Oromo Talents In Abesha Political Club (By Fayyis Oromia)

Oromo Talents In Abesha Political Club

Fayyis Oromia

We Oromo nationalists seem to be legitimately quick to accuse and judge our fellow Oromo individuals, who seem to work with our foes, as being politically on the wrong side and so to be possibly guilty. We some times denounce our such fellow Oromo individuals as being collaborators, betrayers of our Kaayyoo and even as criminals who did certain atrocities against Oromo nation. Then all who have been denounced like this are usually denied the recognition of their talents, which we would have respected disregarding the fact to whose service they applied their talents. Who were/are actually the targets of such judgement of ours? Let's look at our history and our status quo in short for this may help us to correct our mistakes in order to achieve our desired future destiny.

Before proceeding in my writing, let me operationally define two important words (innocence and guilt) to be used in this essay. Innocence is a term used to indicate a general lack of guilt, with respect to any kind of crime, sin, or wrongdoing. In a legal context, innocence refers to the lack of legal guilt of an individual, with respect to a crime. Guilt is a cognitive or an emotional experience that occurs when a person realizes or believes - whether justified or not - that he or she has violated a legal or moral standard, and is responsible for that violation. There can be a situation where a person can be found guilty by others, including the justice institution, but the person may not feel it emotionally or accept it cognitively.

Regarding our history, we tried to accuse and vilify some of the prominent Oromo individuals like Gobana Dacee, Qusee Dinagde, "Minilik" Caalaa ("our colonizer"), Teferi M. Guddisaa, Teferi Benti, Demise Bulto, Mengistu H. Ayaana, Merid Nigussie, Kasaye Cemedaa...etc. Here to make my position clear, I am not the supporter or fan of these Oromo individuals, but I just would like to recommend that we better recognize and accept some of them, specially the non criminals, at least as strong and talented Oromo individuals who only played their game in a wrong club. It is not my intention to declare that they are either innocent or guilty because of their actions, but I do appeal to all Oromo people to recognize their talents.

Let's look at soccer profis as a good metaphor! I know two national players in Germany, who are originally from Poland, their names being Klose and Poldolski. Few years back ( I don't remember whether it was in European or world compitition), German national club played against Poland and it was Poldolski who made his historic goal to make Germany a winner against Poland. After that there was a discussion among Poland's politicians on the question: who is wrong for the fact that this talented man from Poland could play for Germany instead of for Poland? Was it the fault of the player? Was it the fault of Poland's politicians? Was it the fault of his parents? Was it the economy that was stu*pid?.....etc. Fault finding after fault finding took place, but with no avail to correct the lose for Poland.

Who ever did the fault, the fact was that the talented Poland citizens played against Poland for the advantage of Germany. This is a classical example to be used to explain the reason for condeminig the talented Oromo individuals who played a political game in the club of Abesha against Oromo. It is fact, which we can not deny, that these Oromo individuasls were talented, but they played in a wrong club. So the above mentioned politically talented Oromo individuals and a lot of others in history played for Abesha against Oromo. We know the main motive of the soccer players is the money they do earn, but what was and is the motive of the Oromo individuals who played or are still playing in wrong political club? The temporary financial gain or some other life advantage? If so, then it can be simply put as an opportunism. Otherwise who was responsible for their choice of the club for whom to play? Was it only the political conviction and the understanding they had at that time, for some didn't know the viability of Oromia and might have thought their only country was Ethiopia? Well the previous politicians in history might have thought so, what about those serving Abesha today? Is it may be for they are the mentally enslaved part of Oromo national body as a result of the subjugation we endured in the last about 150 years? Or who really did the fault so that our talents could serve Abesha political club instead of Oromo club? Mind you there were/are also a lot of Oromo talents serving Abesha club in other fields like in language, art and sport, for instance Tsegaye G/Medihin aka Debteraw, Be'alu Girma, Tilahun Gesese, Abebe Biqila, Kenenisa Bekele, Tedi Afro (Tewodros Kasahun Germaama)...etc.

I think the politics of the empire in the last 300 years till Weyane took power in 1991 was seemingly under the domination of Oromo individuals including Amharinya speaking Oromo of Shoa. The main crime or mistake these Oromo elites did seems to be their action of promoting and using Amharinya as a national language, neglecting or even oppressing Afaan Oromo. Why did they do that? May be was it similar to the German royal family, who used to speak french rather than german language, giving more value to foreign language in order to show their own "better quality" in comparision to the ordinary citizens? I do have my own thesis. Some Oromo groups in Shoa seem to have accepted and developed Amharinya since 1270 in relation to their acceptance of the Holy book which has been written in Ge-ez. So they fostered Amharinya as the new language out of Ge-ez and Afaan Oromo. Then it was given a moral upper hand being the language of both clergy and royality. Elite Oromos who accepted the religion and such royality also revered Amharinya at the cost of Afaan Oromo. Minilik Caalaa of Shoa and co are the products of such process. Then being the carriers of this moral upper hand, Amharinya speaking Oromo groups started to feel superior to others and then tried to "civilize" their Afaan Oromo speaking siblings south to them. It is historically recorded that very few soldiers from Tigrai or Semien came to invade Oromia, but mainly the "gallant" Oromo individuals of Shoa (both Amharinya speakers and Afaan Oromo speakers) being led by Minilik Caalaa and Gobana Daacee did the invasion! They promoted Amharinya and Orthodox religion at the cost of Afaan Oromo and Waaqeffannaa. Simply put they promoted Amhara club. Amhara and Tegaru being the semetized nations of Kush peoples are then called to be Abesha (Abyssinians). Language rather than biological heritage being the main part of national identity, this made the above mentioned Oromo individuals in history to be considered that they played in a wrong political club (played for Abesha against Oromo).

Now we can see that based on the different languages they do speak (not necessarily based on their biological origin), there is a development of different national groups (e.g. Amhara nation, Tegaru nation and Oromo nation). Accordingly, not only in history, we also see today that there are a lot of talented Oromo individuals playing in Abesha political club against Oromo's national interest. Nowadays Abesha forces fighting against the right of Oromo to self-determination are devided in to two: Amhara forces and Tegaru forces. Related to this, we also see a lot of talented Oromo politicians playing their political game in either Amhara club or Tegaru club. There are some playing for Amhara club, for e.g. people like Birtukan Midhagsaa, Fikire Tolosa, Shekspear Fayyisa, Alemayehu G/Mariyam, Assefa Seifu, Andargachew Tsige....etc. Those playing in Tegaru club include people like the current Ethiopian president Girma, Junedin Sado, Girma Birru, Shifarra Jarso, Kedir Muktar....etc.

I personally think these all are talented Oromo individuals in a wrong club. But the question to be answered is that, are they automatically guilty for playing in a wrong club? Or we need to trace the specific crime they did against Oromo people and Oromo liberation movement? Should we condemn them as persons or should we denounce their works? As far as those in history are concerned, I would like to suggest that only the professional and unbiased hitorians can look at the political life of these talented Oromo individuals who played for Abesha club and then tell us wether they were really guilty or not regarding the political life of their own people Oromo. Concerning those who are now active in Abesha club, we can currently record the crimes they may do against their people and we can bring it to judgement in due time. But as a principle we just need to accept that in general talented Oromos who politically played their part in Abesha clubs both in history and in status quo need to be seen as innocent till proven guilty in relation to Oromo's right and regarding Oromo liberation movement.

What is the moral of this approach for our future destiny? It shows clearly that Oromo individuals need to know for which political club to play and for us all to know that political game is not necessarily equivalent to political crime. Secondly we as Oromo should try to comprehend the question, why do only Oromo talents play in Abesha club and why do we see almost no Abesha talent playing in Oromo political club? Here the answer is that unlike soccer clubs where only money and advantage plays a big role as a source of motivation, in politics only either the subconsiously enslaved mind or the deliberate betrayer of once own nation can play in others' club. This was the fact in almost all world's political areas, where collaboration is common and it is also true in the empire we do live in. There are a lot of enslaved Oromo minds, some Tegaru minds, many Gurage, Wolayita, Sidama, Hadiya, Somali, Afar, Kambata, Harari...etc minds who played for and who are still playing in Amhara political club, being falsely designated as "Ethiopian cause". There are again nowadays since 1991 a lot of people from almost all nations who are playing for Tegaru aka Weyane club, again being coverd as "Ethiopian club". But, not surprisingly, we find almost no Abesha or other nations who did serve or who is now serving Oromo political club, for none of the nations listed above was enslaved by Oromo.

