freedom and sovereignty of Somalia," it added.

The MPs urged the international community to put pressure on Addis Ababa to withdraw its troops to prevent further insecurity in the Horn of Africa region.

Some of the MPs responsible for the statement are believed to be Islamist sympathisers based in Mogadishu.

Government support

Earlier, a Somali warlord, who was one of a group which fought against the Islamic militia for control of the capital, offered his support to the government.

Mohamed Qanyare Afrah arrived in Baidoa with 150 militiamen and eight pickups mounted with machine-guns, the main mobile weapon in Somalia.

Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi had fired Qanyare from the cabinet as he had fought against the Islamic group independently of the government.

But on Monday Qanyare, the former national security minister, was welcomed by members of the transitional parliament and local administrators.

Somalia has not had an effective central government for 15 years since warlords overthrew Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991 and then turned on each other. Some of those warlords now sit on the transitional government.

Aljazeera.net

Ibsa ejjannoo Tokkummaa Barattota Oromoo Jarmanii (TBOJ)

1. Bara 1992 irraa egalee haala harawaan Wanjoo Gabirummaa motummaa wayyaneen (TPLFn) saba Oromoo fi Oromiyaa irra itti fe´amee jiru fonqolchuu fi mirga saba Oromoo gutummaa itti kabachisuf jecha qabsoo bilisummaa ogganummaa Adda Bilisummaa Oromoon (ABOn) geggefamaa jiru ni deggerra, waan nu irraa egamu hundaa ni gumaachina.

2. Mirga hiree murtefannaa umaman (dhalotaan) fi Waaqayyoon laatameef kabachifachuuf Fincila Diddaa Gabirummaa saba Oromoon geggefamaa turee fi jiru kessa itti injjifannoolee bonsoo galmeefaman ni dinqisifanna, waan nu irraa barbadamu maraan ni deggerra.

3. Umurii harqoota gabirummaa jarraa 21ffaa kan motummaa wayyaneen (TPLFn) impaayera Itophiyaa kessa itti geggefamaa jiru gabaabsuuf jarmiyooleen siyasaa gara garaa waliigalteen Tumasa Bilisummaa fi Demokirasii (TBD) hundessun isaanii injjifannoo haqaa sababii ta´eef ni deggerra. Qajjelfama ABO, kallacha qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo, irraa karaa caasaalee nuuf dabarfamu irra itti hundawuun mullata, ergaa, sagantaa, fi karoora TBD hojii itti hikuuf qophii ta´u kenya ni ibsina.

4. Motummaan gabironfataa fi abbaa irree Impaayera Itophiyaa kan obbo Malas Zenawin ogganamaa jiru karaa humna waranaa, tikaa, polisii, fi mana murtii dantaa (dhimma) wayyanee (TPLF) qofaa kabachisuu fi tiksuuf jecha tarkanfilee ajjechaa, hidhaa, reebicha, qaama hirrinaa, fi biyya dhalootaa irraa ariyatamu namoota nagaa (sivilii) irra itti raawachaa jiru ni balaalefanna. Motummaan TPLF meshaalee motummaa itti sera-ala fayyadamuun yakkoota raawachaa jiru kana akka hatattamaan dhaabuf ni akekachifna.

5. Kallatiin qajeelfama motummaan TPLF kenne fixaan baasuf jecha dameen barnoota senaa Yunversitii Maqalee (Tigrayi) barrefama sobaa fi jibba irra itti hundawee ragaa godhachuun senaa saba Oromoo xurressee barressuun yakka dhifama hin qabnee sababii ta´ef ni balaalefanna.

6. Qbsoo bilisummaa Oromoo dadhabsisuuf akkasumas kayyooTBD galma hanqisuuf ergamootiin TPLF maalaqaan bitamanii summii ummataa fi saba diguu, walitti busee nagaa boressu, fi wali-amantaa ballessu facaasuu itti akka bobbawanii jiran beekamaa dha. Kanaafuu osoo bekanuus ta´e osoo hin beekin akka meshaalee olola dinoota qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo akka hin taaneef damaqinsaan akka ofi eegatnuuf ummata Oromoof waamicha dhiyeesina.

7. Maqaa saba Oromoo qabatanii jarmiyaa TPLF (Adda Bilisummaa Ummata Tigrayi) jala itti buluun (bitamuun) qarshii fi angoon sossobamuun dantaa (dhimma) wayyanee (TPLF) qofaa kabachisuu fi tiksuuf jecha barattoota, dubartoota, da´iman, manguddoo, dargaggota, qotee bultoota, hojjettota fi daldaltoota Oromoo du´a, hidhaa, reebicha, qaama irrina, qabenyaa saamamuu, fi biyyaa ariyatamuu itti dabarsitanii kennuu irraa akka ofi qusatan waamicha isinii dhiyeesina. Akkasumas yaa OPDO meshaa hidhannoo fi angoo ofi harkaa qabdaniin mirga bilisummaa fi demokirasii saba Oromoo deebisuu fi tiksuuf akka onnee gotaa horattaniif waamicha isinii dhiyeesina.

Gadaan Gadaa Bilisummaati!!

Injifatnoon Ummata Oromoof!

KHG Tokkummaa Barattota Oromoo Jarmanii (TBOJ)

Adoolessa 24 bara 2006

Jarmanii, Munschin