Besides mental slavery and the deliberate betrayal, there are some people who have been additionally decieved by the packet (package) called "Ethiopia" in which different contents can be packed. They think that they serve only Ethiopia, but in reality they do serve either Amhara club or Tegaru club. Greeks packed all blacks in to the packet, Jews packed all Kush nations in to it, Tegarus try to pack either Axum empire or Weyane govenment in to the packet and of course Amharas do want to fill the packet with either old empire till 1991 or with Amhara nation. So when ever we hear and read the name Ethiopia, we have to try to discern which content it meanse. Specially we have to know that in all pro Amhara websites, the name Ethiopia nowadays can be replaced by Amhara nation and in pro Weyane websites, the name Ethiopia meanse simply Weyane regime. It is only Oromo people and our politicians who didn't try to use this packet, filling it with Oromo content. Whether such move is beneficial or not, it is recommendable for our politicians to consider the option of testing and using it.

Anyways, our modern approach towards our Oromo collaborators should be to identify and know the enslaved, but talented part of our body (Oromo) who just served Abesha camp without doing any crime against Oromo people in contrast to the deliberate betrayers who did concrete crime. We should just examine exactly whether they have done a crime against Oromo liberation movement or wether they only have been enslaved and served the other camp with out commiting concrete crime. Yet we may still ask: isn't serving the enemy camp by its self a crime? If we mean they are Oromo talents who have been programmed since their chilhood by Abesha soft ware and accordingly served Abesha cause, as far as I am concerned they are not necessarily criminals, but surely they were and/or are slaves. If we mean they are criminals, we need to give a convincing evidence for the fact that they did any specific crime to judge them as such. Otherwise they are simply only innocent slaves of Abesha till they are proven guilty of any criminal act against Oromo national interest. Leaving the history for historians, regarding the future, it is up to every Oromo individual to choose between being criminal Oromo, enslaved Oromo or free and innocent Oromo!

Merry Irreechaa to all of us!

Waaqayyoo bless Oromia!!

Stop Olola on Oromo and Start Lola Against Weyane! (By Fayyis Oromia)

Stop Olola (Propaganda) on Oromo and Start Lola (War) Against Weyane!

Fayyis Oromia

Now is the time to come to our sense. Our people are suffering under a yoke of Weyane. It is time to be effective and get rid of this fascist regime. We need to empower Oromo people against this brutal oppressor. One way of empowering Oromo liberation camp is by stopping the olola each of our organizations do against each other.

What is olola (propaganda) in essence and where and when should we use it? Wikipedia defines olola as follows: Propaganda is a communication aimed at influencing the attitude of a community toward some cause or position. As opposed to impartially providing information, propaganda in its most basic sense, presents information primarily to influence an audience. Propaganda often presents facts selectively (thus lying by omission) to encourage a particular synthesis, or uses loaded messages to produce an emotional rather than rational response to the information presented. The desired result is a change of the attitude toward the subject in the target audience to further a political agenda. Propaganda is the deliberate, systematic attempt to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions, and direct behavior to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent of the propagandist. Propaganda is generally an appeal to emotion, not intellect. It shares techniques witt advertising and public relations, each of which can be thought of as propaganda that promotes a commercial product or shapes the perception of an organization, person or brand. I think this is the positive aspect of olola, just selling one's own agenda and attacking one's enemy. The negative one being what is done against one's rival (not enemy) aka exagerating its weak side!

So what is the purpose of the olola our different organizations do against their rivals? Whose cause does it promote? It is encouraging to observe that many of Oromo organizations came to the agreement not to maka Olola on each other. But specially the current olola going on between factions of OLF is disgusting to say the least. That is why I am in principle against any abhorrent olola they are doing against each other. Instead of blabbering the negative criticism against their rivals, they need to show us the better way of doing business. Oromo people support them not by looking at their best performance of olola against the other faction, but by seeing their best way of leading us in the liberation movement. It is pitty to see an OLF forged against OLF as if we need an opposition against rebel parties. Are we naives not to observe the damage we are doing against Oromo liberation movement or are we the victim of our smart foes riding us like their horses and made us doing their bidding? First was OLF against OLF, then AWO against OLF, then OCM against OLF and now an other OLF against OLF! What a shame on us genuine Oromo and what a pride for the fake ones who claim to be Oromo, but working against Oromo cause in a very sublte way! Oromo, please wake up, watch and walk!! Let's stop the destructive olola against each other and let's start the very constructive lola against our arch enemy Weyane. I think the positive olola defined here is to propagate ones own merit in an exagerated form, not necessarily to denigerate the fellow Oromo rival fighting for the same goal against the same enemy!

What is lola (war) in essence. Again here is how it is defined in wikipedia: War is a reciprocated, armed conflict, between two or more non-congruous entities, aimed at reorganising a subjectively designed, geo-politically desired result. It is the continuation of political intercourse, carried on with other means.War is an interaction in which two or more opposing forces have a struggle of wills.The term is also used as a metaphor for non-military conflict, such as in the example of Class war.

So what is the "geo-politically desired result" of Oromo and who is our main enemy, who is trying to hinder us from achieving this result? When we look at lola as the "struggle of wills", can we identify what Oromo's will and what the will of our enemy is? Do all our political organizations persue to realize the same will of Oromo or do they have different wills in mind? When we look at the different OLF factions doing their abhorrent olola against each other, we just start to think: do they really have different wills of Oromo in mind? What makes them such aggrressiv against each other, rather than focusing on the main Oromo enemy? Do they think that they do benefit Oromo by olola on each other rather than by lola against the enemy?

I personally assure them that Oromo community is fade up of their bickering. What Oromo want to see from them now is far sightedness and wisdom. Even if they can not be united, they can respect each other and continue their contribution to the liberation movement in their chosen way. The more olola they do against their fellow Oromo organization, the more respect they lose from Oromo public. We have started to register that one faction is now consciously doing very little olola and we commend this. The media of the other faction is still full of olola on its rival instead of concentrating on lola against Weyane. If it continues like this, I am sure it simply loses further the support of Oromo slowly. So I would like to adivice all factions to stop their nonsense olola on each other and be smart freedom fighters strong in attacking mainly our arch enemy aka Weyane.

I hope this idea is noble and should be respected by all factions fighting for Oromo liberation! Unfortunately both factions of OLF still active in olola have still a lot to learn. Let me give them certain
further suggestions:

- to Jijjiirama group: stop crying about the "booddessaa group" and show us that you are dureessaa; stop crying about "reactionary oldies" and show us that you are young progressive; stop about the "divisive Shane" and show us that you are the integrating forces.....etc. In general before crying about the negative side of your rival Shane, show us your positivie side regarding that negative aspect you do criticize on your rival.

- to Shane group: stop singing about "gosummaa of Miciirama" and show us your Oromummaa; stop talking about the "hand of the enemy behind Miciirama" and show us your own purity; stop talking about the "wickedness of Miciirama" and show us your side of goodness....etc. In general do your best to be the most accepted OLF rather than crying about the "fake OLF" you tell us not to accept.

I think this is an idea, which we all Oromos need to accept and practice. Let's Stop olola on our fellow Oromo and Start now to intensifry our lola against Weyane. Otherwise to be successfull in lola against our enemy, we need to empower Oromo liberation block, that meanse we have to strive to give confidence and power, so that Oromo people can do its self the job of liberation. As we are now approaching to celebrate Irreechaa (Irreessaa, Irreensa), we have to think at the two meanings of this word. Irreessaa can be defined as both thanksgiving and empowering. Let's celebrate in both senses: give thanks to our Waaqa and empower our nation Oromo. We can do the second one in two ways: come together before
Waaqayyoo and commit our selves to Tokkummaa for Bilisummaa and avoid all possible things which contribute to our division and our weakening like the olola we do against each other. I hope Irreessaa of this year will be the time of empowering Oromo to do efficient lola to achieve our Kaayyoo.

Last, but not least, we Oromo are very aware that Weyane cadres are doing their major role in cyber world being camouflaged as either faction of OLF to insult, curse and vilify the other faction in forums, in pakltalks and in different websites. They usually change their tactic and method. Now recently they statrted a new devide of Oromo they do use: Qubee (new) generation Vs "Oldies" aka old generation. They tell us to be from the new generation having the right and the new idea to fight against the "oldies (the reactionaries, ineffectives, non-visionaries"...etc). Fortunately we can discern their hidden motive and we are ready to deal with such mad dogs, but the olola we do hear from the medias of the OLF factions can not be attributed to Weyane cadres, rather only to the mistake of our liberation promoters. So again my appeal to OLF factions and other Oromo organizations is: please Stop Olola on fellow Oromo and Start Lola against our Archenemy, Weyane!!

Merry Irreechaa to all of us!

Waaqayyoo bless Oromia!!

Interview with Ethiopian PM Mr Meles Zenawi by XY News (Drama by Qabsoo Jabeessaa)

Interview with Ethiopian PM Mr Meles Zenawi by XY News*
Sept 23, 2009

Background: XY News is a credible news organization centered in the State. Based on claims of human right abuses , kidnapping and killings in the Nations and Nationalities in Ethiopia carried by Zenaw's government and recent records of the Zenaw's regime, our media center is interested in interviewing Mr Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia.

XY: This is Dr Oda from XY News media center. Nice to meet you ,Mr. Prime minister.
Mr Zenawi: Hey, Dr?

XY: Yes I got my BA and MA in prisons and analyzed what I experienced and saw in the prisons to get my PHD.
Mr. Zenawi: Hmm, you talk like Oromos in my country.

XY: Hmm, let us come back to our interview; let me ask you about the current economic situation in Ethiopia, what is it like, given the present World wide economic instability?
Mr. Zenawi: Under my leadership Ethiopians have enjoyed incessant economic growth of 11% ever year despite the International Economic down turn. Our companies are still striving and are profitable as usual.

XY: What does that mean for the general public?
Mr. Zenawi: Of course we can't go any where without the general public; we are trying to deliver the products of our companies to each and every level of the public.

XY: Mr. Minister, can the striving of your companies mean the Ethiopians have seen development? Let us take the current starvation of 14 million and recent cholera epidemics, are these in line with development you claim?
Mr. Zenawi: Of course we have tried to increase salaries for our parties' members. In no time in the past has a 4 grade person earned 2000 ETB, now we are paying to our members above these and we have tried to improve their lives.

XY: Does that mean at the cost the civilians who are not your members?
Mr. Zenawi: We didn't fight for the Ethiopians; as much as we can we are trying. If they want to see the result of developments, let them give us more chance to try.

XY: Mr. Zenawi you raised an important issue; recently you said to Financial Times's journalist that you will end your terms in power but recently you are saying your party enforced you to stay in power. Does this show your credibility and do you think the people will accept you any more?
Mr. Zenawi: I can't do any thing against the interest of my party. We don't care what Ethiopians think or feel. We are ready to handle grievances and we have the experience.

XY: In our next interviews you will tell us what makes your government different from the previous regimes. But now , would you explain what you mean by terrorists referring to Freedom Fighters, armed opponents and descents?
Mr. Zenawi: This is a very good question. We don't need to adhere to the international definition of this term. We have been using it for our advantage. All these groups you are referring to are terrorizing our government.
Specially, OLF and ONLF have these days increased their military actions against our troops. We are having more casualty than ever now. We are worried for our government; they are terrorizing us.
To Convince US and other International Community we have gone as far as Somalia, to arrest Somalia citizens, Oromo refugees and other foreigners seen there. Back home we have developed a lot of other dramas. In doing that we were successful to win US support, under X-president Georg Bush.

XY: When TPLF was fighting against Dergi regime you were partners with OLF; why do you accuse them now?
Mr Zenawi: You know, you don't need to be genuine if you want to rule Ethiopia. You have to use any available opportunity.

XY: Mr. Minister ,your leadership had carried out cold blooded killings of civilians for mere reason of supporting opposition groups in Oromia in Schools, Colleges, Universities and community ( for e.g. Gaara Sufii killings), in Ogaden, in Gambella, in Sidamo, and in Somalia in mosque. Don't you think, your actions can categorize you as state terrorist and don't you think that you will be tried by ICC for these terrorist actions?
Mr. Zenawi: By the way are you journalist? You seem like you are investigating me. Are you sent by OLF , ONLF or by ICC? I will try to hand over those who carried out these massacres. Any how, we are trying to divert International attention from this point. We don't wish the trial happens.

XY: Well done Mr. Zenawi, I hope we will meet for another interview next time.
Mr. Zenawi: But you know, if you want to interview me another rounds, you need to send me the content of your interview in advance.

*This is a drama composed by Qabsoo Jabeessaa

Sabboontonni Oromoo Magaala Washington DC fi Naannoo Jiraatan Irreecha 2009 Haala O'aa Ta'een Ayyaaneffatani!

Suuraalee hedduu Irreecha 2009: Washington DC as tuqii laali

Guuba & Irreecha Celebration at the Washington DC metropolitan area

The festival has also attracted diverse nationalities among whom Americans and Japanese. The Abba Mudaa- spiritual father Abba Mudaa, literally means "father" of Mudaa is a spiritual leader, a senior from the Oromo Qallu institution that bestow blessings. Mudaa (the anointing) is the ritual ceremony. It should be emphasized here that the Oromo Qallu is different from the Abyssinian 'Qaallicha' which is a fraudulent person, who resorts to witchcraft and black magic as a means of living. The Oromo Qallu is a ritual and religious expert that believes in only one God, Waaqa.

The Abba Mudaa and other elders of the Gubaa, Irreecha, Hururssaa and Okolee holidays of this year that was celebrated at Washington DC Metropolitan area are our seniors and ritual experts. Obbo Bayisa Gutama, obbo Lubee Birru, young Abdii Nuressa as well as Hadha Seena, adde Iftuu Kabeda and others have given blessings and led the entire ceremony. The third week of September- the Oromo New Year The third week into the month of September has a special place in Oromo history. It marks the end of rainy, muddy, dark and arduous work season and the beginning of New Year. In the New Year, the sun prevails over the rain, the mud dried, rivers run shallower and cleaner and the bright sunny days replace the dark and gloomy ones. The beauty of nature and the wonderful work of God are manifested by newly arriving grasses and crops; newly blossoming, colourful and fragrant flowers. The arduous work is over and the time to rest by nourishing on newly-arrived crops and vegetables such as maize, potatoes, barley and cabbage commences. Mountains, valleys, plains and plateaus are covered yellow and embellished with the new flower that appears only during this time of the year.

This yellowish flower is the symbol of the Oromo New Year and is termed Keelloo-an Oromo word for yellow. Gubaa- burning problems and evil spirit At the eve of the New Year the Gubaa ceremony takes place. It is the firework festival that is performed and meant to burn all problems and evil spirit that were around for the whole of the outgoing year. It is also the symbol that the Oromoo passes from the dark (winter) to bright season. Oromos pray to God that He may take us over to the bright New Year safely and pure. Guuba holidays are accompanied by special food that is peculiar to this holiday, known as "Qiinccee"� and "Raafuu"� traditional cuisine. The Gubaa ceremony of this year at Washington DC was an exciting and quite an eventful moment. The event began with the prayers and blessing of the Abbaa Mudaas and followed by variety, delicious and special dinner. The event of the night was culminated at an epic moment with traditional dances that have followed the Gubaa ceremony and shaken the surroundings. Irreecha- the Oromo thanksgiving festival The creator of this natural cycle, Waaqa (God) surely deserves thanks. Oromos give thanks to God because He turned the dark season into the new and bright one; Oromos thank God because He created water, air and the likes without which life is unsustainable.

The Oromo thanksgiving festival is held on the third Sunday of September and is known as Irreecha. Irreecha takes place at the respected banks of sea, lake, river, or Odaa tree. Oromos go to rivers or lakes not to worship rivers or lakes but for seeking quiet and natural scene that is suitable for attention to thank and worship God with full concentration. Furthermore, Oromos believe that green is holy, water is life and the places are peaceful where the spirit of God is found. The Irreecha annual holiday of this year at Washington DC took place at College Park on September 20, 2009 at the shore of Lake Artensia College Park MD. Oromos from the surrounding area arrived at the lake decorated with traditional Oromoo dresses that typify the Irreecha ceremony. Present were also special dignitaries including Americans and Japanese.

The Keelloo flower together with a special green grass was distributed to the participants by organizers of Irreecha. Keelloo flowers and special grasses were presented to the ceremony by obbo Lubee Biruu who cultivated it in his backyard. With the blessings and prayers from the Abbaa Mudaas, Lubee Birru, Bayisa Gutama, Abdii Nurecha, Iftuu Kabbada, Hadha Seena and others, the sermon was started. All attendants of Irreecha moved forward to the edge of the lake until they could able to touch the water with their hands. We placed part of our grasses and Keelloo at the lake to re-unite grass, flower and water and saved som! e Keelloo and Grasses for our home. After returning back from the shore of the lake people began traditional Irreecha and Gubaa dances for about 20 minutes. Hururssaa: the name recognizing or giving ceremony After Irreecha, Hururssa , another traditional and interesting ceremony took place. Beside Hammachissa, or naming new born child by Qaallu institution, some Oromoo practised public Hururssa at Irreecha ceremonies. Hururssaa is children embracing ceremony where the child is given Oromo name. Mostly parents had already chosen Oromoo name for their child, while some times the participants give proper name if the parent fail to present Oromoo name.

The Abbaa Mudaas or any respected elders embrace the children and announce the chosen name on the Hururssa ceremony asking whether anyone opposes the proposed name or not. If no opposition is noted, the name is given, blessed and legalized. This year three families have presented their infants (two girls and a boy) for Hururssa ceremony. It is unique and interesting Oromo tradition in that individuals name should be legalized ceremonially and institutionally. Okolee- the special Irreecha lunch After being exhausted with the Irreecha and Hururssa ceremony, the Washington DC Irreecha participants have converged at Oromoo Center, also known as Ibsaa Corner (named after the late Sisay Ibsaa) located at Upshur Street for the special Okolee sermon. "Qiinccee"� and "Raafuu"� are special cuisine for Gubaa, but for Okolee sermon, in addition to Qiinccee and Raafu, different types of Oromoo food and drink were also served. Preceded by the prayers and blessings of the obbo Bayiisa Gutama, Hadha Seena, and Lubee Birru, Okolee was served at Ibsaa corner. The entertainment continued up to ten AM. Kan baranaa kan bara egree!!

Dirribaa Ejere

A Smart Foe or a Stu*pid Friend?:- the case of Jawar! (By Fayyis Oromia)

A Smart Foe or a Stu*pid Friend?:- the case of Jawar!

Fayyis Oromia

I personally don't know who Jawar S. Mohammed is. The first article I read from him was the "best criticism" he made against OLF-leadership in this year. Now a sort of discussion is going on between him and Messay Kebede. I was the "Oromo interlocutor", who provoked Messay to write his last articles on OLF, self-determination and Oromo liberation movement. I had certain important conversation with him regarding the right of Oromos to self-determination. Messay seems to be one of Amhara minded Ethiopianists with Oromo biological heritage, but who is vehemently against the right of Oromos to self-determination with a pretext of keeping Ethiopian unity. Anything challenging the unconditional Ethiopian unity he is continously preaching including the challenge from the right of Oromo nation to Self-determination is cursed and discredited by him and by others who claim also to be Oromos, but who are in practice Amharist activists. This includs a lot of people, who are said to be Oromos or who claim to be as such, like the author of many articles in Abesha web sites with a nick name Robele Ababiya, do. I just say such people can be biological Oromos, but they are mentally Amharas, who are ready to fight and die for Amhara cause which is nowadays being covered as "Ethiopian cause". They do it either consciously or as being mentally enslaved Oromos so that they subconsiously identify themselves with our enemies, saddly this phenomen is one of the negative results of our subjugation for the last about 150 years.

Regarding Jawar and his likes, it is not possible to put them in this category of Amharanized Oromos, but I do ask if particularly he is one of the smart foes aka Weyane cadres or one of the stu*pid friends, be it Oromo or not, playing in to the hand of our enemies naively or opportunistly. Even though I don't know Jawar, the following is in short the opinion I read about him till now. He is a 23 years Old young Oromo, who has been active in Oromo youth association in diaspora, who is alleged to have good contact with the currently ruling regime in Finfinne and who has got a previlege to be promoted to study in Stanford University.

Some commentators even consider that the articles written in his name up to now are not actually his own, but written by Weyane's diaspora department, who is nowadays very active to attack OLF in diaspora, so that this liberation front loses its mass support and be weakened. I can neither disprove nor verify this allegation, but there are a lot of similarites between his assertion and that of the notorious Weyane cadres roaming in forums like Manabuna just to discredit and curse OLF. This puts him in a radar of suspicion. Here are few of the similarites between his opinion and that of Weyane cadres:

- their modern approach is a devide regarding "evil and incompetent" OLF leadership Vs good OLF supporters, so that they mainly attack the leadership of the liberation movement and they seem to be now very happy by seeing the OLF leadership devided in to three or more.

- their wishfull phantasy about the "damage of OLF beyound repair".. This is the summary of Jawar's conclusion in his articles. Fact is that this is only the wish of our foes. OLF can be weakened structurally, bus can never be damaged as they do want, rather it is becoming part of every Oromo individual's life for all Oromos are being directly or indirectly affected by the noble ideology of this organization.

- their conclusion that OLF is "good for nothing", so it needs to be abandoned by all its supporters, this being the smear campaign made by Weyane since it is in conflict with OLF for the last 17 years. They even declared many times that this "good for nothing organisation" is no more existing, so that Oromos should give up their support to this organization!

- their agitation that OLF supporters should stop specially giving financial support to OLF, but go back home and support the "legal organizations struggling for Oromo cause and who are now more productive than the liberation fronts". They designate OLF as a business company for making profit, but not fighting for the nobel cause aka liberation..

- their stand against the cooperation of Eritrean government and OLF-leaders. The only ones who are crying about Eritrean involvement in Ethiopian politics nowadays are Weyane activists. Even Amharas, leave alone Oromos, have given up attacking Eritreans, be it tactical or otherwise.

- their stand against a possible reunification and reconciliation of OLF factions to effectively lead Oromo liberation movement. Weyane knows above all that it is only the united and strong OLF which can lead Oromos to our END destination, that is why it directs all its propaganda machinery against OLF. My assertion here is not intendend to neglect the contribution of genuine Oromo activists being organized under other members of ULFO, OFDM, OPC and even OPDO. These Oromos are part and parcel of the activists being led by OLF mindset. Covertly or overtly all are pushing for the Kaayyoo aka Oromo's right to self-determination.

Now Amharist Oromos like Messay seem to have knowingly or unknowingly chosen to be part of Oromo foes to fight against the God-given as well as the Man-made (e.g in UNO charter) right of Oromo's right to self-determination. But, assuming that Jawar can be an Oromo young "intellectual", let me ask further, who is he in reality? Part and parcel of the smart Oromo foes aka part of Weyane's diaspora department or a naive young Oromo individual acting as a stu*pid friend of Oromo unkowingly playing in to the hand of our arch enemy? Leaving all the details of his "criticism" against OLF in his hitherto articles to his own entertainment aside, let me put his message in short as follows. It sounds in short like "Oromos should abandon this beyound the repair damaged, good for nothing organization, aka OLF, and go back home to rally behind the good legal oromo organizations". Interestingly this is the message all Weyane cadres in Manabuna forum and other web sites tried to convey in the last many years. Is this a currently found method aka "using Jawar's name" to achieve the same result, a new way of doing the same business for the Weyane diaspora department? Let the future clear this speculation or reality.

If we consider Jawar to be one of the stu*pid friends aka Oromos doing naively a damage on our liberation movement, what are the points which made him to be designated as such? Here are few facts about him:

- he is naively criticiting his own leaders in a forum full of our foes aka in a cyber world so that our foes take advantage of it. Does he know that in the present modern world, directing a single word of cricisim against an enemy is equivalent to shooting the enemy with a bullet? That meanse till now he used to shoot tausands of bullets against OLF leaders!! Does this make him Oromo foe or Oromo friend? I am not against criticizing Oromo leaders per se, but Oromo friends know the appropriate manner, place and time to do it constructively. Sure is that Jawar's choice of manner (fault finding and cursing), place (cyber world) and time (at this critical time where Oromos are doing our best to consolidate our struggle against the actual tormentors of our people) made him not to be a smart friend, but one of the destructive criticizers.

By the way fault finding is the very simple and cheap job even any imbecile can do. I do expect from Oromo intellectuals a solution seeking mind which is the best way of doing a constructive criticism. The best constructive way of criticizing our leaders is by showing a better solution and if possible by doing the better practical way of a struggle. That is why I am in principle against any abhorrent ololaa the OLF factions are doing against each other. Instead of blabbering the negative criticism against their rivals, they need to show us the better way of doing business. Oromo people support them not by looking at their best performance of ololaa against the other faction, but by seeing their best way of leading us in the liberation movement.

- not only the words that Jawar chose, but also the tone of his writing speaks more for the Weyane cadres being behind the articles than being written by a genuine Oromo seeking a better performance in liberation journey. The tone of genuine Oromos criticizing Oromo liberation leaders is usually full of respect, love, openness, goodwill, complement and corrective messages, whereas that of our enemies is hatred, despising, discrediting, devisive, denouncing and accusitive. Is Jawar acting naively as an enemy?
- even if he is genuine in his assertions, he is too young and unexperienced to objectively judge what really went on in Oromo liberation camp in the last 40 years. He might have read a lot and discussed with many people to gather facts, but that is not enough to have a solid reality about the leaders who have been in the liberating businness their life long. As an example, I found it very shallow, when he tried to compare TPLF's "success" with OLF's "failure" in his last article. Thinking mono-dimentional or even bi-dimentional is not enough to make a good judgment. Hundreds of factors did play to determine the results of these liberation movements, which I do not want to list here and now. But our "naive" Jawar as an enthusiastic student thought to know the real reasons for the failure and the success. I would like to advise him to have a humility and live such job for the professional and unbiased political scientinsts and historians to do the judgment. Otherwise he just be knowingly or unknowingly the propaganda mouth piece of the Weyane diaspora department.

Last, but not least I don't want to avoid giving him a credit for the change of a tone in his last article as a response to Messay, where he at least tried to recognize the eligibility of Oromo's cause to self-determination and the recoginition he gave to OLF in achieving the status quo. If he is not part of Weyane's conspiracy as alleged by some, I am sure Jawar will yet learn from experience and be one of the best leaders in Oromo liberation movement accepting OLF as a vanguard of the liberation movement as the majority of our people did, instead of being the stu*pid instrument of our smart foes, who are wishing our beloved organization's "damage beyound repair".

Tandem activity in Oromo liberation movement (By Fayyis Oromia)

Tandem activity in Oromo liberation movement

Fayyis Oromia

We Oromos have no luxury and time to be devided and fight against each other now. We need to percieve the reality on the ground, interpret our perception of the reality, think, believe, wish, feel, move, act, behave and live as a one single entity striving in a good service of our national interest and purpose. We need to have clear view about our selves as well about our foes and friends. We need to thank our friends, but fight against our foes in unison. We are Oromos as one people, who do struggle for our right to self-determination. Every other individual or collective promoting our struggle is our friend, and any one trying to hinder our move to our goal covertly or overtly as well directly or indirectly is our foe.

Let's leave the other momentarily "harmless" foes aside and take that our main enemy now is Weyane. We fought against all our enemies starting from our subjugation in the end of the nintienth century to the end of the twentieth century to come to our status quo in 1991. A lot of our heros have given their precious life and limb to achieve this status; a lot are still suffering from the sequel of the inflicted injuries. From 1992 on, Weyane is the main enemy of Oromo nation hindering us from moving forwards. No question that we are under the slavery of Weyane and that there are Oromos who contributed to our slavery knowingly or unkowingly. Now the question we need to answer is: how should we deal with our main enemy Weyane, with our other currently "harmless" enemies, with Oromo collaborators, with Oromo "neutrals" and with Oromos doing their best for the liberation movement, while even overtly working with the enemy aka Weyane?

Let's look at Oromo nation as one human body. Then, our main enemy Weyane and the other currently harmless foes are not definetly part of this body. But Oromo collaborators, Oromo "neutrals" and Oromo freedom fighters are part and parcel of this one organism. We can designate and put them as gangrenous parts (collaborators), as paralysed parts ("neutrals") and as functioning parts (fighters). What should we naturally do with these three parts of our body? The gangerenous parts must be removed before they affect other parts of the body, the paralysed parts should be reactivated using some methods like physiotherapy or regular gymnastic or excercise and of course the functioning parts need to be fed well and trained further to continue with their functions or even to do better than they are functioning now!

So we need first to discern these five groups (main enemy Weyane, currently "harmless" foes, gangerenous parts of our body as well paralysed parts and healthy parts). To put it in short all Abesha parties excluding Weyane, but having in their programme an intention to dismantle Oromia are our momentarily "harmless" foes. The gangerous parts of our body are the CRIMINAL Oromos working with Weyane and still covertly or overtly fighting against our liberation struggle. Mind you all OPDO Oromos are not criminal. The paralysed parts of our body are those not yet politically conscious parts of Oromo nation, who can potentially be activated to play a great role in the liberation movement. The functioning parts of our body include the politically conscious and active Oromos in the ruling party aka OPDO, in the opposition parties like OFDM and OPC as well in rebel fronts like OLF and other ULFO members.

No question the appropriate approach towards our main enemy aka Weyane is that we do fight against it with all our possible meanses. The "harmless" foes can now be tactical friends for they are also suffering under the tyrannic subjugation of Weyane. If they come to their senses and respect our God-given right to self-determination, they even can be our strategical friends. Otherwise we just check each other tactically to certain extent as long as we do have common enemy aka Weyane. It is their stubborn wish to get rid of Oromia by opposing "ethnic" federation in principle, what makes these Abesha forces a potential foe for Oromo nation and this attitiude of theirs is an obstacle for a possible strong alliance against the fascist Weyane regime.

Now the question we Oromos need to answer is how can we coordinate our own functioning body parts, who are moving at the above mentioned three different levels? Here is where we need TANDEM activity. Imagine three people pedaling on a tandem cycle which can be rided by three persons. The synchronized pedaling of the three persons is very necessary for the cycle to move forward and even to move as quickly as possible. If one of the three riders is not synchronized with the other two, there will be a distortion in the forward movement or it slows the speed markedly. That is why I do advocate for the synchronized move of the genuine non criminal Oromo activists in the ruling party OPDO, the activists in the opposition parties and the freedom fighters in the rebel fronts, specially those rallying behind OLF in order to promote our liberation journey forward and accelerate it to reach our destiny efficiently.

To support such tandem activity, I do advocate for the following measures yet to be taken by our Oromo functioning body parts:

- let's be reserved from villifying OPDO in general, but concentrate on the criminal action of certain individuals in OPDO as well we need to encourage genuine Oromos doing their best being part of this organization and part of the government

- let's have an understanding for the rhetoric of the opposition politicians, which may talk against the kaayyoo of our liberation movement aka self-determination, for they are in a dire situation and encourage the working together of the two main opposition parties as they tried under the umberella called OFC

- let's stop the foolish ololaa of one rebel faction of OLF against the other faction, even if it may help to gain more memebers and supporters for the concerend faction of the liberation front making the ololaa. We should do our best to bring all mini-fronts under one strong structural OLF, behind which we all can rally

- let's activate constantly the paralysed parts of ours using all meanses of agitation and teaching. It is surprising to observe how little we do use the modern media like internet to reach our people. I would like here to encourage all able Oromos to share what they do can to other little informed ones.

- last , but not least, let's be radical to remove and throw away the gangerenous parts of our body, but be very carefull not to include a single functioning cell to the part to be cut away. In this regard, we need to be very meticulous!

If we take such decisive measures on our foes, friends and on different parts of our own body, I am sure the time we need to achieve our liberation from the current tormentors is not far.

Human Rights Watch's letter to David Miliband, the Foreign Secretary of UK, condemning the Memorandum of Understanding between Britain and Ethiopia

Letter to British Foreign Secretary Miliband on Diplomatic Assurances with Ethiopia

17 September 2009

Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs
Foreign and Commonwealth Office

Dear Foreign Secretary,

I am writing to express Human Rights Watch's deep concern at the potential consequences of the Memorandum of Understanding (UK-Ethiopia MoU) signed by the governments of the United Kingdom and Ethiopia on December 12, 2008.

The agreement, which concerns the "provision of assurances in respect of persons subject to deportation," is similar to the memoranda of understanding (MoUs) that the UK previously reached with Jordan, Lebanon, and Libya.

As described below, Human Rights Watch has both general concerns about such agreements and specific concerns related to the likely treatment in Ethiopia of individuals deported from the UK under the auspices of the UK-Ethiopia MoU.

In the absence of annulling the MoU, Human Rights Watch strongly urges you to refrain from implementing the agreement and deporting individuals to Ethiopia, where they will face a serious risk of torture and other ill-treatment.

General Concerns Regarding "Diplomatic Assurances"

Agreements between states providing "diplomatic assurances" are inherently unreliable. Human Rights Watch has repeatedly raised concerns with the UK's reliance on and advocacy of diplomatic assurances, most recently in our October 2008 report, "Not the Way Forward: British Policy on Diplomatic Assurances."

The fact is that these diplomatic assurances do not work. In countries where torture is a serious problem, mere diplomatic promises are insufficient to prevent torture. No matter how detailed such agreements are, they cannot eliminate the very real risk faced by people returned to countries-including Ethiopia-that practice such clandestine, brutal abuse.

Because diplomatic assurances are unenforceable promises, a country that breaches them is unlikely to experience any serious consequences if the assurances are violated. In many instances, moreover, it is practically impossible to ascertain whether a breach has occurred. Because torture is carried out in secret, and victims often do not complain for fear of reprisals against them or their families, the practice is hard to investigate, and easy to deny. Notably, neither the sending state nor the receiving state has any incentive to carry out such investigations seriously. To do so might not only reveal human rights violations, but might complicate efforts to rely on assurances in the future.

Diplomatic assurances have been widely criticized by international human rights experts, including then United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour, UN Special Rapporteur on Torture Manfred Nowak, and Council of Europe Commissioner Thomas Hammerberg, as well as the UK Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights.

At the regional level, the European Court of Human Rights has stood firm against diplomatic assurances as sought by the UK and other governments: in a string of 2008 rulings concluding that diplomatic assurances are unreliable, including the Grand Chamber decision in Saadi v. Italy, the Court has rejected on the facts assurances against torture as a safeguard against such abuse. It has ruled in key cases that the use of diplomatic assurances for returns to countries such as Tunisia, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan would signal a regression in rights protection. We believe that the court will similarly reject the reliability of assurances from Jordan in the Othman case, notwithstanding the decision by the Law Lords upholding his removal.

We also note that the UK government sought not to appeal the ruling by the Court of Appeal in AS & DD upholding a lower court decision that the two Libyan nationals in that case could not be removed because of the risk of torture on return, notwithstanding the memorandum of understanding between Libya and the United Kingdom. In our view, this indicates an acknowledgment by the government that assurances from Libya cannot suffice to ameliorate the risk of torture faced by national security suspects the UK wishes to return there.

Human Rights Conditions in Ethiopia

There are numerous credible reports documenting the regular torture and ill-treatment of detainees by Ethiopian security forces, particularly when individuals are perceived to support political or armed opposition groups against the government.

The fact that individuals deported from the UK may be suspected of being a threat to UK national security only heightens the likelihood that they will be subjected to arbitrary detention, torture, and ill-treatment in detention, and unfair trials if prosecuted in Ethiopia.

Human Rights Watch and other organizations have documented the use of torture by both police and military officials in a range of facilities across different geographic regions of Ethiopia. Detention sites include prisons and other official detention facilities run by local or federal police, military barracks, and secret facilities. Concerns of torture and other mistreatment and lack of due process are often gravest when individuals are detained on suspicion of affiliation to armed opposition, insurgent, or terrorist activity. In some cases torture is applied in the course of interrogations, while in other cases it is used as a form of punishment.

Methods of torture include forcing people to strip and subjecting them to repeated and severe kicking and beatings with sticks, electric cables, rifle butts, iron bars, and other instruments, sometimes at gunpoint; tying the individual's hands and feet and suspending the person upside down and beating them; tying bottles of water to men's testicles; and forcing detainees to run or crawl barefoot over sharp gravel for several hours at a time. Human Rights Watch has also documented cases of rape of women and girls detained in military barracks in Somali region.

Other patterns of serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law by Ethiopian military (Ethiopian National Defence Force) and police forces include summary or extrajudicial executions, arbitrary and incommunicado detention, indiscriminate attacks, and rape and sexual violence against civilians. Detainees in police and military custody often lack access to legal counsel, medical care, and family members and are routinely subjected to lengthy pre-charge and pre-trial detention in violation of Ethiopian and international law.[1]

As mentioned above, concerns of incommunicado detention, torture, and other ill-treatment are particularly acute when individuals are suspected of affiliation with armed opposition groups or political opposition. These concerns proved all too real in the case of dozens of individuals who were the victims of "regional renditions" in 2007 and 2008 and were deported to Ethiopia, held incommunicado for months, and were in some cases beaten and tortured (see below).

The Ethiopian judicial system remains unable to assert independence in cases having political dimensions. In many such cases, the courts acquiesce to improper prosecutorial demands that defendants remain detained without bail for lengthy periods while prosecutors search for evidence of criminal wrongdoing. This often allows officials to keep people in detention as a purely punitive measure for considerable lengths of time even where no criminal charges are ultimately brought against them. Even when courts attempt to order the release of detainees, for example when individuals are subjected to preventive detention, the judicial decisions are often ignored.

Impunity remains a pervasive problem in Ethiopia. There are occasionally cases of prosecutions of low-level police accused of various crimes but the government has generally failed to appropriately investigate and prosecute police and military commanders and members of the security forces alleged to have committed serious crimes, including torture. In 2005 the government established a commission of inquiry to investigate the deaths of at least 200 people following post-election protests. After an extensive investigation, six of the eight members of the inquiry concluded that the police force used excessive force. After several members of the inquiry received death threats and fled Ethiopia, the conclusions were changed. Since 2005, Human Rights Watch has documented widespread torture and other abuses by military and police forces in Gambella and Somali region, crimes that may amount to crimes against humanity. To date, the Ethiopian government has denied the allegations and has refused to allow credible independent investigations.

Ethiopia's Role in "Disappearances" and Regional Renditions in the Horn of Africa

In addition to concerns related to the torture and ill-treatment of detainees in Ethiopia, Human Rights Watch has additional concerns relating to Ethiopia's recent role in the rendition, abusive interrogation, and incommunicado detention of dozens of men, women, and children who fled Somalia in 2006-2007.[2]

As Human Rights Watch and other human rights organizations have credibly documented, in January and February 2007, following the Ethiopian military intervention in Somalia, at least 90 men, women, and children of 18 different nationalities were deported from Kenya to Somalia and then Ethiopia, where many were detained for several months without access to consular officials, legal counsel, family members, or independent human rights and humanitarian organizations. An unknown number of people arrested by Ethiopian forces in Somalia were also directly transferred to Ethiopia. Some of the individuals arrested by Ethiopian forces in Somalia or deported from Kenya to Ethiopia reported being brutally beaten by the Ethiopian forces that took them into custody.

A US government official told Human Rights Watch that in early 2007 agents of the US Central Intelligence Agency and the Federal Bureau of Investigation questioned detainees in Addis Ababa, confirming detainee accounts. Former detainees interviewed by Human Rights Watch have consistently described US intelligence agents as operating out of a villa. Every morning, Ethiopian guards reportedly called some number of detainees out of their cells, blindfolded them, and drove them to the villa to be interrogated by US personnel. Every night the guards returned the detainees to various detention sites throughout Addis Ababa, where they were held without access to international monitors such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), lawyers, or consular representatives, and were not allowed to contact their family members to inform them of their whereabouts.

Many of the victims of these "regional renditions" were eventually released from Ethiopian custody by mid-2007 after being brought before what seems to have been a military tribunal. As of August 2009, at least two men, including a Kenyan and a Canadian national, remain in Ethiopian detention almost two years after their deportation from Kenya. The trial on terrorism-related charges of the Canadian national, Bashir Makhtal, which began in March 2009 and resulted in his being sentenced to life imprisonment in August 2009, has been characterized as deeply flawed. The whereabouts and fate of at least 22 others rendered to Ethiopia, including Eritreans, Somalis, and Ethiopian Ogadeni and Oromo, is unknown.

Ethiopia's Anti-Terrorism Proclamation

In July 2009 the Ethiopian parliament adopted an anti-terrorism law that contains a number of provisions that violate international human rights law and the Ethiopian constitution.[3] It provides, among other worrying provisions, for the use of hearsay or "indirect evidences" in court without any limitation. Official intelligence reports would also be admissible, even if they do not disclose their source or how their information was gathered. By making intelligence reports admissible in this way, the law effectively would allow evidence obtained under torture: if the defense counsel could not ascertain the methods by which intelligence was collected, they would not be able to show that it was collected in an abusive way.

The Inadequacy of MoU Monitoring Mechanisms

The earlier agreements the UK reached with Jordan, Libya, and Lebanon represent an effort to circumvent the strict non-refoulement obligations under the Convention against Torture and the European Convention on Human Rights. In recognition of the problem, the three MoUs contain a measure that purports to act as a safeguard against abuse: the establishment of a body, nominated jointly by the two signatory governments, which can periodically visit and privately interview any person whom the receiving state takes into custody, and then report on those visits to the sending state.

The UK-Ethiopia MoU also contains such a provision, referring to "an independent body" which will "monitor the implementation of assurances given...." A letter dated December 15, 2008 from UK Ambassador Norman Ling to Ambassador Kassa Gebre-hiwot, chief commissioner of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC), welcomes the nomination of the EHRC as the monitoring body for the UK-Ethiopia MoU. The EHRC is a government commission mandated to promote human rights. The EHRC's commissioners are nominated and approved by the Ethiopian parliament, which is effectively dominated by the ruling party. As with much of the judiciary, the EHRC lacks independence and cannot be considered an effective independent body operating beyond government control.

Given the current political landscape in Ethiopia, and the specific concerns about the EHRC, it is totally implausible that the treatment of individuals deported to Ethiopia from the UK can be adequately monitored, especially by the EHRC.

The British government argues that monitoring greatly reduces the chances that a returned suspect will be abused. In reality, such post-return monitoring will not protect returnees from torture. Its key deficiency is the lack of confidentiality. If monitors have universal access to all detainees in a facility, and are able to speak with all detainees, each in private, a single detainee can report torture or other abuse without fear that he will be identified by the authorities. The ICRC makes universal access a condition of its monitoring for precisely that reason. Such confidentiality cannot be provided when only one detainee or small group is being monitored. The prison or detention facility authorities would know directly where the allegations of ill-treatment came from. Experience has shown that detainees are reluctant to report abuse in those circumstances for fear of reprisals for them or their families.

The Difficulties of Monitoring Abuses in Ethiopia

Ethiopia is one of the most difficult countries in sub-Saharan Africa in which to monitor and investigate human rights abuses. This is largely because the Ethiopian government rigorously restricts independent access and monitoring efforts by individuals, media, and human rights organizations seeking to investigate allegations of human rights violations, particularly in geographic areas it deems sensitive, such as the Oromia and Somali Regions. It deploys an extensive security apparatus at every administrative level throughout the country.

The Ethiopian government routinely denies access to detained individuals in federal and regional police and military custody, whether the request is made by human rights investigators, humanitarian agencies, or diplomatic officials, and even when detainees are nationals of another country who are seeking consular assistance from their governments.[4]

The Charities and Societies Proclamation, a repressive new law passed in January 2009, will make the already difficult environment even worse for organizations seeking to monitor human rights abuses.[5] Most forms of independent human rights monitoring by Ethiopian nongovernmental organizations will become impossible. The few independent Ethiopian human rights organizations active in the country will likely close down or substantially restrict their activities-which is the apparent intent of the law.

The ICRC, which has monitored conditions in federal and regional prisons in Ethiopia in the past, has been denied access to federal prisons in recent years, although it retains intermittent access to some regional prisons.[6] As a result there is no longer any comprehensive, independent international monitoring of Ethiopia's federal detention facilities, where many of the political prisoners are detained and allegedly beaten and tortured.

In conclusion, Human Rights Watch is extremely concerned that the UK-Ethiopia MoU will trigger an attempt by the UK to return individuals to a country known to have a serious record of torture and mistreatment of detainees by security forces, in violation of the UK's legal obligations under UK and international law. We strongly urge you to refrain from implementing the agreement and deporting individuals to Ethiopia, where they will face a serious risk of torture and other abuse.

Yours sincerely,

Tom Porteous
London Director

Georgette Gagnon
Africa Division Director

[1] In general, detention conditions in Ethiopia are poor, with many detainees held in overcrowded facilities for months without charge or trial, with insufficient access to legal counsel, medical treatment, and family members. These concerns are well-documented. See for example the reports of Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, and the US State Department Human Rights report on Ethiopia, which states in section 1 (c): "Prison and pretrial detention center conditions remained harsh and life threatening. Severe overcrowding was a problem.... Medical care was unreliable in federal prisons and almost nonexistent in regional prisons. In detention centers, police often physically abused detainees. Authorities generally permitted visitors but sometimes arbitrarily denied them access to detainees. In some cases, family visits to political prisoners were restricted to a few per year."

[2] See Human Rights Watch, "Why Am I Still Here?": The 2007 Horn of Africa Renditions and the Fate of Those Still Missing, ISBN: 1-56432-380-3, October 2008, http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/eastafrica1008web.pdf.

[3] See Human Rights Watch, "An Analysis of Ethiopia's Draft Anti-Terrorism Law," June 30, 2009, http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/related_material/Ethiopia%20CT%20....

[4] See for example the case of Bashir Makhtal, a Canadian national of Ethiopian origin who has been detained in Ethiopia since early 2007, for months in incommunicado detention. Canadian requests to have consular access to Mr. Mahktal were refused for long periods by Ethiopian authorities. Human Rights Watch interviews with diplomatic officials, family members, and others, February 2007 to June 2009, Nairobi, Addis Ababa, and by telephone to Canada. See also Human Rights Watch, "Why Am I Still Here?": The 2007 Horn of Africa Renditions and the Fate of Those Still Missing; David McDougall, "Family of jailed Canadian pleads for Ottawa's help," The Globe and Mail, August 4, 2009; and further coverage of Mr. Makhtal's story at http://www.cbc.ca/thecurrent/bashirmaktal.html.

[5] See Human Rights Watch, "New Law Ratchets up Repression," January 8, 2009, http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/01/08/ethiopia-new-law-ratchets-repressi....

[6] In its 2008 annual report, the ICRC stated that "The ICRC was also unable to regain access to detainees held under federal jurisdiction, denied in stages by the authorities from 2004 onwards. As a systematic follow-up of security detainees was no longer possible, the ICRC suspended detention visits and discontinued health assistance to detention centres from March and phased out projects to upgrade prison water and sanitation infrastructure by year-end. The exceptions were northern Afar and Tigray, where delegates monitored individually the cases of detainees of Eritrean origin, as well as general conditions, in regionally run detention centres." "ICRC Annual Report 2008: Ethiopia," May 27, 2009, http://www.icrc.org/Web/eng/siteeng0.nsf/htmlall/annual-report-2008-ethiopia/$File/icrc_ar_08_ethiopia.pdf (accessed August 27, 2009).

Unitarists’ “Article 39″ to Dismantle Oromia (By Fayyis Oromia)

Unitarists’ “Article 39″ to Dismantle Oromia

Fayyis Oromia

Simply put, Weyane’s Article 39 is ye Amhara masferariya (scare tactics) and ye Oromo mataleya (deception tool) as well as ye Tegaru dibiq-tesfa (hidden agenda).

It is clear that the main promoter of Article 39 in the current Ethiopian Constitution is Weyane. The TPLF regime just did put the Article in a Constitution as a guarantee for an option to push for the independence of Tigrai in case it loses power in Finfinne palace. It was not planned to secure the right of other nations for this would be practically hindered as long as Weyane stayed in power. A very good example is the revision of the decision made by Somali Regional Parliament for self-determination in 1995, which caused the main conflict between ONLF and Weyane. Ogadenis were denied the right to self-determination, which is theoretically guaranteed as a constitutional right. Since then, the ONLF has to fight for the same self-determination, which it could have achieved in a peaceful way. This shows why the Article has no value for other oppressed nations other than for Tegarus.

I once heard a very interesting interview given by Abadula Gamada in Weyane’s “political civility” forum. He described and elaborated the reason why Weyane’s Article 39 is good at the moment as follows: “if you close a door to a group of people in a certain house and tell them to be united and live together, surely they will break a door and windows to get out of the house. But if you open the door and tell them to be united, surely they will live together.” So, we can see how the Article is the best mataleya (deception tool), which has been wickedly designed against the Oromo liberation movement for the intention of the Article, according to him, was not the liberation of oppressed nations, but keeping them together under Weyane’s subjugation by using political manipulation. He also said that the Article was good to take action of separation when certain “Nefxenya” organization like Kinijit “siqebx ketayee ina kasega.” This seems to be also the step taken as the best masferareya (scare tactics) against Amhara elites. Is it not interesting to hear specially for our “fool” Amhara elites and Oromo elites, who still couldn’t come together in order to find a common ground and to fight together the common enemy, which is the worst fascist and looter the empire ever had? According to this elaboration of Abadula, simply put, Weyane’s Article 39 is ye Amhara masferariya and ye Oromo mataleya as well as ye Tegaru dibiq-tesfa (hidden agenda) to be implemented in a case the Weyane ruling elites accumulated enough wealth to allow Tigrai split from Ethiopia voluntarily or in a situation they would be compelled to leave Finfinne palace by force.

On the other hand, the Article is accused specially by Unitarist Amhara forces because of its alleged “intention” to dismember Ethiopia. Ok, that can be, and that is why most pro unity forces reject it and even some Oromos support this opposition move against the Article. But the other question to be raised is, what is the intention of the Unitarist forces (mainly Amharas) when they oppose this Article of Weyane? What about the intrigue from their side? Surprisingly, Amhara parties like AEUP, EDP, EDUM, EPPF, EPRP, G7M and UDJ, which do accuse Weyane for this intention of dismembering Ethiopia have got their own “Article 39″, which they want to use specifically to dismantle Oromia. Their Article is stated in their respective party programmes as follows: “establishing a federal system based on historical and cultural ties, language and geographic characteristics, administrative suitability and potential for development. It opposes administrative divisions based on ethnicity and language.” With this Article, their intention is primarily to dismantle the biggest state in the empire aka Oromia and then to build mini Oromo federal states like Borana, Arsi, Hararge, Wellega….etc. This attitude of all Unitarist parties is one of the main obstacles for the formation of a durable alliance between Amhara forces and Oromo fronts. Surprisingly, there is no single Amhara party which accepts and respects “ethnic” federation and/or self-determination, except the puppet of Weyane, ANDM. That is why, the opposition against fascist Weyane is now basically divided in to two blocs:

- bloc of the language-based federalists, which include parties like ATSD, OFDM, OPC, SDFC, SEDC, OLF, ONLF and SLF, which want to have as the minimum compromise solution for the current problem of the empire: the autonomous national areas of each nation in Ethiopia in a form of Oromia, Ogaden Tigrai, Amhara…etc

- bloc of the geography-based federalists, all being Amhara parties as listed above and they want to forge a federal Ethiopia based only on geographical suitability. With that they target specially Oromia, which they want to divide in to pieces!

Fortunately, neither Weyane’s nor Unitarist’s Article 39 can hinder Oromos from struggling and achieving Oromian independence within Ethiopian/African union, which is the best compromise solution for all oppressed nations in the empire as well in the continent. But unfortunately, the Article of the Unitarists is an obstacle for the formation of a necessary tactical and strategical alliance between Amhara elites and Oromo elites against sewu-bella fascist regime. Even if the Unitarists give up their “Article 39″, yet Oromos, in general, and OLF, in particular, need to build a necessary trust to make an alliance with Abesha groups for the goodhearted Oromos have already been repeatedly betrayed (at least three times) in the not far dated political history of that empire:

- in 1977 as Genenral Teferi Benti was executed by KGB and Abesha forces, all “socialist” Abeshas who used to make alliance with Oromos in Me’ison and Ici’at started to mock against “Ga*lla” and started to act against self-determination of nations on which they used to agree. That was the reason for most Oromos in Me’ison and Ici’at to leave the “legal” struggle and join OLF.

- in 1992 Weyane betrayed OLF which joined the coalition transitional government to honestly build a democratic and united Ethiopia in which Oromos’ right is respected. But Weyane pushed OLF out of the coalition and crashed its army with the help of EPLF, CIA and other western nations, so that OLF has no choice except to leave the “legal” status and opt for armed struggle.

- in 2007 Amhara’s CUD and EPPF which made an alliance AFD betrayed OLF as Weyane started to persecute Oromos in Somalia during the invasion and later they declared not to stay being part of the alliance they made with OLF.

The new alliance now formed in the form of MEDREK in 2009 is yet to be tested. Even though Oromo parties have given in and given up to make a compromise on the God-given right of Oromo nation to self-determination, mark my words it will be again Abyssinians who will betray the goodhearted Oromos and give up the alliance in this forum! OFDM and OPC should have been very careful in the MEDREK they forged with Abesha groups not to give up the cause of Oromos. They should insist either to have a consensus on the goal to forge independent Oromia within Ethiopian union or they needed to agree on going for a referendum and allow the Oromo public decide on the issue: independence within a union Vs independence without a union! Furthermore, some Amhara parties in diaspora like G-7 now are trying to implement the same procedure of forging alliance again with liberation fronts like OLF and ONLF.. I always advocated the idea that leave alone OLF making alliance with such parties, OFDM and OPC should have been very carefull.

Now it seems Oromos in MEDREK have given up the notion of Oromian self-determination and give in to the wish of Abeshas to have unconditional Ethiopian unity. Ok that is part of the hitherto history of Oromos, always intrigued and cheated by Abyssinians. But now let’s look forward by learning from the past, never to be disadvantaged again, and not looking backward just for the sake of only resentment! We should never give in or give up, but we need to push forwards till Abeshas swallow the bitter pill of accepting Oromo’s right to self-determination. To be effective, I wish that Oromo, Ogaden, Afar, Gambella, Benishangul, Sidama and other oppressed nations’ forces forge and remain in an alliance to neutralize the domination effort of Abeshas.

Once I read in Awude amharic newsletter, in which UDJ explicitly said that it was vehemently against “ethnic federalism.” How on earth could this party then make an alliance with OFDM, OPC, Arena…etc? The question to be raised was: is it UDJ or the others which should give in? Now it seems others have given in to the wish of UDJ to keep the empire unconditionally with euphemism of unity and sovereignty. But surely, this alliance will not last long for Oromos will never give up till we achieve our self-determination. This makes the alliance very shaky. All Amhara parties are persistent not to give up their “Article 39″ which they formulated for dismantling Oromia. Then why on earth do they cry about Article 39 of “ethnic” federalists? Anyways, Weyane is really very lucky to have this chance of playing geography-based federalist Amharas against language-based federalist Others.

Let’s not dream, unless Unitarists give up their "article 39", Weyane will rule Ethiopia for the coming one century! Geography-based federalism is not the will of Oromo nation and others, except being that of Amhara elites, who do continuously advocate for it, because they know the advantage they get based on the fact that Amharic being the working language of the federation. Just let’s stop and think otherwise: suppose Afaan Oromo is the only working language of the federation instead of Amharinya. Who will then favour geography-based federation? It will be Oromos, not Amharas! What I wanted to tell here is that every nation favours what is to its advantage. Now geography-based federation is more advantageous for Amharas, because it favours Amharanization. We being Oromo now favour language-based federation for it serves our interest (protects us from Amharanization). If Amharas do agree to accept Afaan Oromo instead of Amharinya as a federal language, Oromos will be the best advocates of the geography-based federation. I am not talking here about making both Afaan Oromo and Amharinya as working languages of the federation as UDJ and co. try to make us believe. With this maneuver Amharas want that Amharinya be the working language of all regions including Oromia, the privilege which they do not have now! I am telling that, let’s limit Amharinya to only Amhara region and make Afaan Oromo the only NATIONAL language of Ethiopia. I am sure Amharas will be then the supporter of language-based federalism, while Oromos will be the best advocates for geography-based federation!

That means one way of persuading Amhara parties to respect the national area of Oromos is by challenging them with this idea of exchanging the role of the two languages. If they want to apply their “Article 39″ and if Oromia has to be dismantled, then as a precondition, Afaan Oromo should be the only working language of the federation, Amharinya being demoted to local language. If so, we Oromos definitely will not cry because of the possible dismantling of Oromia, rather we will sing about a united and sovereign Ethiopia with only Afaan Oromo as a federal language. Otherwise, last but not least, to be sure that Oromia will not be dismantled, I just do suggest that all Amhara parties, which have their “Article 39″ and which intend to dismantle Oromia should not be allowed to run in any sort of election in Oromia. A law must be fostered by Caffee Oromia to make such parties illegal in Oromia.

Fulfilling dreams

By Bridget Cook
17th September 2009

SINCE finding refuge in Australia Marama Kufi has made a life for himself and endeavours to help others in his situation to do the same.

His life journey, having fled from the war-stricken Oromo region of Ethiopia to Australia, recently led him to set up the South Eastern Oromo Community Health Team.

Photo: Marama Kufi set up the South Eastern Oromo Community Health Team.

In collaboration with Monash University and Cardinia-Casey and Southern Health’s Greater Dandenong Community Health Services, the team works with the Oromo community who have settled in the south-east region.

The team takes a health promotion approach to the issues of mental health, family relationships, domestic violence, drug and alcohol abuse and the relationships between young people and their families.

The team has more than 10 members from health profession backgrounds including nurses, social workers and community health workers.

Every fortnight, the team delivers a 10-minute radio spot in the Oromo language on radio station 3ZZZ, discussing health and social issues.

It was Mr Kufi’s own experience that led him to initiate the team.

“Communities with a refugee background have very complex issues,” Mr Kufi said.

“Some are very depressed and some are very stressed because of family problems, family separation, war and conflict. I had the same experience where I came from, that’s why I want to support them,” Mr Kufi said.

“We come together, helping each other emotionally, sharing emotionally. To do something for the community is my dream,” he said.

In 1989 Mr Kufi fled Oromo and found himself across the border in the Yabus refugee camp, Sudan.

The work he would pursue one day in supporting the Oromo community took seed in his new country of Sudan, where his literacy led him to a logistical job with an aid organisation. In October 1999, he arrived in Melbourne with his wife Lensa Dinka and his niece.

In the past 10 years Mr Kufi has completed a number of certificates and diplomas including Adult Multicultural Education Services, Patient Service Assistance, IT, Accounting and Division Two Nursing. Mr Kufi said he considers himself lucky to possess the determination to make the most of his new life.

“I’m now passionate about helping those who cannot equally seize opportunities,” he said.

For more information about the South Eastern Oromo Community Health Team contact 5990 6304.

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